Post on 26-Mar-2015
transcript
1
Tobias ScheerUniversité de Nice – Sophia Antipolis, CNRS 6039
Branching Onsets
in the light of Sardinian metathesis and diachronic lenition in French
41st Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages
Ottawa, May 5-7, 2011
2
C V C V C V
| | | |
C T R V
Lic
in strong position C__V
<==
IG
Gvt
purpose of the talk:
to convince you that this is the identity of muta cum liquida (a branching onset)
C V C V C V
| | | | |
C V T R V
Lic
in weak position V__V
<==
IG
Gvt
3
three phenomena are examinedlenition of muta cum liquida
• (Celtic, Latin > Italian, Gorgia Toscana)• Latin > French• Gallo-Romance: ALF (French, Occitan, Franco-Provençal)
•compensatory lengthening within (sic) a muta cum liquida: lat. latroone > fr. laRRon
•metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian:/dormendu/ dromendu
introduction to the theory: the Coda Mirror and (syntactic) locality (Relativized Minimality)
roadmap
4
The Strong Position in Phonology
•the Strong Position (in Romance and elsewhere, Ségéral & Scheer 2001, 2008)
- {#,C}__ = Strong Position: PORTA > porte
TALPA > taupe
- V__V = weak position A: FABA > fève
- __{#,C} = weak position B (Coda): LUP(U) > l[u]
RUPTA > route•the mirror effect: {#,C}__ vs. __{#,C} are symmetric
- with respect to their position: mirror image
- with respect to their effect: strength vs. weakness
5
relevant consonants:
the word-initial consonant
the consonant that occurs after a coda
the initial CV = #
represents the morphological information
« beginning of the word »
•analysis in CVCV (Lowenstamm 1996, Scheer 2004)
The Coda Mirror: Government & Licensing
initial consonant #__ post-Coda consonant C.__
C V - C V … … V C V C V …
| | | | | |
C V V R T V#
GvtGvt
Government
inhibits the segmental expression of its target
empty nuclei must be governed
Lic Lic
Licensing
promotes the segmental expression of its target
P O RTA T A L P A
consonants in Strong Position occur
after an empty nucleus
ø __
consonants in Strong Position are
licensed
but ungoverned
6
The Coda Mirror: Government & Licensing
intervocalic position V__V
C V C V
| | |
V C V
Gvt
Lic
F A B A
internal coda __.C final coda __#
… V C V C V ... V C V #
| | | | | |
V R T V V C
R U P T A L U P (U)
intervocalic V__V: the consonant is
not adjacent to any empty nucleus
licencensed and governed
in coda position: the consonant
occurs before an empty nucleus: __ø
is neither licensed nor governed
Lic
Gvt
Lic
Gvt
7
summary
Strong Position = {#,C}__ = ø__ = strength = ungoverned but licensed
Coda = __{#,C} = __ ø = weak A = ungoverned and unlicensed
intervocalic = V__V = V__V= weak B = governed and licensed
The Coda Mirror: Government & Licensing
8
C V C V C V
| | | |
C T R V
•worse than making a wrong prediction:
Gvt
Lic
branching onset
<==
IG
•the liquid R: licensed, but ungoverned ==> strong position
making NO prediction at all
branching onsets in CVCV
•what a branching Onset looks like (after a consonant)
•the solidarity of the cluster is due to a relationship that is contracted by the (melodies of) the two consonants: IG (Infrasegmental Government)
•the obstruent T: target of neither Gvt nor Lic ==> ??
9
Locality in Syntax
Relativized Minimality, Rizzi (1990)
given two classes of items A and B,
a relation between A1 et A2 is local iff no other A intervenes
10
Locality in Syntax
•three major classes of items in syntax: - verbs (heads) - arguments (A position) - quantifiers (A’ position)
Couldi John __i have come ?hea
dargumen
thea
dhea
d
☺ John could have come
argument
head
head
John could have come Havei John could __i come ?hea
d
*
11
C V C V C V
| | | |
C T R V
•a branching onset is a non-local structure: - major classes of items in phonology are: onset and nucleus- an internuclear relation exists whereby a third nucleus intervenes.
