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Challenges to the development of peripheral economies1
Noelio Dantaslé Spinola2
Abstract
The methodological inadequacy of the theoretical tools upon which public policies are based,
promoted, and applied in many remote regions of South America is one of the biggest
challenges to the promotion of effective economic and social development. This study examines
the state of Bahia, a Brazilian state located in its northeastern region. It discusses the
contributions relating to new programs to promote economic development in the context of
world economy, and their effectiveness in the case of Bahia. It analyzes the teleological aspects
of the new categories included in the theory of regional development, such as local
development, endogenous, self-sustaining, and community that represent different strategies
and, therefore, comprise of different approaches. As a matter of hermeneutics it examines
methodological aspects and the operational use of these categories, demonstrating their lack of
adherence to the phenomena observed in the culture of peripheral communities, in their original
formulations derived in different scopes, built from more technologically advanced realities not
considering the necessary degree of integration (embeddedness) between the different actors
being a prerequisite for obtaining the desired success. In this sense, the form adopted in the use
of these methodologies that aim to interpret and intervene in development processes that call for
local development, endogenous, self-sustaining and so on is compromised by not corresponding
to the real object of their investigations and interventions. The scientific rigor required of those
who work with the social sciences becomes distorted, confused and causes difficulties, in
general terms, in making sense of public policies adopted under the label of these
denominations. Finally, the paper proposes the resumption of efforts to build new alternatives
for promoting development through the formation of human capital and the appropriateness of
new techniques for promoting the reality and characteristics of less developed regions.
Key Words: Regional Development; Local Development; Endogenous Development;
Space Economics; Brazilian Economy; Bahia Economy.
Resumo
A inadequação metodológica do ferramental teórico em que se fundamentam as políticas
públicas de fomento aplicadas em muitas regiões periféricas da América do Sul constitui um
dos maiores desafios à promoção do seu efetivo desenvolvimento econômico e social. Neste
estudo examina-se a situação da Bahia, um estado brasileiro localizado em sua região Nordeste.
Aborda as novas contribuições relacionadas com os programas de promoção do
desenvolvimento econômico num contexto de economia-mundo, e a sua eficácia no caso da
Bahia. Analisa os aspectos teleológicos das novas categorias inseridas na teoria do
desenvolvimento regional, tais como desenvolvimento local, endógeno, autossustentável, e
comunitário que representam diferentes estratégias e, por isto mesmo, comportam diferentes
abordagens. A partir de uma questão de hermenêutica analisa aspectos metodológicos e
operacionais da utilização destas categorias, demonstrando a sua falta de aderência aos
fenômenos observados na cultura das comunidades periféricas, por derivarem em suas
formulações originais de escopos diferentes, construídos a partir de realidades tecnologicamente
1 Paper presented at the 9th World Congress of Regional Science Association International. May 9 – 12 - 2012
Timisoara, Romania. [ID: 1705] 2 Doutor em Geografia e História pela Universidade de Barcelona (ES). Professor Titular de Economia Regional e
Métodos de Análise Regional no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento Regional e Urbano (PPDRU) da
Universidade Salvador (UNIFACS). E - mail: dantasle@uol.com.br
2
mais avançadas e não considerarem o necessário grau de integração (embeddedness) entre os
diferentes agentes sociais que é um pré-requisito essencial para a obtenção do êxito pretendido.
Neste sentido, a forma adotada na utilização dessas metodologias que pretendem interpretar e
intervir em processos de desenvolvimento que denominam de desenvolvimento local, endógeno,
autossustentado etc., é comprometida por não corresponder ao objeto real das suas investigações
e intervenções. O rigor científico exigido de quem trabalha com as ciências sociais fica assim
distorcido, confundindo e dificultando, em termos gerais, o sentido de políticas públicas
adotadas sob o rótulo dessas denominações. Por fim o trabalho propõe a retomada de esforços
no sentido da construção de novas alternativas de promoção do desenvolvimento a partir da
formação de capital humano e da adequação das novas técnicas de fomento à realidade e
características das regiões menos desenvolvidas.
Palavras-chave: Desenvolvimento Regional; Desenvolvimento Local;
Desenvolvimento Endógeno; Economia Espacial; Economia Brasileira; Economia
Baiana.
(JEL) Classification System: 01; 017; 018; 054
Introduction
Natura non facit saltum (Marshall, Darwin, Aristóteles)
This article intends to analyze the efforts to promote local development in border
regions of South America, specifically in the state of Bahia3, which has a territory
marked by severe economic, soil, and climatic differences, which uses multiple optical
space governed by the dictates of capital accumulation paths conditioned by the
demands of international market and determined by their specific processes of capital
accumulation, often divergent or disengaged with local processes of economic
development.
It is worth noting that the state of Bahia in absolute terms of economic importance in
Brazil is the seventh largest economy among the 27 states, and the 1st in the Northeast
region consisting of nine states. Spatially it has an area spanning 559,951 square
kilometers, occupying 6.59% of Brazilian territory and 36.34% of the Northeast. In
evaluating the territorial issue, realizes that a Bahia, in physical terms, it is larger than
metropolitan France and is roughly the size of the Iberian Peninsula.4
Despite its position in Brazil's economy with a GDP estimated by the SEI5 of 145
billion dollars for 2010, Bahia, in the same year, with a population of 14,016,906
inhabitants, of which 1/3 live in rural areas6 is identified by the Department of Social
Development and Hunger as the state with the highest concentration of people in
extreme poverty. There are 2.4 million individual in Bahia with a monthly income of
less than $70.00. The state ranks 19th
in “per capita” income among the 27 states. This is
the reality in which we work.
3 Bahia is one of 27 states that comprise the Federal Republic of Brazil
4 The State of Bahia accounts for 97% of the territory of the Iberian Peninsula.
5 Superintendence of Economic and Social Studies of Bahia - SEI 6 The rate of urbanization of Bahia, according to IBGE data varies from 72% considering the districts as a whole
and 67% computing only the municipal headquarters. There is controversy among demographers about the criteria
adopted by the IBGE for the determination of rates of urbanization
3
In this analysis we examine the new theoretical frameworks which intend to be
the instruments of regional development theory approaches gestating from
the breakdown of the Fordist paradigm and responding more effectively to the
characteristics and peculiarities of less developed economies, and often, not as
yet absorbed by the process of globalization. In this sense we will discuss
the teleological aspects of categories such as local development, endogenous, self-
sustainable, integrated and community that represent different strategies and, therefore,
comprise different approaches.
Besides this introduction and a conclusion, this study is composed of six parts that
address the contributions merited in the period between 1970 and 2000, and operational
issues related to the applications of theoretical tools related to local development
and endogenous development.
