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The Christianization of Space along the via Appia: Changing Landscape in the Suburbs of RomeAuthor(s): Lucrezia SperaSource: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 107, No. 1 (Jan., 2003), pp. 23-43Published by: Archaeological Institute of AmericaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40026565Accessed: 31-12-2015 16:10 UTC
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2/22
h e
hristianization
o
S p a c e
a l o n g
t h
i a
A p p i a
hanging Landscape
n
t h u b u r b s
o R o m e
LUCREZIA SPERA
Abstract
This article examines
the
changes
caused
by
the
Christianization
f the area
along
the Via
Appia
between
the third and seventh
century
and its
implications
for
our
knowledge
and
understanding
of
the
evolution
of
the suburban
andscape
in the Late
Antique city.During
the
mid-Imperialperiod
this area
was characterized
by
a
complex system
of
roads,
residential
districts, arms,
and
funerary
monuments.
Starting
rom the late second
cen-
tury,
t was
increasingly
devoted
to the
creation
of
"Chris-
tian
spaces,"
first
in the form of
surface
and
subterra-
nean
funerary complexes,
and later with churches and
monuments associatedwith the presence of the martyrs'
tombs.
In
the fourth and
early
fifth
century,
the
pres-
ence of Christian
cemeteries,
between the AurelianWall
and
the third
milestone,
contributed also to the
growth
of
secondary
access roads to the
funerarycomplexes.*
INTRODUCTION
There has been a
significant
increase in re-
search on suburban Rome
in
recent
years geared
to
achieving
a better
understanding
of
the trans-
formation that occurred in the area
beyond
the
Aurelian Wall.1There
are,
to
be
sure,
problems
in
the definition of the extra-urban
space vaguely
and
indiscriminately
referred
to
as "Suburbium"
or
"Campagna
Romana."2
In
addition,
studies of the
suburban area of the
city
have often
treated the
evidence of
funerary
areas and
residential sectors
separately. Finally,
there has been
markedly
little
interest
in
the
evolution of the
suburban land-
scape
in
the Medieval
period.
This
paper
is in-
tended as a
contribution to our
knowledge
and
understanding
of this
question
in
its
synthesis
and
analysis
of the
archaeological
evidence
relating
to
the Christianization of space between the third
and
seventh centuries
along
the Via
Appia,
one of
several
main roads
connecting
the
city
to its im-
mediate hinterland.
I
have chosen to
focus
chiefly
on the Via
Appia
as
it is
one of the few
suburban areas of
the modern
city
in which
intensive
development
has not taken
place,
resulting
in
a
largely
intact
archaeological
record
relating
to the
period
under
study.3
As I
hope
to
show,
the
picture
that
emerges
from the
evidence is
of a suburban
landscape
profoundly
changed
as
a direct
result of the
Christianizationof
the
urban core.
*
An earlier
version
of
this
paper
was
presented
at the work-
shop
"FromVilla o
Monastery:
ransformations
f
the Italian
Landscape
n
Late
Antiquity
nd n
the
Early
MedievalPeriod"
of the
Norwegian
nstituteat Rome in
November
2000.
1
am
particularly
rateful
o Anna
Leone for her
help
with the En-
glishwriting.
wish o thankBruce
Hitchnerand LisaFentress
for
their
comments
and
their efforts
in
editing
the
English
text. Gratitude s also due to the
AJA nonymous
reviewer or
his constructive riticism.
1
The
startingpoint
of this
new
stream n
the
study
of the
evolution f
Rome n
Late
Antiquity
as o be seen inthe Lexicon
Topographicum
rbisRomae
the
first
volume has been recent-
lypublished:LaRegina2001 and in thecolloquium"Suburbi-
um:Dalla crisidel sistemadelleville a
GregorioMagno," organized
by
L'Ecole
Francaise
e
Rome,
Soprintendenza
Archeologica
di
Roma,
Sovraintendenza
Comunale ai Beni
Culturali,
and
PontificiaCommissionedi
Archeologia
Sacra,
16-18
March
2000,
Rome
(forthcomingproceedings
include a
CD with a
collectionofdata rom newexcavations nd a
reanalysis
f
old
publications
with he aim to
understand
he area
surrounding
the
city
defensive
walls).
These new data
have
to be
consid-
ered
in
connection with the
published
studies
focusing
main-
ly
on the evolutionof the classical
city
n
Late
Antiquity
nd in
the
Early
Medieval
period:
ee
the
papers
n
Christie nd Lose-
by
1996;
n
Brogiolo
et al.
2000;
and in
Lavan
2001;
on
Rome
see
esp.
Harris
1999;
PaniErmini
1999.
These
articles
lso
pro-
vide a
complete
collection of
the
large
existing
bibliography
on this
subject.
2
Often
these
two
expressions
are
indifferently
used. Nev-
ertheless,
t is
necessary
o
point
out
that the
idea
of
"Campa-
gna
Romana" s
modern,
commonly
used
principally
n
topo-
graphical
tudies
n
19thand
20th
centuries
see
Lanciani1909
and Tomassetti
1975-1980).
Suburbium
nd
suburbanus,
ven
if
it is
literally
referring
to the
space
"suburben
i.e.,
beyond
the
city
the
area closer to the
city
walls),
has been
used
by
historical
ourceswitha
broad
topographical
meaning,gener-
allywithin20-25 miles fromthe citywalls(occasionally t re-
fers alsotoa
larger
distance,
such as in
Simmachuswho
men-
tions the
"center
of
Spoletium"
s
"suburbanus,"
ecause
t
is
included within
the 100
miles
of
the
jurisdiction
of the urban
praefectura
[Simm.
Epist.
3.13.2]).
On these
problems,
see
Champlin
1982,
and more
recently
La
Regina
2001,
1-2)
.