Gvt
Lic
branching onset
<==
IG
A M P L U S
Locality in Syntax
12
The trouble: summary
1. no prediction made
2. violation of locality
13
C V C V C V
| | | |
C T R V
Gvt
Lic
branching onset
<==
IG
•the intervening nucleus is the source of government
Gvt
instead of having a non-local government relation
The cure: making branching onsets local
•it is entitled to govern because it is not itself governed: it is unpronounced for a different reason (IG)
•consequence: the definition of what a good governor is owes nothing to phoneticsbefore: only nuclei with phonetic content can governnow: a nucleus can govern iff it is not governed itself
14
C V C V C V
| | | |
C T R V
Lic
TR in Strong Position
<==
•in case the TR is in intervocalic position, the T will also be in intervocalic position (licensed and governed)
•when the TR is preceded by an empty nucleus (Strong Position), the T will also be in Strong Position (licensed but ungoverned)
Gvt
C V C V C V
| | | | |
C V T R V
TR in intervocalic positon
<==
Lic
Gvt
local branching onsets: predictions
15
in other words:
given a branching onset TR, T behaves like if R were not there
•hence the following prediction:the T of a TR group behaves exactly like a simplex T
- if the TR group is in Strong Position, T will be strong
- if the TR group is in intervocalic position, T will be intervocalic
local branching onsets: predictions
16
testing the prediction
•typologically speaking, branching onsets are rare
•even rarer are languages that allow to test the reaction of TRs on lenition
•we examine 5 cases: - voicing in Latin > Northern Italian dialects- Celtic (in its prehistory)
- Gorgia Toscana - French diachrony - Gallo-Romance dialects as witnessed by the ALF (Atlas Linguistique de la France)
•==> the empirical situation largely understudied
17
testing the prediction
in each case, T behaves alike in
V.TRV = V.TV
C.TRV = C.TV
18
Grande GrammaireHistorique du Français
(GGHF)
éd.Christiane Marchello-Nizia
Bernard CombettesSophie PrévostTobias Scheer
env. 1800 pagesprojet en cours
livraison prévue vers 2013-14
19
test case 1: Northern Italian dialects
(lomb., lig., venez. etc.)
e.g. Rohlfs (1966:§260)"I gruppi cr, tr, pr. In questi gruppi la consonante occlusiva viene trattata esattemente come se si trovasse in posizione intervocalica."
T TR
p>v sapere saver aprile avril to know (lomb.), April (venez.)
ripa riva capra chevra river bank, goat (bol.)
t>d rota roda lutra lodra wheel, otter (venez.)
lavata lavada *anitra anadra washed, duck (venez.)
k>g amica amiga macro magro friend, mince (venez.)
ficu figu lacruma legruma figue (lig.), tear (bol.)
20
test case 2: Celtic
the classical scenario assumes 3 stages (e.g. McCone 1996)
•stage 1: IE b,d,g > v,,ɣ / V__V et V__RV
1. V__V IE Proto-Celtic Old Irish glose b kladibos *klaivos klaiəv épée
d kladibos *klaivos klaiəv épéeg tegos *teɣos tieɣ maison
2. V__RVb dubro- *duvro- dovər eaud widwa: *wiwa: fiev veuveg wegros *weɣros fe:r herbe
3. but resistance in Strong Position {#,C}__ and in gemination
N__ *windos fiind blanc#__, gém *buggos bog mou
21
test case 2: Celtic
•stage 2: as stage 1, but now also across word boundaries
1. V__V Insular Celtic Proto-Irish Old Irish glose t *ehja teɣah *eja eɣa ə ieɣ sa maison
k *inda: kloka: *inda: loa: iŋ lo la pierre
2. V__RVt *bre:tra: *bre:rə briiaər motk *dakra *dærə die:r larme
3. but resistance in Strong Position {#,C}__ and in geminationR__ *eisko- *eisk iask poissongém *makwkwos *makwkwah mak garçon
•stage 3: t,k > , / V__V and V__RV (there is no p)
22
test case 3: Gorgia Toscana
Castellani (1960), Giannelli & Savoia (1978, 1979), Marotta (2000-01, 2008)
1. V__V Stand. It. Tuscan glose p apɛrto aɸɛrto
ouvertt laato laaθo côték bruuko bruuxo, bruuho, bruuo
worm
2. V__RVp la piega la ɸjɛɛɣa le plit liitro liiθro litrek la krɛɛma la xɾɛɛma, la hrɛɛma la
crème
3. but resistance in Strong Position {#,C}__ and in gemination
R__ pɔrta pɔrta porte#__ pjɛɛde pjɛɛe
piedgém. gatto gatto chat
p,b,t,d,k,g > ɸ,β,θ,,x/h/ø,ɣ / V__(R)V
23
test case 4: French
•only labials and dentals are examined – the situation of velars is complicated by palatalizations (Bourciez 1967 etc.)