Life cycle of development theory
The concern with the process of accumulation of wealth, or capital as many want is
remote in the history of mankind. The scribes of the Torah, Greeks and Xenophon, Plato
and Aristotle and the legendary kings as Croesus of Lydia (561/546 BC), according to
Spinola (2011, p.19) wrote about it and the tools necessary for its production. 2,500
years ago the electrum stater was created -regarded as the first currency in the world. In
his words: Tesoureiros com o pé no chão descobriram o que os magos não viram: o
homem comum e os comerciantes da Lídia intuitivamente atribuíam valores
de troca a pedaços de prata e ouro, que viravam meios de pagamento. Reis
perceberam que alguém podia ganhar dinheiro com dinheiro: martelaram
símbolos no metal, padronizaram a relação ouro/prata (ratio) e cobraram
pela senhoriagem. Nasce a moeda. (My emphasis)
Mercantilists, physiocrats and then the classics, as in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, directly or indirectly were also concerned about issues related to economic
growth that, over time, became (for some) economic development. The Scotsman
Adam Smith (1723/1790) was chosen by the mainstream as the father of economics
with his Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776).7 From this
work is born the theory of economic development.
The consolidation of the discipline as the theoretical support of countries economic
policies, especially regional planning, only occurred in the western world, especially in
underdeveloped countries,8 between decades 1930 and 1940 in the wake of the
Keynesian revolution which broke out in 1936 as a response to the failure of the liberal
paradigm, which was demoralized by the Great Depression of 1929 and after World
War II as a result of macro decisions (wide range decisions) emanating from the Bretton
Woods conference.
Also in Brazil, reflecting the international concerns about the development and
discussion by the various currents of thought began in the 1930s and 1940s, especially
7 There are controversies. Stanley Jevons (1835/1882), for example, considered such as Richard Cantillon
(1697/1734) for his Essai sur la nature du commerce en général (1755). Lopes, apud Costa (2005, p.35) also disputes
citing this primacy, and Cantilon, the fellow countryman Adam Smith, Sir James Steuart with his An Inquiry into the
Principles of Political Economy (1767). Some historians, including Schumpeter (1959) suggest that Adam Smith took
advantage of a lot of material produced by his predecessors and counterparts and had the habit, unethical, not to
mention them or give them their credit. 8 State planning, centralized, appeared in 1920 with the State Commission for Electrification of Russia (GoEiro) and
then with the State Planning Commission (Gosplan), which had broader goals. The Gosplan existed throughout the
life of the Soviet Union and served as a model and inspiration for the state planning in the world (Hobsbawm, 1995,
p.369)
4
during the immediate post-war era in the context of a global reconstruction through the
creation of the International Monetary Fund (FMI), International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development (BIRD), the Marshall Plan for Europe and the
constitution of the United Nations (UN), from which sprang the Inter-American
Development Bank (BID)9 and the Economic Commission for Latin America(CEPAL),
without a doubt one of the largest storehouses of ideas and proposals to
promote economic development in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Brazil was led at this time by the influence of Keynesian thought in the analysis made
by foreign authors devoted to the study of underdevelopment, including Raul Prebisch,
Albert Hirschman, and Gunnar Myrdal, Ragnar Nurkse and Brazilians as Celso
Furtado, Roberto Campos, Romulo Almeida, Ignacio Rangel, Helio Jaguaribe and
Maria da Conceição Tavares, among others who contributed to the formation of
guidelines by CEPAL and the Institute of Brazilian Studies - ISEB, theoretical
planning that came to develop the country, including the model of import substitution
and, politically, the called national-developmentalist paradigm.
In a historical review, of especially the social aspects, the results of the Brazilian
experience in planning its development are questionable. There is no denying the
country's significant economic growth in the second half of the twentieth century,
especially in the period from 1954 to 1980, thanks to the implementation of many
measures and actions recommended in the various plans drawn up during that
period. But it did not reach the desired pattern of economic development and at the
close of the century, the maintenance of a considerable inter-regional imbalance was
observed, high concentration of income and the permanence of a high proportion of the
population vegetating below the poverty line, the country continues to depend to a large
extent upon the moods of international capitalism.
In the late 1980s, marked by the avalanche of neoliberalism and the Washington
Consensus, theories of development went into recession in Brazil and throughout Latin
America in the midst of the ideas of minimal state and the abolition of state economic
planning. For the purpose of the crisis crossed development theory it is
worth transcribing the testimony of Satrústegui (2009) when he says: A lo largo de las últimas décadas, la economía del desarrollo y, más en
general, los estudios sobre desarrollo – entendidos de manera amplia como
el análisis de las condiciones capaces de favorecer el progreso y el bienestar
humanos - atraviesan por una cierta crisis. Frente al vigor y la relevancia de
los debates habidos durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX, pareciera que en
la actualidad los estudios sobre desarrollo han ido perdiendo importancia en
el ámbito de las ciencias sociales, en favor de enfoques centrados en el corto
plazo y/o en el análisis coyuntural de realidades particulares. Ello no es
ajeno a la complejidad del marco en el que se inscriben actualmente los
procesos de desarrollo, caracterizado por la interacción de fenómenos
económicos y sociales que operan en diferentes ámbitos y escalas, que van
de lo local a lo global, y que abarcan un creciente número de temas.
Tampoco debe pasarse por alto la situación por la que atraviesan las
ciencias sociales y muy especialmente la economía cuyas corrientes
dominantes han demostrado una notable incapacidad para enfrentar el
estudio de no pocos problemas del mundo actual, y para integrar en el
debate algunos enfoques que han ido surgiendo más recientemente. Es
preciso resaltar a este respecto el devastador efecto producido por el
reduccionismo conceptual y metodológico que ha ido imponiéndose en
ciertos ámbitos académicos, el cual ha dejado a los estudios sobre
desarrollo huérfanos de algunas perspectivas de épocas anteriores y dotados
de menos instrumentos para, paradójicamente, tener que afrontar el análisis
9 A replica of the BIRD for Latin America
5
de fenómenos mucho más complejos (un problema que ya fue apuntado hace
casi tres décadas por Hirschman, 1980, al referirse a la “vuelta a la
monoeconomía” en su famoso ensayo Auge y ocaso de la teoría económica
del desarrollo). (My emphasis).
In his criticism Professor Hirschman, provides indeed in fact, the neoliberal paradigm
and the return of what he called monoeconomia, ie, the validity of the universal
application of economic theory gestated in the first world. Said Hirschman (1980,
p.1057) Entiendo por rechazo de la tesis monoeconómica la concepción de que los
países subdesarrollados se separan como un grupo, mediante varias características
económicas específicas comunes a ellos, de los países industriales avanzados, y que el
análisis económico tradicional, concentrado en estos últimos países, deberá
modificarse, en consecuencia, en algunos aspectos importantes, cuando se aplique a los
países subdesarrollados. (My emphasis).