3
On
the
archaeology
f
the Via
Appia,
ee
Angelini
and Fea
1828;
Canina
1853;
Ripostelli
and
Marucchi
1908;
Castagnoli
1956;
Castagnoli
t
al.
1972;
Quilici
1977,
1989;
Quilici
Gigli
1990;
FondazioneMemmo
1997;
Spera
1999;
and
most
recent-
ly,
Bruni
et al.
2001.
American
Journal
of Archaeology
07
(2003)
23-43
23
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24
LUCREZIA
SPERA
[AJA107
THE
SUBURBAN
AREA
ALONG
THE VIA APPIA
IN
THE IMPERIAL
PERIOD:
A
STARTING
POINT
The
landscape
of the Via
Appia extending up
to the
eighth-ninth
milestone4
during
the
Impe-
rial period was dominated by residential districts
linked
by
a
complex system
of
secondary
roads.5
The
principal
axis
was,
of
course,
the Via
Appia,
though
some
secondary
roads connected to the
Viae Ardeatina and Satricana
to the
southwest,6
and the Via Latina to the northwest.7
The resi-
dential areas included
large private properties,
such as the
Triopium
f Herodes
Atticus between
the second and third
miles,8
and the villa of the
Quintilii
at the fifth mile.9 There were also a
large
number of
buildings containing
production
and
craft
structures,10
commercial
areas,11
as well as
sanctuaries,
including
a
temple
of Mars
at the first
milestone, a
temple
of Rediculus at the second
milestone,
and a
sanctuary
of
Hercules at the
eighth
milestone.12 There were
numerous late
Re-
publican
and
early Imperial
tombs,
whose
prop-
erties were
managed
either
by
families or
by
colle-
gia funeraticia.15Generally, during
this
period,
the
suburbium eems to
have been
characterized
prin-
cipally by
the
private
property,
well
organized
by
functions of the different sector of
the extramu-
ral
territory.
EARLY CHRISTIAN
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
EVIDENCE
The "Christianization"
f
the Via
Appia appears
to
have
begun
in the
late second
or
early
third
cen-
tury with the establishment of the first cemeteries
used
by
the
community
of
the Church
of Rome.14
Prior to this
period
Christians
were buried
in the
same areas as
pagans.15
This
change suggests
a
pref-
erence
for an
independent
burial
space
where
Chris-
tians,
reflecting
a
growing
sense of
community,
could
act
charitably,
celebrate
funerary
rites,
and
experi-
ence death
as a
preparation
for
the
resurrection.
One
of these
cemeteries
sub divo
was
built
in the
area
between
the Via
Appia
and
the Via Ardeatina.
Excavated
n
the
late 19th
and
early
20th
centuries,
it measured
30
x
75
m,
and was
occupied
by graves
disposed
in different
layers
so as to
exploit
as
much
space as possible. Two underground axial galler-
ies,
reached
by parallel
stairs,
were
linked
by
cross-
tunnels,
with a
grid pattern
that
respected
the
edges
of the
space
above
ground
in relation with
the ence-
inte
(fig.
1).
This
cemetery
has
been
plausibly
den-
tified
as the one
managed
by
the
deacon
and future
Pope
Callixtus,
following
the decision
of
Pope
Ze-
firinus
(A.D.
199-217).
16
Another
cemetery,
initiated
in
the
early
third
century,
has been
identified
in the
Praetextatus
4Theconventionaledgeof the suburbium f Romehasbeen
established between the
eighth
and ninth miles.
This con-
ventional subdivisionbetween the
territory
f Rome and the
LatiumVetuswas
proposed
for the firsttimein the
plan by
H.
Kiepert
n CIL
4(1 887)
The same
map
has been
republished
in
CIL
6.8.2
(1996).
The same convention has
been also re-
cently
used
in
the LTUR
La
Regina
2001,
2).
5
For the
private
oads,
see
Capogrossi
Colognesi
1976,
52-
64, 197-221, 244-8;
BeltranLlorisand ArasaGil
1979-1980.
6Spera
1999,
451-52
and
pl.
2,
y,6,K,A,o;
omunedi
Roma-
UfficioCarta
dell'Agro
1988,
F.
24, 559s, 700s,
and F.
24,
598s.
See also
Ashby
1907,
pl.
1 Roads
connecting
withtheViaSatri-
cana
are ound
n
De Rossi
1967,107;Cecchinietal.
1989-1990,
115,
ig.
78;
Comunedi Roma-
Ufficio
Carta
dell'Agro
1988,
F.
25,
501s.
7Spera1999, 452, 456,pl. 2, e,el,o,o,T;Comune di Roma-
Ufficio Carta
dell'Agro
1988,
F.
24-25, 393s,
126s.
8For
Herodes
Atticus,
ee Graindor
979;
Neugebauer
1934;
Rutledge
1960;
Dickson1997.The name
"Tpioniov"ppears
n
C/G1.26,3.6280;
G14.1389-1
391;
C/L6.1342.
Cf.
Lugli
1924,
94-120;
Quilici
1968;
Kammerer-Grothaus
974;
PisaniSarto-
rio and Calza
1976, 131-41;
Coarelli
1981,
38-43.
A
summary
is found
in
Spera
1999,
353-5.
9Ashby
1909;
Ricci
1998;
Paris
2000.
10Manacorda
979;
Giitschow
1938,
106;
Spera
1999, 364,
n.
126,
366.
11
E.g.,
Caediciae abernae
adomini
. . . vocatae:Paul.
39L)
or
tabernae
plurimae,
near the horti
Crassipedis
Cic.
Q.
Fr.
3.7.2;
Spera
1999,54,
363)
For
examples
nearPortaSan
Sebastiano,
seeSpera1999, 63-4, 363; or a statio r deversoriumdXhe sixth
mile,
Quilici
1977,
86;
Coarelli
1981, 59;
Cecchini
etal. 1989-
1990,
119.