#__ Coda__ V__V
pr
pl
prunaprune
plenu plein
comprend(e)recomprendrepurp(u)ra pourpreamplus ample*temp(u)la temple
capra chèvrepip(e)re poivreduplu doublecap(u)lu afr chable
br
bl
brachiu bras
*blastimareblâmer
umbra ombrearb(o)re arbregerm *blād afr emblaverumb(i)licus afr umblil
labra lèvrerob(o)re rouvre—fab(u)la fable
•labials in TR groups
#__ Coda__ V__V
p porta porte talpa taupe riparive
b bene bien herbaherbe
faba fève
•simplex Labials
p
p
p
p
b
b
b
b
v
v
vv
24
#__ Coda__ V__V
tr tres troistractare traiter
capistru chevêtrealt(e)ru autre
petra pierreit(e)rare errer
dr drappu drap*dras(i)c drêche
—perd(e)re perdre
quadratu carrérid(e)re rire
•dentals in TR groups
#__ Coda__ V__V
t tela toile cantarechanter
vita vie
d dente dent ardore ardeur codaqueue
•simplex dentals
t
t td d
ø
dtd
øø
ø
test case 4: French
25
test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)
ALFAtlas Linguistique de la FranceGilléron, Jules, and Édmond Édmont 1902-10. Atlas linguistique de la France. Paris: Champion, 9 vol., supplément 1920.
based on fieldwork 1897-1900, 639 points of inquiry.
this part of the talk is joint work with Guylaine Brun-Trigaud
26
test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)
•prediction in a dialectal system T alone and T in a TR cluster behave alike in every given system (dialect)
•examination of labials in intervocalic position
•dentals are inconclusive for independent reasons (desolidarisation, see next slide), velars are blurred by palatalisations.
•hence for each obstruent and each position, the isoglosses of T alone and T in a TR cluster are identical.
==> not exactly a trivial or intuitive prediction==> a prediction about 639 systems at the same time
27
test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)
•goal: comparison of -P- with -PR- -B- with -BR-
•variation and its interpretation: only actual branching onsets (solidary TR groups) are an input for the comparison. Hence non-solidary groups are counted out:
coda vocalisation betrays desolidarisation: V.TRV > VT.RV
(grey-shaded on the maps below) example: solidary TR group: FEBREM > fièvre, TAB(U)LA > table
non-solidary TR group: FEBREM > fewre, TAB(U)LA > tole
28
-B-ABANTIARE > avancerABOCULUS > aveugleFABA > fèveHIBERNU > hiver
-BR- (primary)FEBREM > fièvre
-B’R- (secondary)BIB(E)RE > boireSCRIB(E)RE > écrire
-BL- (primary)OBLITARE > oublier
-B’L- (secondary)SAB(U)LU > sableDIAB(U)LU > diableSTAB(U)LA > étable
syntheses
lexical basis ALF level 0
B’L 0
BL 0
B’R 0
BR 0
B 0
level 1
BR 1
BL 1
B 1
level 2
BR 2
B 2
?
-B- vs. -BR-
test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)
29
-P-CREPANT > crèventNEPOTE > neveu*ARRIPARE > arriverTROPARE > trouverLUPA > louveSAPONE > savonSAPA > sève
-PR- (primary)APRILE > avril
-P’R- (secondary)PIP(E)R > poivreLEP(O)RE > lièvreOP(E)RARIU > ouvrier
-PL- (primary)DUPLU > double
-P’L- (secondary)CAP(U)LU > câble
syntheses
lexical basis ALF level 0
P’L 0
PL 0
P’R 0
PR 0
P 0
level 1
PR 1
PL 1
P 1
level 2
PR 2
P 2
?