Hirschman claimed, rightly, against the devastating effect produced by
the conceptual and methodological reductionism that came to dominate the academy,
leaving unstructured scholars of issues relating to development, as new instruments
submitted were not up to the analysis of problems and coping increasingly complex.
Hirschman considered development economics as a sub discipline, derived
from economic theory. In his scientific rigor did not believe that this could
take a broader status.
New regional economy or variations on the same topic?
In international terms, the apparent exhaustion "Fordist" model of production10
and
the transformations of productive processes from the Decade of 1970, demonstrated by
the persistent decline of heavily industrialized regions (BENKO & LIPIETZ, 1995), and
the economic expansion of new regions (STORPER & SCOTT, 1995), have led to
substantial changes in theories and regional development policies
However, in a hurry to include Brazil in the new stages that are identified for
economic development and industrial first world countries, such as post-Fordism, for
example, it is worth noting the following placement of Lipietz (1995, p.21): La taylorización primitiva (o sanguinaria). Este concepto trata el caso de
deslocalización de segmentos limitados de ramas industriales fordistas hacia
formaciones sociales con tasas de explotación muy elevadas (en cuanto a
salarios, duración e intensidad del trabajo, etc.), siendo principalmente
exportados los productos hacia países más avanzados. En los sesenta, las
zonas francas y los Estados-talleres de Asia fueron las mejores ilustraciones
de esta estrategia, que se extiende hoy. Dos características de este régimen
deben ser señaladas. Primero, las actividades están sobre todo taylorizadas,
pero relativamente poco mecanizadas. La composición técnica del capital en
estas empresas es particularmente baja. Así, esta estrategia de
industrialización evita uno de los inconvenientes de la estrategia de
sustitución de importaciones: el coste de importación de bienes de equipo.
Por otro lado, movilizando una fuerza de trabajo mayoritariamente
femenina, incorpora todo el savoir-faire adquirido a través de la explotación
patriarcal doméstica. En segundo lugar, esta estrategia es "sanguinaria" en
10
According to Martinelli and Schoenberger, cited in Benko (1994, p.103) this depletion is more fiction than reality.
They say that : para os oligopólios e para as empresas gigantes, produção e concorrência são perfeitamente
compatíveis com um aumento da flexibilidade. Likewise Bussato and Costa Pinto (2005) add that: o movimento de
reestruturação produtiva (flexibilização/fragmentação da produção) se vincula a uma nova divisão internacional do
trabalho, associada, muito mais, à descentralização da produção da grande firma, mantendo ou até mesmo
ampliando o controle, do que aos movimentos autônomos das pequenas e médias empresas, estruturadas em novos
distritos industriais marshalianos .
6
el sentido en que Marx habla de la "legislación sanguinaria" en los albores
del capitalismo inglés. A la opresión ancestral de las mujeres une todas las
armas modernas de la represión anti obrera (sindicalismo oficial, ausencia
de derechos sociales, prisión y tortura de los opositores). El fordismo
periférico. Como el fordismo, se basa en el acoplamiento de la acumulación
intensiva y del crecimiento de los mercados finales. Pero permanece
"periférico" en este sentido, en que los circuitos mundiales de las ramas
productivas, los empleos cualificados (sobre todo en la ingeniería) se
mantienen mayoritariamente ajenos a estos países. Además, los recursos
corresponden a una específica combinación del consumo local de las clases
medias, del consumo creciente de bienes duraderos por los trabajadores y de
exportaciones a bajo precio hacia los capitalismos centrales. Tomemos el
ejemplo de Brasil. Brasil comenzó su industrialización antes y con mayor
éxito que la India, según un modelo similar. El golpe de Estado militar de
1964 suprimió de hecho las ventajas sociales de la legislación de Vargas. En
consecuencia, la "organización científica del trabajo" (tayloriana) se
desarrolló sin más límite que la dependencia tecnológica y la represión
sangrienta del sindicalismo, ofreciendo al capital una fuerza de trabajo
flexible. A finales de los años sesenta y en los primeros setenta, Brasil
desarrolló una industria muy competitiva, llevando a término su sustitución
de importaciones y desarrollando sus exportaciones industriales. Los
beneficios de esta taylorización primitiva se reinvirtieron en el desarrollo de
un fordismo periférico dualista. Una fracción de la población (la nueva clase
media) se estableció en un modo de vida casi fordista, beneficiándose los
salarlos en la segunda mitad de los años setenta del crecimiento de la
productividad resultante de la mecanización y la racionalización. Esta
fracción comprendía la mayor parte del sector formal (Amadeo y Camargo
[1990]). Por otra parte, un inmenso sector de los asalariados quedó excluído
de los beneficios del milagro brasileño: los ex campesinos "lewisiarios", los
trabajadores temporales, los trabajadores fijos mal pagados de las pequeñas
empresas. En los años ochenta, estalló la crisis de la deuda, después vino la
democracia. La evolución que resultó de ello es bastante compleja. Los
conflictos de reparto ocuparon la antesala de los conflictos industriales. Las
relaciones profesionales no pudieron establecerse en esta tempestad
permanente, que implicaba al ejército de reserva lewislano marginal, al
sector informal, a los distintos grados del sector formal. En esta situación
caótica, el porvenir de Brasil queda abierto a tres posibilidades: una vuelta
al taylorismo primitivo, una consolidación del fordismo periférico e incluso
una evolución hacia el fordismo con evoluciones locales hacia los aspectos
toyotistas. (My emphasis).