12
No clear
archeaological
vidence
related
o these sanctu-
arieshas
been recorded.
Fora
complete
bibliography,
ee
Spera
1999,
50-2
(on
the
temple
of
Mars),
184
(on
the
temple
of
Rediculus)
Coarelli
1981,
62-3
(on
the
sanctuary
f
Hercules)
13The ombs
fall into two
categories:
ate
Republican
and
earlyImperial
monumental
private
ombs
along
the Via
Ap-
pia
and
a
well-organized
series of
funerary
buildings
lined
up
along
secondary
roads.
The latterdate from
the end
of
the first
century
A.D. Von
Hesberg
1994, 32-8,
50-5,
112-
230,
passim;
1987,
43-60.
For these
necropoleis,
see Fasola
1984;
Spera
1999,
139-55
("della
Torre
ta"),
209-25,
238-
9,
246
(under
St.
Sebastian)
266-7,
280-3
(near
the circus
ofMaxentius) L.Fiorelli,NSc1877,272,311-2;R.Lanciani,
NSc
1878, 36, 67,
134-6, 164-6,
369-70;
BullCom
878,
107-
19;
NSc
1879,
15-6;
BullCom
880,
46-8
(Forte
Appio).
For
the
necropolis
called "of
Lucina,"
ee
Reekmans
1964,
11-
34;
Spera
1999,
99-108, 373,
376.
14
The
evidence s earlier
han that
recorded
nside the
city,
where information
or this
period
is
lacking
or
only
partially
known
(Pani
Ermini
2000,
withall earlier
bibliography)
15FiocchiNicolai
1997, 121;
1998,
13-4.
16Hyppol.
Philosoph.,
.12.14.
For the
open-air
enclosure,
see
De Rossi
1864-1877, 3:498-9;
Fasola
1983;
1986,
176-82;
Spera
1999,
1
1
1-3,
173.For he callistian
"area
,"
ee
De Rossi
1864-1877,
vol.
2;
Styger
925-1926;
Fiocchi
Nicolai
1997,123;
1998, 16-7;
Spera
1999, 124-7,
378-9.
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2003]
CHRISTIANIZATIONOF SPACE
IN
THE SUBURBS
OF ROME 25
Fig.
1. Catacomb of Callixtus:enclosure and
underground
tunnels of "area
I"
Fig.
2.
Necropolis
of Praetextatus:
pen-air
graves.
Courtesy
of ArchivioCommissione
di
Archeologia
Sacra)
complex,
located
along
a crosswiseaxis of the Via
Appia, corresponding
more or less to the modern
Appia Pignatelli.17
t included an enceinte sub divo
(36
x
30
m)
with tunnels reached
by
two
stairs that
respected
the
edges
of
the enclosure
(figs.
2-3).
On the
east side of
the enceinte
a
large
abandoned
cistern was transformed
into a burial
complex
with
numerous
loculi
dug
into the walls.
This structure
was
later connected
to the
main area
by
new tun-
nels,
which
extended
beyond
the
original
limits
of
the enclosure.18
These two burial
complexes
were
established
at
some distance
from
the Via
Appia,
presumably
re-
flecting
the need for
undeveloped
(and less ex-
pensive)
space.19
The
expanding
demand
for
a col-
lective
and
egalitarian
funerary space
must certain-
ly explain
the construction
of
tunnels,
now
widely
17Spera
1999, 454-5,
ns.
114-7;
for the Via
Asinaria,
see
also Man
2001.
18
For the
enclosure,
see
Josi
1932;
Tolotti
1978, 160-1;
Spera
1999, 192, 375;
for the earlier
catacomb,
Tolotti
1978;
Fiocchi Nicolai
1997, 123; 1998, 18;
Spera
1999,
199-203.
19
Many
cemeteries,
in
fact,
were created
by private
dona-
tions,
as shown
by
their
toponomy,
which
often
preserves
he
memory
of
the
benefactor,
as
in
the
coemeteriumraetextati
(Fiocchi
Nicolai
1998,
23).
The
Callixtan
omplex,
however,
was
probably
urchased
directly y
he Church
of Rome
(Spera
1999,373).
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26
LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
Fig.
3.
Necropolis
f
Praetextatus:
he
original
unnels
under he
enclosure
understood to be the
origins
of the
catacombs,20
that occurs
simultaneously
with the
exploitation
of
the
aboveground funerary
areas.
Christians were not
always
and
exclusively
bur-
ied
in
collective
cemeteries;
pagan family
tombs
were
occasionally
used
for
the
insertion
of Chris-
tian
graves.
For
instance,
a
third-century
a cassa omb
decorated with a scene from the
Jonah
cycle
was
inserted
into a
second-century
columbarium,
sited
in
front of the Circus of Maxentius
(fig.
4)
.21Simi-
lar
evidence also has been recorded at the
necrop-
olis,
later covered
by
the Basilica of Saint Sebastian.
Around the
middle
of the third
century
a
repre-
sentation of the "Gadarene madman" from the
Gospel
of Matthewwas
painted
into the
decoration
of the attic of the monumental second-centurymau-
soleum of Clodius Hermes.
Evidence
supporting
the identification of a
specifically
Christian
iconog-
raphy
here included several tombs
placed
in
a cir-
cle
in the
open
area
(piazzola)
ocated
in
front of
this
mausoleum.
On some of these an anchor or a
fish
was inserted
into the
epitaph,
making
a covert
declaration of the
Christian faith
(fig.