-P- vs. -PR-
test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)
30
-P- aloneintervocalic
31
-P-in an intervocalic TR group
32
superposition:intervocalic -P- alone and in a group
poitevin
Croissant
33
test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)
Croissant
•-P- alone spirantizes (-P- > -v-), but remains a stop in -PR- (> -br-).
•8 points of inquiry (503‑5, 600, 601, 800, 802, 803)•well-known zone of transition (Croissant).
34
test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)
poitevin
•opposite pattern: P in PR spirantizes (> vr), but lexical variation is observed for isolated P (> b, v) (which however always voices)
•24 points of inquiry (429, 448, 459, 479, 509-13, 515, 517, 518, 521, 525, 527-29, 533, 535, 536, 540, 621, 630, 632)•since ‑PR‑ always spirantizes, a fricative output is also expected for ‑P‑.
•lexical basis ALF: 7 words•unexpected non-spirantization concerns only two words •two contravening words: LOPA > loube, SAPONE > sabon•LOPA: contravening in 19 out of 24 points, SAPONE in 17 out of 24. The five other words are well-behaved in all 24 points.
==> lexical inconsistency points to contact, rather than to regular evolution.
35
-B-alone intervocalic
36
-B-in an intervocalic TR group
37
superposition:intervocalic -B- alone and in a group
provençal
38
test case 5: Gallo-Romance dialects (ALF)
provençal
- there are no *vl, *vr at all - hence -BL-, -BR- could not produce *vr, *vl (cf. *vl in oïl)
39
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
in French, lat. tr,dr (primary and secondary) lose their dental with eventually ensuing compensatory lengthening of the r.Fouché (1966-73:719ff) etc.
> r > rr
tr primaire patre afr. perepetra afr. pierre
secondaire3sg it(e)rat afr. eire it(e)raare afr. errer
dr primaire– – quadratu afr. carré
secondaire*riid(e)re afr. rire fut.3sg *riid(e)rát afr. rirra
40
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
three factors
•monophthongs vs. diphthongs
•light (ie, ue) vs. heavy (ei, ai) diphthongs
•stress for monophthong
41
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
Latin vowel length is irrelevant
> r > rr
lat. VV__ tr maatre afr. mere *buut(y)raare afr. burrer
dr creed(e)re afr. creire fut.3sg *creed(e)rát afr. crerra
lat. V__ tr patre afr. pere latroone afr. larron
dr – – quadratu afr. carré
42
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
only Gallo-Romance vowel length mattersG-R length is stress: tonic vowels (in open syllables) are longunstressed vowels are short
> r > rr
g-rom VV__(= tonique)
tr bút(y)ru afr. bure
pátre afr. pere
dr créed(e)re afr. creire
g-rom V__(= atone)
tr *buut(y)ráare afr. burrer
latroone afr. larron
dr fut.3sg *creed(e)rát
afr. crerra
quadratu afr. carré
43
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
(Gallo-Romance) stress does not matter for diphtongs•heavy diphthongs always prohibit gemination•light diphthongs always provoke gemination (but are also always tonic)
==> heavy diphthongs are inherently long==> light diphthongs are inherently short
afr. évolution en position libre
diphtongue lourde
tonique ai – –
ei vitru afr. veire
atone ai *mat(e)riame afr. mairien
diphtongue légère
tonique iepetra afr. pierre
ue frk. *looþr afr. luerre (>leurre)
atone – –
44
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
g-romlat. lat.
monopht. tonique
< VV tonique
ii 3sg consiid(e)rat afr. cossire uu buut(y)ru afr. bure
ii 3sg desiid(e)rat afr. desire aa fraatre afr. frere
ii *riid(e)re afr. rire aa maatre afr. mere
ii occiid(e)re afr. ocire aa imperaator afr. emperere
< V tonique
i arbitriu afr. arvoire a latro (cas sujet de latroone)
afr. lere
e *petr(i)ca afr. pierge a patre afr. pere
u lutra afr. leure
oo < au au claud(e)re afr. clore au exclaud(e)re afr. esclore
au Lovolautrum Vollore
dipht. lourde
ei i 3sg it(e)rat afr. eire i vitru afr. veire
i tonítru (<cl. tónitru)
afr. toneire ee creed(e)re afr. creire
ai a *mat(e)riamentu afr. mairement a *mat(e)riame afr. mairien
a repatriaare afr. repairier
1. tr,dr > r / VV__
45
compensatory lengthening TR > RR2. tr,dr > rr / V__g-rom lat. lat.