The issue of regional imbalances and underdevelopment, which worsened from the
new international order production, have become the object of new approaches
corresponding to different categories for analytical approaches to development. Quite
rightly, Boisier (2000, p.83) attacks the proliferation of these approaches: El desarrollo es la utopía social por excelencia. En un sentido metafórico es
el miltoniano paraíso perdido de la humanidad, nunca alcanzable ni
recuperable debido a su naturaleza asintótica al eje de su propia
realización. En la práctica, y el breve recuento de su historia más
contemporánea así lo prueba, cada vez que un grupo social se aproxima a lo
que es su propia idea de un “estado de desarrollo”, inmediatamente cambia
sus metas, sean cuantitativas o cualitativas. Demos gracias a ello: de otra
manera la humanidad todavía estaría dibujando bisontes en alguna cueva
del sur de Europa! Hay autores, como Veiga (1993), que hablan de la
“insustentable utopía del desarrollo”. Quizás en parte debido a ello, a su
propia naturaleza utópica y en parte también debido a nuestro sobre-
entrenamiento intelectual en las disyunciones analíticas cartesianas, se ha
producido paulatinamente una verdadera polisemia en torno al desarrollo,
7
es decir, una multiplicidad de significados cada uno de los cuales reclama
identidad única en relación al adjetivo con que se acompaña el sustantivo
“desarrollo”. Así se asiste a una verdadera proliferación de “desarrollos”:
desarrollo territorial, desarrollo regional, desarrollo local, desarrollo
endógeno, desarrollo sustentable, desarrollo humano y, en términos de su
dinámica, desarrollo “de abajo-arriba” (o su contrapartida, “del centro-
abajo”) y otros más. Incluso se observa, en el más puro estilo del
cartesianismo, la especialización funcional de instituciones académicas y
políticas, unas ocupadas de ésta o de esta otra categoría, como si fuesen
categorías independientes. (My emphasis).
Among the forms of development that are in fashion include those related to
sustainable development, local development and endogenous development. It is worth it
to make a brief critical commentary on each.
The focus of sustainable development came shortly after the Conference on the
Human Environment in Stockholm organized by the UN in 1972. Was generated as a
reaction of many intellectuals, the proposals for Donella H. Meadows, Dennis L.
Meadows, Jurgen Randers, and William W. Behrens III, researchers at the "Club of
Rome," which, in the study Limits to Growth, produced in 1973, concluded that kept the
level of industrialization, pollution, food production and exploitation of natural
resources, limit the development of the planet would be reached, no more than 100
years. The study turned to neo-Malthusianism as a solution to the impending
"catastrophe" world. Intellectuals, the developed countries themselves, believed in his
thesis dark Meadows and his group were advocating an end to growth of industrial
society and the prospects of developing countries, since from it, if the lock motivate the
development of poor countries with an ecological justification. Among the opponents of
Meadows include the Canadian Maurice Strong in 1973 that launched the concept of
eco-development, whose principles were formulated by Ignacy Sachs. As a derivation
of the concept emerged in 1987, the term sustainable development adopted by the
World Commission on Environment and Development (CMMAD), chaired by Gro
Harlem Brundtland, then Prime Minister of Norway, in its report Our Common Future
also known as the Brundtland Report. This new concept was finally incorporated as a
rule during the UN Conference on Environment and Development - the Earth Summit
1992 (Eco-92) - in Rio de Janeiro. According Ignacy Sachs paths of development would
be six: basic needs; solidarity with future generations, participation of the population
involved, preservation of natural resources and environment, development of a social
system that guarantees employment, social security and respect for other cultures;
education programs. It is thus a major concern of the supporters of sustainable
development, the future of new generations and the need for policies that could lead to a
harmonious development of mankind and, primarily, sustainable in periods to come.
Althought there are those who disagree with certain applications of the concepts of
sustainability. This is the case with Herman Daly, one of the originators of the concept
of uneconomic growth. According to Mander and Goldsmith (1996, p. 207) Daly said
sustained economic growth is no longer simply regarded as a serious option11
. Neither is
the development, at least sentido em que o termo é utilizado (envolvendo crescente
exploração dos recursos). Daly believes it is possible and desirable a quality
development which improves the quality of life, without exploitation of resources and
thus without increasing the impact on the natural environment.
Daly, apud Mander and Goldsmith (1996, p.208) states that in its physical
dimensions, the economy is a subsystem of the earth's ecosystem, which is finite, not
11 The author of this text does not endorse this view.
8
expandable, and materially closed. As it grows, the economic subsystem incorporates an
increasing proportion of total ecosystem itself, wanting to reach the limit, 100 percent.
Then, their growth is not sustainable. The term sustainable growth when applied to the
economy is seen as contradictory as narrative (a bad oxymoron), not as evocative
poetry. Also according to Daly: (…) os economistas dirão que o crescimento no PNB é uma mistura de
aumentos quantitativos e qualitativos e por isso não sujeito a leis físicas. E
têm alguma razão. Mudanças quantitativas e qualitativas são coisas muito
diferentes, sendo por isso melhor estar separadas e conhecidas por nomes
diferentes quando as procuramos num dicionário. Crescer significa
aumentar naturalmente no tamanho, com a adição de material através de
assimilação ou acreção, Desenvolver significa expandir ou realizar o
potencial de; fomentar gradualmente para um estádio mais pleno, maior,
ou melhor. Quando alguma coisa cresce, fica maior. Quando algo se
desenvolve, fica diferente. O ecossistema da Terra desenvolve-se, mas não
cresce. O seu subsistema, a economia, deve eventualmente parar de crescer,
mas continuar a desenvolver-se. O termo desenvolvimento sustentável,
portanto, faz sentido quando usado em economia, mas apenas se for
compreendido como desenvolvimento sem crescimento - melhoramento
qualitativo de uma base económica física que é mantida numa situação
estável através de uma exploração de matéria-energia dentro das
capacidades regenerativas e assimilativas do ecossistema. Actualmente o
termo desenvolvimento sustentável é usado como sinónimo para o oximoro
crescimento sustentável. Deve ser salvo deste engano. (p.208). (My
emphasis).
Nevertheless, it is the focus of local development that prevails in the examination of
the regional context, influencing policy proposals for tackling the problems caused by
regional differences. This approach has gained substantial impetus in Europe, thanks to
its process of political unification and especially economical when the proposed
development site to find space for application due to favorable conditions (in season)
and the substantial resources available for project funding systems productive sites that
previously operated in poor conditions.12
Boisier (2000, p.86) states that local development is a practice without theory, a
circumstance which accounts for a considerable confusion in the literature on the
subject. This is the same opinion as Guimaraes (1997, 281), for whom: "“The term
‘local economic development’ (LED) describes a practice without much theoretical
underpinning: a practice that would benefit from, but may actually never find,
comprehensive and applicable substantive theory”. Boisier asserts that local
development: (...) es un concepto que reconoce por lo menos tres matrices de origen.
Primeramente, el desarrollo local es la expresión de una lógica de
regulación horizontal que refleja la dialéctica centro / periferia, una lógica
dominante en la fase pre-industrial del capitalismo, pero que sigue vigente
aunque sin ser ya dominante. En segundo lugar, el desarrollo local es
considerado, sobre todo en Europa, como una respuesta a la crisis
macroeconómica y al ajuste, incluido el ajuste político supra-nacional
implícito en la conformación de la UE; casi todos los autores europeos
ubican el desarrollo local en esta perspectiva. En tercer lugar, el desarrollo
local es estimulado en todo el mundo por la globalización y por la
dialéctica global/local que ésta conlleva. En otras palabras, hay tres
racionalidades que pueden operar detrás del concepto de desarrollo local y
no pocos errores prácticos provienen de una mala combinación de
instrumentos y de tipo de racionalidad. Por ejemplo, se copian instituciones
y medidas de desarrollo local ensayadas en Europa (desarrollo local como
12 Leader (program) of the European Union
9
respuesta) y se intenta aplicarlas en América Latina (desarrollo local como
lógica de regulación horizontal). (2000, p.86) (My emphasis).