5).22
This
Christian
presence
ad catacumbas
i.e., the necrop-
olis
below Saint
Sebastian)
at the
third
mile of the
Via
Appia
became more
evident from
the
second
half of the third
century
onward. In
this
phase
the
burial
ground
on the
piazzola
was
buried,
and a
new cult area
dedicated to
Saints
Peter and Paul
was created.23
This
change
was
perhaps
brought
about
by
the
inaccessibility
of the
tombs of
the
two
martyrs,
one at the Vatican
cemetery
and the
other
along
the
Via
Ostiensis as a result
of the
persecu-
tions of
Valerian
in
A.D.
257.
A
small
porch, pre-
ceded
by
a
square
called
the triclia
by
its
excavator,24
preserved
on its
walls hundreds of
inscriptions
with
the names of the devotees gathered for the funer-
ary
banquets (refrigeria)
n
honor
of the
two saints
(fig.
6).25
That the
immediate area was not
as
yet
monopolized
by
Christian
structures is revealed
by
the dedication of
three marble
altars,
two to
the
God Attis
and one to
Jupiter
by
the vir
clarissimus
20Fiocchi icolai
1997,122-4;1998,15-24;
Pergola
997,
57-64.
21Nestori
969;
Brandenburg
984, 0-1;
Spera
999,
80-
2,
371.
22Carletti
981,287-307.
23
Spera
1999,
219-20.
24Styger
918,
8-98.The
space
was
onsidered
y
Rodolfo
Lanciani
Lanciani
920)
o be a tavern
or
wayfarers
ecause
of the
modesty
f its
structure.
25
ICUR
.12097-13096.
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6/22
2003]
CHRISTIANIZATIONOF SPACE IN THE SUBURBS OF ROME
27
Fig.
4. The scene from the
Jonah
cicle
in
the colombarium near the
Circus of Maxentius.
(Courtesy
of
Archivio
Commissionedi
Archeologia
Sacra)
Fig.
5. "Piazzola"under the Basilica of Saint Sebastian: loculuswith Christian
epitaph.
(Courtesy
of ArchivioCommissione di
Archeologia
Sacra)
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7/22
28
LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
Fig.
6. The
"Triclia" edicated to SaintsPeter
and Paul under the Basilicaof Saint
Sebastian:
plastic
model.
(Courtesy
of ArchivioCommissionedi
Archeologia
Sacra)
and
augur
Lucius Cornelius
Scipio Orphitus, orga-
nizer of a
tauroboliumnd a criobolium
n
A.D.
295.
26
Before the
reign
of Constantine and the so-called
Peace of the Church the martyrs' graves were not
visited
by many
devotees.
They
were not
yet
charac-
terized
by
distinctive
structures,
and
were
general-
ly
similar to other burials
within the
cemetery.27
hus
the
martyr Pope
Sixtus the
second,
executed dur-
ing
the
persecution
of
Valerian,
had
a
simple
mensa
tomb,
placed
at the end of a cubiculum f the Callix-
tan
complex
where
other
members of the
clergy
(nine
third-century
popes
and some African bish-
ops)
were buried
(fig.
7).28
TRANSFORMATIONS DURING
THE
FOURTH
CENTURY A.D.
As seen so
far,
the
relatively undeveloped
rural
landscape along
the
Via
Appia provided ample
space
for
its initial
exploitation
as a burial area
by
the
emerging
Christian
community
of Rome. This
process
of
exploitation
gains speed
and
takes on
new forms in the fourth century,most notablyin the
development
of
funerary complexes
both above-
and
underground,
and
in
the
emergence
of struc-
tures
relating
to
the Christian
cult,
principally
con-
nected with the
presence
of the
martyrs'
tombs.29
The New
Funerary Complexes
During
the fourth
century,
the
collective ceme-
teries of the third
century,
such as those
of Callix-
tus and
Praetextatus,
developed
in
an
unprecedent-
ed fashion.
In
both
cases the areas
sub divo were
enlarged
with the
addition of the
mausolea of
wealthy
families
(fig.
8).30
At the same
time,
the
underground
complexes
were extended, with new
nuclei connected
to the earlier
tunnels,
creating
26
CIL6.505
=
30781,
506
=
30782,
402.
This evidence is
significant
(but
not the
only
one)
to
highlight
the closeness
of
Christian nd
Pagan unerary
and cult
spaces.
See Verma-
seren
1977, 357;
Chioffi
1998,
62;
Spera
1999,
259.
27
Spera
1998,
21-36.
28
Spera
2000,
49-50.
29
For the
Christianization f Roman suburbs
ee,
in
gener-
al,
Reekmans
1968, 1989;
Fiocchi Nicolai
1997,
122-34.
30
E.g.,
the mausolea
of the Cercennii
nd the Calventii
n
Praetextatus
emetery
(Windfeld
Hansen
1969;
Rausa
1997,
76-87)
. These mausolea
became the
focal
point
for other
modest
graves:
lso,
in the Callixtus
area,
during
excavation,
De Rossi
ound numerous ormaeand burials
on different
ay-
ers all
around the east trichora
De
Rossi
1864-1877,
vol.
3,
tav.
39;
Spera
1999,
109-11,
115).
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8/22
2003]
CHRISTIANIZATION
OF SPACE IN
THE SUBURBS
OF ROME 29
Fig.
7.
Catacomb
of Callixtus:cubiculumwithhe tomb of
Pope
Sixtus.
(Courtesy
of
ArchivioCommissionedi
Archeologia
Sacra)
new ramifications and
resulting
in
a
more elabo-
rate network.
These
new
extensions contrasted
sharply
with the
uniformity
of
the earlier
complex-
es: more
grandiose
architectural
volumes
were
ob-
tained
by
the excavation
of the
bedrock,
with
the
principal
aim of
showing
off
privileged
social
sta-
Fig.
8.
Necropolis
of Praetextatus:mausoleum
of the Calventii.