dipht. légère ie e hed(e)ra afr. ierre e Petru afr. Pierre
e petra afr. pierre
ue oo frk. foodre afr. fuerre o Altiod(u)ru afr. Auçuerre (>Auxerre)
oo frk. *looþr afr. luerre o Nemelod(u)ru afr. Nantuerre
o Tonod(u)ru afr. Tonuerre
monopht. atone
< VV ii fut.3sg *occiid(e)rát
afr. ocirra aa maatriina marraine
ii fut.3sg *riid(e)rát afr. rirra uu *buut(y)raare afr. burrer
ee fut.3sg *creed(e)rát
afr. crerra uu *buut(y)rariu afr. burrier
oo < au au fut.3sg *claud(e)rát
afr. clorra au fut.3sg *aud(i)rát afr. orra
au fut.3sg *gaud(i)rát (*gaudiire, lat. gaudeere)
afr. jorra
46
compensatory lengthening TR > RR2. tr,dr > rr / V__(choice of relevant data for < V unstressed)
monopht. atone
< V i *Bit(u)riigu afr. Berri a *matriculaare afr. mareillier
i it(e)raare afr. errer a *matriina afr. marrine, marraine
i fut.3sg *vid(e)rát afr. verra a quadratu afr. carré
i vitrariu afr. verrier a patriinu afr. parrin, parrain
i vitriinu afr. verrin a *quadrellu afr. carrel
e *petrariu afr. perrier a *quadrifurcu afr. carreforc
e *petroone afr. perron a quadruviu afr. carrouge
e *petrosiiliu afr. perresil a *quadrariu carrier
e Petriciacu afr. Perreci a *quatrinioone afr. carregnon (>carillon)
e fut.3sg *sed(e)rát afr. serra a *adripaare arriver
47
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
alternations within verbal paradigms
V tonique__ > r V atone__ > rr
*riid(e)re afr. rire fut.3sg *riid(e)rát afr. rirra
3sg it(e)rat afr. eire it(e)raare afr. errer
creed(e)re afr. creire fut.3sg *creed(e)rát afr. crerra
occiid(e)re afr. ocire fut.3sg *occiid(e)rát afr. ocirra
buut(y)ru afr. bure *buut(y)raare afr. burrer
*buut(y)rariu afr. burrier
48
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
generalization
tr,dr > r / VV__tr,dr > rr / V__
==> *VVC.CV
superheavy rhymes are forbidden
==> this much we knew anyway
49
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
*VVC.CVthis much we knew anyway: •this is why there is a contrast between the evolution of vowels in open and closed syllables
•stress is converted into length, but long vowels can only exist in open syllables
•==> Vstr.CV VV.CVvs. VstrC.CV VC.CV
lat op cl open syllable closed syllble
a e a mare mer carta charte
i,ee oi e pira poire virga verge
e ie e feru fier herba herbe
o eu o mola meule porta porte
u,oo eu u floore fleur surdu sourd
50
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
compensatory lengtheninghow can•an onset-x slot become a coda ?•worse: a non-moraic consonant become moraic?
51
compensatory lengthening TR > RR
if the solidarity of TR is due to " <== ", the breakdown of this relationship due to the elimination of T sets an full CV unit free, which is ready for segmental identification.
==> compensatory lengthening.
52
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
generalities•there are many metatheses in Sardinian (Molinu 1998, Bolognesi 1998)
•not all metatheses need to have the same workings•focus on one particular case found in Tertenia (point 211 of Contini 1987)
•there is no lateral in coda position at all in the language
data and analysis below are by Rosangela Lai, who is a native speaker of Tertenia Sardinian.