Still weaving theme considerations, Lastres (2004), seeking to take off from the
extensive use of the terminology, notes that the emphasis in local development:
(…) não deve ser confundida com ideias superficiais sobre crescimento
endógeno, as quais ganharam espaço com a propalada maior aceleração do
processo de globalização. A abordagem sistêmica parte da constatação de
que o desenvolvimento local é condicionado e subordinado também por
sistemas exógenos que podem ter dimensão e controle nacional ou
internacional. A partir desta constatação, nossa proposição conceitual é que
a capacidade de gerar inovações coloca-se como fator chave na
competitividade sustentada de empresas e nações, diversa da
competitividade espúria baseada em baixos salários e exploração intensiva e
predatória de recursos naturais. Tal capacidade é mobilizada com a
articulação dos diversos atores, produtores e usuários de bens, serviços e
tecnologias, sendo facilitada pela especialização em ambientes sócio-político
econômicos comuns. Assim, mostram-se completamente diferentes as
situações onde os arranjos produtivos fazem da região uma simples
hospedeira e onde se verifica a mobilização e o enraizamento das
capacitações produtivas e inovativas. Neste sentido é que argumentamos que
o foco das novas políticas de desenvolvimento deva focalizar centralmente a
promoção dos processos de geração, aquisição e difusão de conhecimentos.
Despite its current popularity of endogenous development, a category is as confused
as the previous one, with which is often confused. Many authors struggle to
find a distinction between local and endogenous. Sterile and an effort designed to
integrate the list of conceptual disagreements and controversies of regional
science. What we can assume is that local development is a refinement of regional
development as an endogenous development process is specifically located in a city,
with its own new models of global economic growth or aggregate that
make technological innovation a phenomenon internal to the function itself production,
as in Lucas and Romer, leaving in the past the neoclassical conception of "residual
factor" Solow, as shown by Barquero (1977). Thus, according Boisier (2000, p.93), el
desarrollo endógeno se produce como resultado de un fuerte proceso de articulación de
actores locales y de variadas formas de capital intangible, en el marco preferente de un
proyecto político colectivo de desarrollo del territorio en cuestión. It is also understood
as a process of growth and structural change that occurs as a result of transfers of
resources from traditional to modern activities; use of external economies and the
introduction of innovations which generates an increase in the well-being of the
population of a city.
Baquero (1999) argues that despite not specifically depend on government
management, the processes of endogenous development occurs through the productive
use of development potential that is generated when the institutions and mechanisms of
regulation of the territory operate efficiently.
But it is important to note that these processes depend on development, and much of
the social constructions, which are expressed in symbolic dimensions. Thus,
in planning can only be taken into account intangible factors that govern a particular
community, such as values, beliefs, rituals, tradition, knowledge atavistic, trust in the
relationship / community agents, and experiences striking collective behavior that
results in a web, commonly called culture.
The endogenous development also follows a territorial vision (not functional)
processes of growth and structural change that part of a hypothesis that the territory is
10
not a mere physical support of the objects, activities, and economic processes, but also
that it is a local agent of transformation.
Note the mark of Schumpterian theory of capitalist development in all the basic
formulation of the endogenous development approach. Note also that this theory does
not apply to developing countries, especially their lagging regions, as in the
northeastern Brazilian state of Bahia.13
Souza (1999, p.189) argues that a teoria schumpteriana é mais adequada para países
com elevado estoque potencial de empresários, com disponibilidade de capitais
emprestáveis e com grandes possibilidades de criar novas tecnologias próprias. E
conclui dizendo que essas condições nem sempre se verificam nos países
subdesenvolvidos. E o problema da teoria schumpteriana, como de qualquer outra
teoria sobre o desenvolvimento econômico é a dificuldade da sua generalização.
In this Schumpeterian plan can incorporate the focus of
endogenous models of industrial districts "marshalianos" the milieu inovateurs,
technology parks, clusters, local productive arrangements (LPAs) and the like.
The "discovery" of “marshallian industrial districts” in Third Italy14
by Arnaldo
Bagnasco (1977), Carlos Triglia (1986) and Sebastiano Brusco (1986) and the seminal
work of Michael Piore and Charles Sobel (1984) with the proposal of a new
technological paradigm, the flexible specialization, which would be a special industrial
district complemented by numerous other important contributions of Becattini (1989)
Scott and Storper (1986) and Walker (1989), are also meant to lay the foundations for a
new theory of development which would fit the role of protagonist micro and small
enterprises.
It is worth emphasizing, then, that without a prior local stock of skilled human capital
becomes impossible the occurrence of endogenous development that depends on when
it comes to this human capital, a typical process of embeddedness or rooting in the
community. The absence of such complicity is a restriction that makes it impossible the
occurrence of endogenous development processes in many Brazilian states, notably the
North and Northeast and in particular the Bahia.15
It was Friedman (1964) brilliantly said: “only cultural regions have the capacity to
develop ‘from within’, because only they have a collective sense of who they are, and
because their presence in the world makes a difference”.
Some Brazilian initiatives
13
The local study evaluates the agglomerative advantages and proximity to sources of knowledge and learning,
rooted in that singular territory, creating in their investigations, ad hoc lists of assets, capabilities,
standards, routines and habits, all duly region-specific. Many of these studies neglect the command most of these
processes is outside the space under analysis. Moreover, according to this literature, in this environment bearer
of "new development", stress civic engagement and solidarity-asssociative pass off a state that is presented only
as a "voyeur" of the will to produce comparative advantages and synergies located and sometimes, in
some philanthropic network for those excluded from the process of "natural selection". (Brandão,
2002). (My emphasis)
14 The so-called Third Italy comprises the region polarized by Bologna and Florence. The concept of industrial
district was coined by Alfred Marshall in 1900. 15
It's understandable effort of many organizations to promote the "push the envelope" to "discover" productive
arrangements (LPAs) and similar in primitive economies. The experience is worth at least as a learning process
11
The most important thing in planning is that its theoretical basis to explain and reflect
the reality studied. The construction of this base forged from experiences in other
countries, with different realities, demands that we promote comparative studies and
exchange of experiences aimed at the creation of adjustment mechanisms and strategies
in keeping with the subject of the application of the studies.