Courtesy
of
ArchivioCommissione
di
Archeologia
Sacra)
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9/22
30 LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
Fig.
9. Catacombof Callixtus:monumental cubiculum.
(Courtesy
of
ArchivioCommissione
di
Archeologia
Sacra)
tus,
as
was the case with the
open-air
mausolea
(fig.
9)
.31The same
features
are
evident
in
the new
necro-
poleis
of the
fourth
century,
such as the
complexes
of
Marcus and Marcellianus and of Marcus and Bal-
bina,both of whichwerecreated near the ViaArdeat-
ina,
or that "of
the
Holy
Cross,"32
n the eastern
side of the Via
Appia,
and
in
the burial area con-
nected with the Basilica
Apostolorum.33
These new
complexes
were located
within the third
milestone
and
contained both an
aboveground cemetery
and
a catacomb.
These new
necropoleis
marked a
major
trans-
formation
in
the earlier
patterns
of the suburban
area.
Rural areas that were once used for
farming
were
occupied by
two
large funerary complexes,
one associated
with
Pope
Marcus34 nd
the other
with
the
martyrs
Marcus and Marcellianus.
Excava-
tions
by
the
Trappist
fathers at the
beginning
of
the
20th
century
demonstrated
that
the latter cem-
etery
was
located over a rural villa
of the
late Re-
publican or early Imperial period.35A rural land-
scape
can also
be
suggested
from the
archaeolog-
ical evidence
under
the
large
funerary
basilica
dedicated
to
Pope
Marcus
(336)
and
partially
ex-
cavated
by
Vincenzo
Fiocchi Nicolai
(fig.
10)
.36
This
structure and the
Basilica
Apostolorum
later ded-
icated to Saint
Sebastian at
the third
mile of the
Via
Appia
are "circiform"
or
ambulatory
basilicas,37
and their
construction
changed
the
physical
land-
scape
considerably.
In
both
cases the land
first was
terraced and leveled
to create
large
areas
for the
construction
of
imposing
structures.38
It is inter-
31
Fiocchi Nicolai
1997, 126,
esp.
129-31; 1998,
41-5. On
the Callixtus
complex,
see
Spera
1999,
123-33, 403;
on the
Praetextatus
atacomb,
ee Tolotti 1978
(see
also
Spera
1999,
199-205,403-4).
32
The catacombhasbeen named aftera
painted
cross ocat-
ed
in
one of the
galleries
n
the
complex
by
the
discoverer,
Antonio Ferrua
Ferrua1953)
33
For the
cemetery
of Marcusand
Marcellianus,
ee Saint
Roch
1999;
Spera
1999,
88-9
and,
most
recently,
Saint
Roch
2001;
for that of Marcusand
Balbina,
see
Spera
1999, 80-7;
2001
on the catacomb f the
Holy
Cross,
ee Ferrua
953;
Spera
1999,
178-82.
For the Basilica
Apostolorum,
see
Spera
1999,
252-6.
34
Fiocchi Nicolai
1995;
Fiocchi
Nicolai et al.
1995-1996
(1999).
35
O.
Marucchi,
JV&1906, 10-2;
Nestori
1990,
110-1
(see
also
Spera
1999,
87-9).
36
Fiocchi Nicolai et
al. 1995-1996
(1999),
73-5,
139-45.
37
Six structureswith
these characteristics
re
known
n
the
suburbsof Rome.
The most
important
studies
on them are
Krautheimer
1960;
Tolotti
1982;
Torelli
1992;
Jastrzebowska
1993.
38Quilici
1968, 334-7,
n.
2;
De
Angelis
Bertolotti
1983.
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10/22
2003]
CHRISTIANIZATIONOF SPACE IN
THE SUBURBS OF ROME
31
Fig.
10.Ambulatoria-basilicaf
Pope
Marcus.
(Courtesy
f ArchivioCommissione
di
Archeologia
Sacra)
esting
to
note that the
complex
of the
emperor
Maxentius,
which included a
villa,
the mausole-
um of
Romulus,
and a
circus,
was also undertaken
during
the
same
period.39
These simultaneous
developments highlight
the
emerging importance
of the
new ecclesiastical
purchaser
relative to the
emperor.
The basilica of
Marcus was
built
in
an area
of ir-
regular
landforms,
where
substantial
terracing
of
the bedrock
must have been
necessary.40
imilarly,
the Basilica
Apostolorum,
dedicated to
Sts. Peter
and
Paul
in
the Constantinian
period,
was
built on
irregular
terrain
covered
by
earlier
buildings
(fig.
11).
Here
all of the earth and earlier
structures
39Pisani artorioand Calza 1976 on the
villa;
Rasch 1984
on
the
mausoleum;
Ioppolo,
Pisani Sartorio et al. 1999 on
the circus.
40Fiocchi
Nicolai et al.
1995-1996
(1999),
74-5,
142-5.
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11/22
32
LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
Fig.
11. Basilicaof Saint Sebastian:
plastic
model.
(Courtesy
of Archivio Commissione
di
Archeologia
Sacra)
near the Via
Appia
(on
the
east)
which
lay
at a
high-
er
level,
were cut
away,exposing
traces of the under-
ground
tunnels while the lower structures on
the
west side were filled in.41The
huge ambulatory
ba-
silicas,
created as collective
funerary
areas,
also served
as the focal
points
for
the construction of
rich mau-
solea,
which were
distributed all
around
them42and
influenced the
position
of the catacombs.
These Christian cemeteries
were
the
principal
feature of the
landscape
between the Aurelian Wall
and the third milestone of the
Via
Appia during
the
late fourth and
early
fifth
century.
New
roads and
secondary
lanes were created to reach the
funerary
complexes.