53
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
split between native and foreign vocabulary:only native items have the phonology that is of interest to us
native foreign
p/paris pappendu/ "you seem eating"a) [párizi βappéndu]b) [páris pappéndu]
p/tenis puntʃas/ "you have (some) nails" (cat. punxa)a) [ténizi βúntʃaza]b) [ténis púntʃaza]
b/paris bazendu/ "you seem kissing"a) [párizi azéndu]b) [párir βazéndu]
b/paris bivendu/ "you seem living" (sp. vivir)a) [párizi bivéndu]b) [párir bivéndu]
54
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
native foreign
t/tenis tempus/ "you have time" a) [ténizi ðémpuzu]b) [ténis témpuzu]
t/tenis tamatta/ "you have tomatoes" (cat. tomata)a) [ténizi ðamátta]b) [ténis tamátta]
d/portas dentis/ "you have teeth" a) [pórtaza éntizi]b) [pórtar ðéntizi]
d/tenis diziʎʎu/ "you wish sth" (cat. desig)a) [ténizi dizíʎʎu]b) [ténir dizíʎʎu]
k/paris kastiendu/ "you seem to be looking" a) [párizi ɣastiéndu]b) [páris kastiéndu]
k/tenis kuʎʎera/ "you have a spoon" (cat. cullera)a) [ténizi ɣuʎʎéra]b) [ténis kuʎʎéra]
g/portas ɡunneɖɖa/ "you are wearing a skirt" a) [portaza unnéɖɖa]b) [portar ɣunnéɖɖa]
g/tenis ɡana/ "you feel like doing sth" (cat./sp. gana)a) [ténizi gána]b) [ténir gána]
55
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
summary for native items in weak position•voiceless input: voicing + spirantization•voiced input: > zero
strong position C__ weak position V__V
native foreign native foreign
p p p β β
t t t
k k k ɣ ɣ
b β b zero b
d d zero d
g ɣ g zero g
56
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
metathesis/ses dormendu/ "you are sleeping“a) [sézi orméndu]b) [sér romméndu]
•conditions on the landing site: must be a voiced stop•conditions on the take-off site: ANY cluster with an r, RT or TR
•trigger: preceding C-final word
/portas bentri manna/ “you have a big belly“a) [pórtaza éntri mánna]b) [pórtar βrénti mánna]
57
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
crossing the three criteria•landing site = voiced stop•internal r-group RT or TR•only native vocabulary
do metathesize•dormiri "sleep" •bentre "belly"
do not metathesize•barba "beard" •bermi "worm" •berbei "sheep"
/portas barba longa/ “you have long beard“
a) [pórtaza árβa loŋga]b) [pórtar βárβa loŋga]
leaves us with only 5 roots, two of which do metathesize, against 3 that do not:
58
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
==> whatever the analysis, it must be based on a LEXICAL difference between the two groups
59
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
external sandhi •excludes allomorphic analyses, i.e. where a given
morpheme has several lexical entries
•IF you want to stick to a modular view of grammar, i.e. where phonology and morphology are two distinct computational systems, i.e. where there is no mixing of instructions (in the same constraint hierarchy)
•only phonological properties of previous cycles (phases) are visible to allomorph selection
•phonologically conditioned allomorphy is a classical argument for abandoning modularity
•Embick (2010:81ff) provides an overview of the question, showing how phonologically conditioned allomorphy works in a modular framework
60
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
==> if you don’t like modularity, you can do phonologically conditioned allomorphy with reference to outer cycles.And generative grammar will not be the same anymore: it is an application of the Standard model of Cognitive Science to language. This model is modular. Opposed to this is the "everything is one" perspective of connectionism, which is a piece of OT’s genetic endowment (Smolensky 1987, 1988)==> if you do think that grammar is modular, you will want to have a purely phonological analysis of the metathesis mentioned, and of any external sandhi phenomenon for that matter.So do I: bear with me.
61
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
classical, pre-theoretical perspectives on metathesis
•metathesis is triggered because the liquid in its original position is illegal or in "bad shape"==> not the case here
•matathesizing liquids are attracted to consonants in strong position==> not in this case: we need a LEXICAL difference between metathesizing and non-metathesizing roots. Not all consonants in strong position cause liquids to move.