Despite these considerations have been intensified in Brazil local development
programs under the leadership of the National Bank of Economic and Social
Development (BNDES), the Brazilian Service to Support Micro and Small Enterprises
(SEBRAE) and with the active participation of other agencies to promote federal and
regional state.
The programs were running agglomerative conceptually influenced by the experience
of Italian industrial districts and Silicon Valley, California, within the paradigm of
flexible specialization. Despite the existence of widely diverse theoretical production in
the country, especially in academia, there is the contribution of the Institute of
Economics, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (IE / UFRJ), which has for many
years, with the support of organizations developing international research projects in the
area of innovation. The IE / UFRJ operates the Research Network for Local Productive
and Innovative Systems (RedeSist) a network of interdisciplinary research that includes
the participation of several universities and research organizations in Brazil and abroad.
The approach to the problem in Brazil began with the cluster concept. According
RedeSist defines the term cluster is associated with the Anglo-American tradition and,
generally, refers to clusters, developing similar activities. Throughout its development,
the concept was nuances of interpretation. In the framework of neoclassical theory, the
new economic geography uses the term as a mere agglomeration of firms (Krugman's
approach). This term is still widely used in the country, notably by the appeal is on the
native expressions in English. Later come the local productive arrangements, known by
its acronym, a Brazilian version of APL. In 2003 RedeSist so defined:
(...) Are territorial agglomerations of economic agents, political and social -
with a focus on a specific set of economic activities - which
have even incipient bonds. Usually involve the participation and interaction
of companies - which can range from producing final goods and
services to suppliers of inputs and equipment, consulting and
service providers, distributors, customers, among others - and its various
forms of representation and association. They also include several other
public and private partnerships to: training of human resources, and technical
schools and universities, research, development and engineering, policy,
promotion and financing. (My emphasis).
The basic argument of the conceptual and analytical approach adopted by RedeSist
was that "where there is production of any good or service there will always be around
the same arrangement, involving actors and activities related to the acquisition of raw
materials, machinery and other inputs" (REDESIST, 2005). This interpretation, which
seems very extensive, provided justification for the more exotic projects to promote
clusters in less developed regions of the country.
In the Brazilian tradition of solving problems by decree (law), there are formal role in
many projects of this nature and, under this scope, are in practice often factoids or
embryonic elements. As an example of what has occurred with other terms in the past,
are expressions of totemic words, such as polo, local development, apps, endogenous
development and generate employment and income that infect the country and are
placed on the stump and political disseminated by the media. And every project
manager, especially in the public sector, clinging to her clusters, apls, etc. Without
12
caring much about the theoretical foundations of the matter. Cultural, sociological,
technological, etc.. are ignored and perspective orwerliana rewrites the history adjusting
to the reality of the need for media and political actors, without any regard for the weak,
inadequate and even the absence of the main actors.
In Bahia, for example, were "identified" 14 APLS by the State Government16
. In
practice they are all factoids. Note the following excerpt from the report prepared
REDESIST own:
The little interaction and few business links between companies and other
institutions such as universities and research centers, difficult actions that
encourage greater local cooperation and competitiveness. There is, thus, there
is still room for greater coordination between the actors of the clusters,
especially the joint inter-firm, as there is little initiative towards cooperation
on the part of entrepreneurs themselves. Firms in clusters, in general, have
not yet realized the opportunities to act jointly and nearby universities,
research centers and other local institutions in a manner consistent with the
typology presented by Tommaso and Dubbin (2000), and before
other characteristics of the firms present in the supported clusters, according
to the typology proposed by Mitelka and Farinelli (2005), one can broadly
classify the clusters of fish, caprinovinocultura, sisal, ornamental and derived
from sugar cane as informal settlements that bring together micro and small
businesses with relatively low technological level in relation to the
technological frontier of the industry or the joint interenterprise that generates
the dynamics of clusters and, in cases where the prevailing family
production, the owners have limited managerial capacity. Workers often have
low skills and little or no continuing education is offered to promote a
sustained improvement of their skills. Also according to the authors, these
clusters the coordination and networking between companies tend to be weak
and characterized by a limited perspective of growth, intense competition,
low morale and information sharing. Also according to the typology
proposed by the authors, the clusters of IT suppliers of the automotive chain,
clothing, plastic processing, fruit and tourism may fall as organized clusters,
where there is some interaction between local actors. It can be observed, also,
quite shy, some local coordination, manpower with some qualification, the
presence of managerial capacity, but there is a continuous innovative
capacity. (REDESIST, 2009, p.19)
It is emphasized that this argument does not intend to deny the efforts made to
promote local development that have been around since the 60s of last century, notably
by former SUDENE mobilized, which borrowed in India and the Netherlands
intervention models that fit the reality Northeast of small and medium enterprises in the
states with the formation of industrial clusters support (Nais) embryos that would be
SEBRAE.
In practice what happens is a change of label, with the eye needs to appear in the
media with a "novelty."
The dimensions of a development unviable
16 In a project linked to RedeSist and financed by World Bank
13
When dealing with issues related to development, notably the regional level, one
cannot fail to consider the observation of Furtado (1979), that this is a process which
goes through many stages which must be observed at least three dimensions:
a. the size of improving the effectiveness of the social system of production;
b. the extent of satisfaction of basic needs of the population;
c. the extent of achievement of objectives which aspire to the dominant groups
of society, and competing with the use of scarce resources
Also Baquero (1999) and Male (2001), identifies three important dimensions of
development: the first of an economic nature, which allows local entrepreneurs and
economic agents to efficiently use the factors of production and achieve productivity
levels that assures them be competitive in the markets and the second, and on a socio-
cultural, in which the economic and social actors are integrated with local institutions to
form a dense system of relations that embody the values of society in the process of
endogenous local development, and the third and last of a political that exploits through
local initiatives, creating a local environment that stimulates the production and
promote development.
There is, however, that the dimensions provided for the occurrence of economic
development, despite the increased efficiency of production in the regions, are not
sufficient conditions for that best meet the basic needs of the local population. Even it is
observed that the degradation of living conditions of some populations is due to the
introduction of more advanced techniques (Furtado, 1979).
In this respect, Nurkse (1965) argues that in poor countries the market forces
perpetuate poverty, since out of it, investments are needed to create a system enabling to
increase the productivity of the poor and their integration into the market. The difficulty
of this situation stems not only from the savings and low cultural level of the poor, but
also the lack of incentives and benefits for the construction of structures and clustering
activities that modernize some capital-intensive, giving them, however, competitive
scales of production.