This
phenomenon
is
particularly
clear
in
the area near the Via
Ardeatina,
on the northern
side of the
cemetery
of
Callixtus,
where the
align-
ment of the stairs of some of the
underground
com-
plexes
follows that of the basilica of
Marcus,
which
suggests
the existence of at least
two new
tracks that
were
used
to reach the cemeteries
(fig. 12).43
The rise of collective Christian cemeteries re-
duced the number and
importance
of
smaller
prop-
erties owned
privately
or
by
collegia
r different
reli-
gious
groups.
A
few
are known the
Jewish
cata-
combs44 nd
the one dedicated
to devotees
of
Mith-
ras and Sabatius45
fig.
13)
-
but
they
do not seem
to have
had much
impact
on the
landscape.
There
are
very
few
burials sub divo
that are
not connected
to the
large
cemeteries,46
while
the
number of
pri-
vate
underground
complexes,
with a limited
amount
of
burials,
is
exiguous.47
Although
the creation
of the new
cemeteries
must be
considered
in the
light
of a mass
phe-
nomenon of
Christianization
that
included all
social
classes,48
we must consider
the
degree
to
which
the new structures
themselves
trans-
formed
the
funerary
customs of the suburbs.
The
evidence
from the
Via
Appia
provides
a
signifi-
cant
example
of these
changes.
Before the Chris-
tian
period
both
epigraphic
evidence
and his-
torical
sources describe
the
Roman desire
for
commemoration
in
the
eyes
of
passers-by.49
Land-
owners often built
their tombs
within
the
limits
of their
praedia,
and
adjacent
to
a
major
road
(fig.
41
Spera
1999,
esp.
229-30,
387-8.
42
See
fig.
15.
43
Spera
1999,
455-6 and
pl.
2, 6,91,1.
44Forhe
Vigna
Randamm
atacomb,
Vismara
1986,371-8;
Rutgers
1990;
Vitali
1994,
25-9;
Spera
1999,
262-5.
For the
Vigna
Cimarra
atacomb,
De Rossi
1867;
Vismara
1986, 360;
Vitali
1994, 29;
Spera
1999, 258, 325-6;
see also the historical
discussionn
Rutgers
1992.
45
For the
catacombof
Vibia,
see Ferrua
1971,
1973
(Spera
1999,
174-5).
46
E.g., heone whereConstantinian oins havebeenfound,
located
near he mausoleum
of Cecilia
Metella
(Cereghino
nd
Meogrossi
1986;
Spera
1999, 292,
392).
47
E.g.,
the
Schneider
Hypogeum
(Ferrua1963)
or
the one
of the Hunters
(Wumbrand-Stuppach
927)
both located
on
the east
side of the Via
Appia
(Spera
1999, 171,
400-1).
48Mazzarino
974,
esp.
51-73;
Sordi
1984, 79-103;
Meeks
1992.
See also Brown
1972;
Pietri
1978;
Brown
1982.
49Purcell
987;
von
Hesberg
1994,
esp.
32-50;
see
also Susi-
ni
1978;
Eck1996.
On theVia
Appia,
within he
third
mile,
Spera
1999,
esp.
347-50.
Forsome
images,
ee Canina
1853,
pls.
2,
6,
16-18, 20-21, 25-26, 29-31, 33, 36, 39, 41-42,
44-47.
This content downloaded from 142.150.190.39 on Thu, 31 Dec 2015 16:10:08 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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12/22
2003]
CHRISTIANIZATIONOF SPACE IN THE
SUBURBS OF ROME
33
Fig.
12.
General
map
with
the
catacombs
of
Marcus-Marcellianus nd Balbina at the
beginning
of
fifth
century:
1,
basilica of
Pope
Marcus;2,
catacomb
of
Balbina; 3,
catacomb
of
Saints Marcusand Marcellianus.
(After
Fiocchi
Nicolai et al.
1995-96
[1999])
14).50 Of course, many people were buried far
from their homes inside the
city.
In
the late
Republican
and
early
Imperial
periods,
the in-
scriptions on some tombs mention not only the
dead
person's profession,
but also the
area of
Rome
in
which
they
worked.51
50Mansuelli
978.
51
E.g.,
an
argentarius
banker)
macelli
magniwas
buried at
the fourth mile of
the Via
Latina
(
CIL
.9183)
while another
manworked
n
a wine
forum,
perhaps
on the
Campus
Martius,
and wasburiedbetween the
eighth
and
the
ninth
miles of the
ViaLabicana CIL
.9182)
The
epitaphs
of two nhabitants f
Rome,
a
crepidarius
shoemaker)
deSubura
CIL6.9284)
and
a
midwifeat
MonsEsquilinvs
CIL
.972
1
both come fromTor
Sapienza,
on the Via
Praenestina,
long
way
rom
the
center
of the
city.
Some similar
inscriptions
were
found
along
this
route,
heading
toward he Via
Appia.
The
epitaphs
ound far
from
the
city
wallmention a vinarius
wine
seller)
de
Velabro
(CIL6.9993)
from
Casal
Rotondo,
a
pigmentariusperfumer)
in
vicusLorariusCIL
.9796)
found in Torre
Selci,
both
locat-
ed at the sixth
mile;
and a
margaritariusjeweler)
de ViaSacra
(
CIL
.9545)
who
probably
ivedat
the end of the
Republican
period,
was
buried between the sixth
and the
seventh mile of
the Via
Appia.
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13/22
7/25/2019 Christianization of Space along Via Appia.pdf
14/22
2003]
CHRISTIANIZATIONOF SPACE
IN
THE
SUBURBS
OF ROME
35
Fig.
15. Basilicaof Saint Sebastian:
plastic
model with the south-sidemausolea.