62
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
triggering mechanism I•in Government Phonology all morphemes end in a
nucleus: C-final words end in an empty nucleus•/sesø/ vs. /sesi/•==> metathesis is triggered by the empty nucleus of
/sesø/
/ses dormendu/ /sesi dormendu/
C V C V C V C V
| | | | | | |
s e s s e s i
63
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
triggering mechanism II•two empty nuclei in a row are illegal•hence the lexical contrast:
•metathesizing roots have an empty nucleus•non-metathesizing roots don’t
C V C V - C V C V C V C V C V C V
| | | | | | | | | | |
s e s d o r m e n d u
C V C V C V C V - C V C V C V
| | | | | | | | | | |
p o r t a s b a r b a
64
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
repair•metathesis occurs in order to repair the sequence of
two empty nuclei•the metathesized liquid forms a branching onset
(d<=r) with the initial consonant which circumscribes the empty nucleus and thereby makes the structure well-formed.
C V C V - C V C V C V C V C V C V
| | | | | | | | | | |
s e s d <=
r o m e n d u
==> the existence of an empty nucleus in the middle of the branching onset is critical
65
C V C V C V
| | | |
C T R V
Lic
<==
IG
Gvt
metathesis in Tertenia Sardinian
recall that a øT<=RV is well-formed
66
thank you for your attention
67
References 1
Bolognesi, Roberto 1998. The phonology of Campidanian Sardinian. Dordrecht: HIL.
Bourciez, Edouard & Jean Bourciez 1967. Phonétique française. 9e édition Paris: Klincksieck.
Castellani, Arrigo 1960. Precisazioni sulla gorgia toscana. Boletin de de Filologia 19: 242-261.
Contini, Michele 1987. Etude de géographie phonétique et de phonétique instrumentale du sarde. 2 vols. Alessandria: dell'Orso.
Embick, David 2010. Localism versus Globalism in Morphology and Phonology. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
Fouché, Pierre 1966-1973. Phonétique historique du français. Trois vols. Paris: Klincksieck.
Giannelli, Luciano & Leonardo Savoia 1978. L'indebolimento consonantico in Toscana (I). Rivista Italiana di Dialettologia 2: 25-58.
Giannelli, Luciano & Leonardo Savoia 1979-80. L'indebolimento consonantico in Toscana (II). Rivista Italiana di Dialettologia 3-4: 39-101.
Gilliéron, Jules & Edmond Edmont 1902-1912. Atlas linguistique de la France. Paris: Champion.
Lowenstamm, Jean 1996. CV as the only syllable type. Current trends in Phonology. Models and Methods, edited by Jacques Durand & Bernard Laks, 419-441. Salford, Manchester: ESRI. WEB.
68
References 2
Marotta, Giovanna 2000-01. Non solo spiranti. La gorgia toscana nel parlato di Pisa. L'Italia Dialettale 62: 27-60.
Marotta, Giovanna 2008. Lenition in Tuscan Italian (Gorgia Toscana). Lenition and Fortition, edited by Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho, Tobias Scheer & Philippe Ségéral, 235-271. Berlin: de Gruyter.
McCone, Kim 1996. Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval celtic sound change. Maynooth: St. Patrick's College.
Molinu, Lucia 1998. La syllabe en sarde. Ph.D dissertation, Université Sendhal de Grenoble.
Rizzi, Luigi 1990. Relativized Minimality. Linguistic Inquiry Monograph 16. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
Rohlfs, Gerhard 1966. Grammatica storica della lingua italiana e dei suoi dialetti. Fonetica. Torina: Einaudi.
Scheer, Tobias 2004. A Lateral Theory of Phonology. Vol.1: What is CVCV, and why should it be? Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
69
References 3
Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer 2001. La Coda-Miroir. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 96: 107-152. WEB.
Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer 2008. The Coda Mirror, stress and positional parameters. Lenition and Fortition, edited by Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho, Tobias Scheer & Philippe Ségéral, 483-518. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. WEB.
Smolensky, Paul 1987. Connectionist AI, symbolic AI, and the brain. Artificial Intelligence Review 1: 95-109.
Smolensky, Paul 1988. On the proper treatment of connectionism. Brain and Behavioural Sciences 11: 1-74.