Similarly, Hirschman (1958) points out that most poor countries have the resources to
reverse only in a few modern designs and thus can achieve balanced growth only in the
long term, through a sequential process of building the first one and then other industry,
correcting the imbalance in each step considered the most harmful to get closer to a
more balanced structure.
So, with all this, how would Arrighi (1997) there is a developmental illusion that
completely ignores the consolidated system of unequal exchanges between countries,
states or regions and the industrialized countries, states or regions of poor people living
on its periphery. Or, as predicted Walerstein (1998), that the existence of semi-
periphery and periphery is essential for the stability of the world capitalist economy.
As history shows the pattern of contemporary rich and poor countries in the world
established itself definitely in the nineteenth century. Confirmation of this pattern and
the prospect of irreversibility are demonstrated by Arrighi (1997), citing that Harrod
speaks of the division of personal wealth in two types that are separated by
insurmountable obstacles. The first refers to “democratic wealth” that is "an area about
the resources that, in principle, is available to all in direct relation to the intensity and
efficiency of their efforts" (Arrighi, 1997, p. 216). The second type consists of
“oligarchic wealth” that has nothing to do with the intensity and efficiency of who owns
and is never available to everyone, no matter how efficient they are intense and your
efforts. This is demonstrated by the concept of unequal exchange which explains that
14
we cannot have dominion over all products and services that incorporate the time and
effort of more than one person of average efficiency. "If someone has it, that means
someone else is working for less than he or she should check if all the efforts of equal
intensity and efficiency were rewarded equally" (Arrighi, 1997, p. 216). Thus the use or
enjoyment of oligarchical wealth involves the removal of others. What each of us can
do, it is not possible for everyone.
According to Arrighi transforms this reasoning for the analysis of global (and
regional) in a capitalist economy we find a problem of "adding" similar and more
serious than that faced by individuals as they seek to obtain personal wealth. "The
opportunities for economic advancement, as presented serially to a state at a time, there
are comparable opportunities for economic advancement for all states" (Arrighi 1997,
p.217). As stated by Wallerstein (1988), "Development in this sense is an illusion" In
other words, the wealth of the states of organic nucleus (the so-called First World
globally, the Southeast region in the Brazilian case) is analogous to Harrods’s oligarchic
wealth. This wealth cannot be generalized because it rests on processes of exploitation
and exclusion that assume continuous playback of poverty of the majority in a regional
context.
It shows what Santos (1979) when dealing with upper and lower circuits that
constitute the urban spaces in the underdeveloped regions, absolute or relative poverty
of the semi-states (Brazil Southeast over the first world) and peripheral (Northeast
Brazil about Brazil Southeast) induces continually elites to participate in the
international division of labour for rewards that make marginal benefits for the bulk of
the members states of the core organic
Arrighi (1997) states that the fight against exclusion leads to the search for a
comparatively safe niche in the international division of labour that leads to a semi-
peripheral states higher in some activities where I can get some kind of competitive
advantage which leads to a relationship unequal exchange (terms of trade deterioration)
in which the state provides goods incorporating semi peripheral manpower underpaid
for the states of organic nucleus in exchange for goods that incorporate well-paid
workforce and a more complete exclusion of the states peripheral activities of the state
in which semi peripheral seeks greater specialization.
In the same vein, Corsi (2002) stated that the fate of the peripheral countries would be
determined largely by the dynamics of structures in the world economy, making the
determinations in the background social, political, economic and cultural, as well as the
struggles social internal to each country. According to him during the last 25 years due
to failure of development programs, there was a greater distance from the
underdeveloped regions rich. And for this reason, the progress achieved by some
peripheral countries during the 50 to 70, only made back in the following decades. So
what was touted as a possibility at this time to overcome delay and underdeveloped
countries, the trend was reversed in combined and uneven development of capitalism.
Unequal exchanges that have always existed, and it seems, will continue to exist
between the organic core and the periphery, are characterized as a mechanism of
polarization-organic core-periphery, in which the hand-labor and capital are important
elements of current transfers and crucial in the constitution and reproduction of this
global capitalist economic structure. Thus, solving the problem between the organic
core and the periphery with the main focus industrialization is a "developmental source
of illusions" (ARRIGHI, 1997).
So the question of the increase of social inequalities on a global scale is quite
complex and cannot simplistically be reduced to an increase in inequality between rich
and poor regions of the world. The increase in poverty is not only observed in the
15
peripheral regions, but also gained importance in various regions within the countries
that make up the organic nucleus of the capitalist system (ALTVATER, 1995;
HOBSBAWM, 1995). Many authors, among them Castoriadis (1982), considered, until
recently, based on the experience of so-called "Golden Age" of capitalism (1945-1973),
this problem would be overcome in developed countries, showing that the system
capitalism could overcome poverty. They were wrong. The contradictions and
inequalities, which are markedly present in an increasingly integrated world, also appear
within each country and each city in the world. Right in the center of the system. That
is, the contrast between rich and poor, present in almost every major city in the world is
similar to what is known among the poor and rich regions of the planet.
It is important to state, from that fact that both the central and the peripheral countries
need to rely on policies that combine an accelerated formation of human capital
associated with efforts that seek to promote technological development-oriented foreign
trade, aimed at accelerating gains in competitiveness. There is thus no country reached
the level of economic and social development, without the support of science and
technology (S & T), since there is not the first (development) without the contribution
of the second (S & T).
Therefore, the main objective of promoting a policy is to promote efficient productive
systems, also based on industries such as services, making them able to follow the
dynamics of international technical progress, promoting the general welfare of society
as a whole.
Economic growth, training and development of enclaves in Bahia
According to Fonseca (1992, p.77) in his reading of the role of human capital in the
philosophy of Alfred Marshall, the analysis of the role of human capital in the economic
process is based on the idea that to increase output per capita and overcome the
economic backwardness, it is necessary to invest in the human factor of production.
There is a close relationship between nutrition, health and education on the one hand,
and hard work, initiative and innovation on the other. Poverty and incompetence are
closely interlinked at the microeconomic level.
Surely here is the result of the difficulty is to promote economic development in
regions like the Brazilian Northeast and specifically in the case of Bahia. The
introduction to this work we present statistics related to poverty in the state, must now
add other elements related to popular education.
According to the IBGE / PNAD Bahia in 2009, 1.8 million of Bahia with 15 years or
more are illiterates. Cannot read and write, which corresponds to 16.7% of the state
population in this age group. The economically active population, 55.4% do not have
complete elementary school, do not pass the fourth grade. Are functionally illiterate. In
summary 7 of every 10 people in Bahia are unable to develop any kind of skilled labour.