(Courtesy
f Archivio
Commissione
di
Archeologia
Sacra)
From this it
appears
that,
prior
to
the
Christian
development
of the
area,
there was an
unregulated
and
unsystematic
quality
to the
placement
of tombs
as far as the eighth-ninth mile.52In the third and
fourth
centuries, however,
there is notable decrease
in
funerary activityalong
the Via
Appia, beyond
the
zone
intensively occupied by
the common
Christian
cemeteries,
that
is,
between the third and
eighth-
ninth
mile.53
Specifically, only
10
funerary inscrip-
tions are known
beyond
the third milestone that can
be dated to the fourth
century
A.D. or later as
op-
posed
to the over
6,000
Christian
epitaphs
from the
Christian
complexes along
the Via
Appia published
in
ICUR4 and 5.
In
essence,
the
population
of Rome
seems to
have
accepted
the creation of an articulat-
ed network of suburban
necropoleis,
ringing
the
city
up
to the thirdmilestone,
marking
a clear break with
the
burial
patterns
of
the
Imperial
period.
Senators
and
members
of the
upper
classes
generally
changed
their custom
of
building
isolated
mausolea
on
their
own properties,and began to build them inside the
collective cemeteries
(fig.
15).
The
individual
iden-
tity
of the owner
and
his
family
was
maintained,
along
with
the
display
of his
wealth,
but
now the
principal
determinant
of
the location
of the
tomb was
the
vi-
cinity
of the tomb
of a
martyr.
This is
particularly
rue
of the
imperial
mausolea associated
with
some
of
the
major complexes.54
THE
CHRISTIAN
PRESENCE
IN RURAL
AREAS
Beyond
the
ring
of Christian
complexes
we find
cemeteries
associatedwith
rural settlements.
These
are often
very simple
and
poor,
and,
for this
reason,
difficult to date with precision. The only example
52
Evidenceof
people working
n
the Via
Sacracomes from
distinct
parts
of the Via
Appia:
rom the
necropolis
near
the
gate
(
C/L6.9548,9935, 5287,
9212)
from the areaat the third
mile
(
CIL
.9239)
aswell as for the
already
ited
margaritarius;
then two
inscriptions
related to
people
ab ara marmoreaere
found
respectively
ear Porta
Capena
(
CIL
.9403)
and at the
third-fourthmile of the
Appia
(CIL6.10020).
53Canina
853,
9.
E.g.,
CIL
.1428,
31651
(a.
241;
see Can-
ina
1853, 113-5;
Quilici
1977,
70;
Coarelli
1981,
51).
E.g.,
the
sarcophagus
f L. AnniusOctaviusValerianus
CIL
.117
43)
third/fourth
century
comes
from the
Via
Appia,
at the sixth
mile
(Casal
Rotondo):
see Felletti
Maj
1976,
245-7.
The
only
exception
is the
site at the fourth
mile,
which
I will
analyze
below.
54
Examples
nclude
Helen's
mausoleumadduos
hums
Guy-
on
1987,
217-9)
,
Constanza's
mausoleum
n Sant
Agnese
(Fru-
taz
1976,
72-93)
,
and
Theodosius's
mausoleum
near the
Vat-
ican Basilica
(Biering
and von
Hesberg
1987;
Johnson
1990,
38-43;
Rasch
1990).
See also
Fiocchi
Nicolai
1997,
128.
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36 LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
Fig.
16. The site on the west side of the Via
Appia (proprieta
Lugari) map
of the
archaeological
vidence.
(After
Ripostelli
and Marucchi
1908)
along
the via
Appia
is a site on the west side at the
fourth milestone
excavated at the
end of the 19th
century
(fig.
16)
55 t includes a late Roman
necrop-
olis located on the remains
of a
second-century
villa
connected to the
Via
Appia by
a
private
ane flanked
by opus
mixtum
walls.56 t the end
of the fourth
centu-
ry
the road was
partially
blocked
by
a
monumental
tomb in brick,which has recentlybeen excavatedby
a
Norwegian
team. The
tomb was intended to
con-
tain
sarcophagi,
but was also
used for
burials in
for-
mae,
which
were covered
by
an
opus
ectile
pavement.57
Two
sepulchral
exedrae
on the sides
of the
building
were
found,
while the tombs
were located in
the
open
area. There
were also several
burials in
amphorae,
probably
for
children,58
randomly
distributed
around
the abandoned
spaces
of
the
villa,
some of
which were
intentionally
restored
to be
reused as
funerary
areas.59
The 61
graves
recorded
to date in
the area
belong
to the late
fourth or
early
ifthcentu-
ry.60 nscriptions,
lamps,
and
decorated
glassware
containing Christiansymbolswere also found (fig.
17).61
n
sum,
the
site
appears
to be a
large funerary
complex
with a
single
distinctive
tomb,
the
mausole-
um
that
belonged
to the dominus
f the
fundus
and
his
family.
The
high
number of
burials
suggests
the
presence
of a
settlement
nearby,
perhaps
in
the villa
itself; indeed,
the creation
of a
late
storeroom con-
taining
dolia
was recorded
during
the
excavation.62
CHRISTIANIZATION F
SPACEAND
MARTYRS
CULTS
In
addition to
the
expansion
of
cemeteries
in
the
fourth
century,
the role of
the
martyrs'
cults
increased. The "Holy Space"that
they
defined had
a
significant
new role in
the
organization
of the
suburbs.
In
the course of
a
very
few decades
new
basilicas and
oratories were
constructed,
although
not all of these
have been
recovered
(fig.
18).
Many
of these
were
constructed above
the
early
funerary
complexes:
for
example,
above the
catacomb of
Callixtus a
sanctuary
was
constructed over the
tomb
of
Pope
Zefirinus,
associated
with the
one of
the
55
NSc
1883, 130, 420-1; 1884, 80,
104;
1885,
71;
1887,
277-
83;1889,272;
1893,
33
(Lanciani
884,
54;
Lanciani
885,
104)
See also
Lugari
890,1882,1910;
Ripostelli
nd
Marucchi
908,
196-204;mostrecently,WindfeldHansen1990;1996.