The framework described here, which, amazingly, it was much worse in the late
nineteenth century, comes from the absence of a policy of human capital formation from
the basic education that is of poorer quality in the state, the university confined to
dismantle a mediocre production of knowledge and little interaction with society,
coupled with the lack of investment in physical capital or, more precisely, in
infrastructure, since the region needs to create conditions favourable for the formation
of clusters of commercial activities, sized cities medium, and externalities for private
capital (reduction of transaction costs, production and transport, access to markets,
etc.)..
16
Deficiency of human capital can be expressed by the absence of local entrepreneurs
with industrial vocation. To overcome this lack of structural entrepreneur, according to
the Schumpeterian patterns, came from the State the burden of importing them from
other regions resulting in the formation of several small enclaves and deployment of
many companies of its kind footloose without any local or regional commitment.
Aggravating the insert to the limitations of the market caused by the poverty of the
majority population in Bahia.
With all these limitations Bahia from the 1970s, bet all your chips in fostering
industrialization. Used as weapons policies of tax incentives and the provision of
externalities generated from the construction of industrial districts in the interior and the
deployment of nodes, mediated by complex producers in the area of metallurgy,
petrochemical and nonferrous metals.
The option by cluster development, however, proved to be inadequate, since the pole
condition stems from the ability of industry to innovate and driving a legal and
administrative structure endogenous, responsible for the action-driving innovative, non-
existent in the models Bahia that ended up being managed by groups external business
without major commitments to the region.
He promotion of industrialization, based on the theory of development poles la
Perroux (1961), failed to create the conditions necessary for its implementation. This is
because the principle of the constitution of a polarizing region assumes a level of
demand generation induced strong enough to establish a productive complementarity
via intra-regional input-output, the backward linkage effects, and forward linkage
effects studied by Hirschman.
The regional environment consisting perrouxian required the production systems
were generating externalities through interdependencies and complementarities
productive sector of the regional urban network, so they could create a feedback
mechanism between their export base, the growth of regional income and residential
activities. In this sense, the biggest constraint to production systems peripherals
perrouxianas capture the externalities at the national level, is the strong regional
segmentation of the same, expressed by the predominance of low-income areas and
significantly uneven distribution of regional income.
Thus, in practice, the experience of industrialization Bahia presented difficulties in
applying the principles of polarization for the promotion of regional development, since
the "Location Theory" and "Theory of the Poles" provide explanations that do not bind
each other and are complicated matching
Therefore Bahia grew economically, through the formation of enclaves, specializing
in the production of intermediate goods, import businesses, entrepreneurs and skilled
manpower which of course did not contribute to its development in the stricto sensu.
This is because, despite the apparent material progress and technological advances
mirrored in some segments, all of the benefits of such initiatives were never available to
the millions of excluded people who are, overwhelmingly, the state population.
CONCLUSION
From what has been said that we shall end the only way to promote economic
development in Bahia and other backward regions of Northeast Brazil focuses on the
mobilization of efforts consistent and effective training of human capital quality and the
creation of mechanisms that avoid spills and retain capital in this country.
17
Althought, contrary to our eager immediacy, we must learn from Aristotle, Darwin
and Marshall also in the economy Natura non facit saltum. Or as Eduardo Giannetti da
Fonseca (1992, p. 85) there is no magic formula or preposterous plan which seeks to
raise the overnight efforts of productive efficiency. The process of formation of human
capital and organic growth described by Marshall is by nature slow.
We also conclude that the theory of endogenous local development and the way it
was designed in Europe, does not apply in the semi-periphery. This is because there is
no market, human resources and institutional qualified for the spontaneous emergence
of the processes of development of cities, similar to the Schumpeterian growth model
that considers the technical progress (innovation) as a key element.
As the economy is affected by changes in the world that surrounds it, and explaining
the causes of development should be sought, too, outside of studies of economic theory.
One of the fundamental pillars of the local development policy must reside in the
substantial improvement of qualification of human resources through the provision of
adequate training to the needs of different local production systems. To this may be
associated with initiatives to promote the diffusion of innovation in the productive
fabric of the locality or territory.
You can also forget certain prerequisites orthodox approach advocated in the
endogenous development, certain rules as technological innovation and the spectre of
globalization, which intend to transform each site heralds a function of the world - a
fantasy that is somewhat inconsequential - and adjust our techniques and procedures to
our reality. We can and must do as aptly SEBRAE produce catalytic effects of
modernity (without violating the local culture) in artisanal communities, as with the lace
of the Northeast and other craft activities. When working without patronizing the
activities historically and culturally rooted within communities, we do not run the risk
of high mortality rates plaguing small and medium sized companies throughout Brazil
promoted without further sociological evaluation criteria.
Despite the creation of an innovative environment constitute a long-term measure
characterized by the gradual engagement of people of good causes in the qualification
of innovation and technological modernization, through programs of qualification is
personnel, and technical activities to be productive, and especially the induction
cooperation between the actors involved, both between competing firms or between
users and producers, there is a high degree of innovation that is observed early second
sociological and anthropological standards will be enhanced and certainly produce
encouraging results.
It also requires a high degree of political courage and intellectual independence, not
to mention creativity, coping with neoclassical and neo-liberal establishment that
dominates the field of regional economy and dare heterodox measures.
This is the case, for example, measures of income transfer recently adopted by the
Brazilian government. Despite attacked by bourgeois elite as paternalistic or electoral,
programs like the "family allowance" has produced multiplier effects in the market and
led its growth. I daresay that the purchasing power to create a populace that ate almost
nothing to be steeped in poverty, the government is driving the development on the
demand side. Many companies - especially small and medium are motivated by this
new emerging market, and with them new jobs. Witnessed the beginning of acceleration
of Harrod and Domar, almost buried by the new "scientific". I believe that by injecting
resources on the poorest and conditioning these transfers counterparts as school
attendance, by both young and adults, and adherence to prophylactic health programs,
we will be inaugurating a new way of promoting development, considerably more
effective and should substitute its tax incentive programs and waiver of taxes, which are
18
the delight of the large multinationals and rich and successful entrepreneurs without that
with this, bring actual benefits for the population of the grantors.
All this, as the eminent professor Hirschman warned, implies the resumption of the
discussion about the development that it is essential these days, is due to the situation of
economic stagnation and the deterioration of social conditions in large parts of the
capitalist periphery in the context of globalization, is due to the very limits of ecological
consumer society is faced with the failure of the great powers whose economies plunge
pedantically on those classified as emerging. The challenge is to rethink the
development taking into consideration this set of problems, undressing elitist prejudices
inherited from the first world and building models and standards consistent with our
economic reality.
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