56
See,
in
general,
Cantino
Wataghin
1994,
esp.
145- 6 with
bibliography.
57
Windfeld Hansen
1990,
1996.
58
Becker
1994.
For burials
n
amphoras,
see Green
1977,
esp.
47;
Soren and Soren
1999,
463-651
(esp.
490s).
59
NSc
1884, 80; 1887, 177-283; 1889, 272; 1893,
33.
60
The excavationsdid not
identify
the limits of the cem-
etery,making
t
likely
that that there were more burials.
The
chronological
imits for this
cemetery
are determined
by
an
inscription
dated
betweenAD. 365and373
(/CC/R5.15351),
a coin
of
Constans,
a
fragment
of a
sarcophagus
with
a
crossat
either
side,
a transenna
ecoration,
and a
stamp
referring
to
the
emperors
Valens,Valentinian,
and Gratian.For the sar-
cophagus,
NSclSS7,
278
(Deichmann
etal.
1967,
n.
243, 687,
856 aresimilarsarcophagi) orthestampon abrick,probably
CIL
5.1662
(Archivio
Centraledello
Stato,
Roma,
Ministero
della
pubblica
struzione.
Direzione
Generate
Antichita Belle
Arti,
2
versamento: affari
generali
-
scavi e
antichita
musei gallerieepinacoteche
oggetti
d'artedivisi
per prov-
ince:
busta246
(Roma
Suburbio-ViaLatinae
ia
Appia)
.
4270
(Relazione
1882-1883).
61
ICUR
5.15351,
15427,
15431;
NSc
1887, 277, 279,
282;
1889,
272.
62
NSc
1883, 420-1;
1884, 80; 1893, 33;
Spera
(forthcom-
ing),
n. 133. From the
villa of the
Quintilii
comes other
evi-
dence connected to
Christianity.
An
alabasterdisc
(fig.
17)
showedthe
monogram
of Christ
and was
nscribedwitha
gen-
itive
plural
name,
perhaps
[
Quintili
arum
ICUR5.
5413)
The
integration
s that of
De Rossi
(1873,
88-94);
most
recently
Carletti
1999,
16 n.
12
(fourth/fifth
century).
A
fourth-centu-
ry
nscription,
discovered
n
the
17th
century
at the
same
site,
asksGodfor
protection
or the land
belonging
to the
virperfec-
tissimus ustus
(ICUR
.15410;
see C.
Lega
and S.
Orlandi,
n
Di Stefano Manzella1997,270-1). It is possiblethat thissite
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2003]
CHRISTIANIZATION
OF SPACE IN THE SUBURBS OF ROME 37
Fig.
17. Alabaster
disc with the
Christgram
rom the Villa of
the
Quintili.
(After
De Rossi
1873)
Fig.18.Mapwith allsanctuariesn the areaAppia-Ardeatina.
martyr
Tarsicius
(fig.
19).63
Not far
from
the
basilica
dedicated to
Marcus,
and close to the sub divo sanc-
tuary
of the
martyrs
Marcus and
Marcellianus,
Pope
Damasus ordered
the
building
of a tomb for him-
self, his mother, and his sister at the end of the
fourth
century.64
At
the
same time
another
complex
was dedicated
to Soter
probably
on the east side of
the Via
Appia,65
while
in
the
fifth
century
Pope
Leo
I founded a basilica
apud corpus
dedicated to Cor-
nelius.66 The cult of the
martyrs
was
directly
related
to the
development
of collective
open-air
cemeter-
ies in the
period
between
the fifth and seventh cen-
turies,
when the
suburban
necropoleis
remained
in
use,
although
there
is a
notable decrease
in
the
evidence,
possibly
caused
by
the
appearance
of
burials
in
the
city
itself67 and
to an
evident decline
in the
population
of Rome after the sack of Alaric.68
The complexes were transformed into large areas
retrosanctos,
or burials near
martyrs'
tombs,
with the
creation
of
privileged
spaces
and the reuse of earli-
er sites
and
sepulchral
structures.69
For
instance,
Fasola
interpreted
the
cemetery
at Torretta as asso-
ciated with
the
many
tombs of saints
in
the Callix-
tus
complex, reoccupying
an earlier
necropolis
at
the
beginning
of the fifth
century
with
poor
burials
and a small
catacomb,
which reused
existing
drain-
age
channels.70
The tombs of the
martyrs,
now decorated and
refurbished,
also became
important
sanctuaries for
the
living. They
continued
to
attract
pilgrims
even
after their abandonment as
funerary
sites. The cult
had been
partially
nhabited because some
parts
of the villa
were
clearly
estored
during
Late
Antiquity
nd the
Early
Mid-
dle
Ages.
Evidence of this can be discerned from the brick
stamps
datedtothe
reign
of Theodoric oundinthe
collapsed
wallsof the smallbaths
(Ricci
1986;
Paris
2000,
41)
or the sev-
eral late walls dentifiable n different
parts
of the
complex,
which was
probably
ransformed nto a
farm,
as shown
by
the
Sustus
inscription.
The
same evidence
of
continuity
of occu-
pation
seems to be confirmed
by
the burial
area,
dated
to the
fifth-sixth
centuries,
cut in the
ground,
at that time
probably
a
swamp,
and found on the eastern side of the "smallbaths"
(Ricci
1991,
467).
63Fasola1980.
64SaintRoch
986;FiocchiNicolaietal.
1995-1996
(1999),
127-9;
Spera
1999,
91.
65
The cult was
promoted
by
the
BishopAmbrogius
Spera
1999,
part.
77-8,
178-81).
66
Spera
1999, 108,415.
57
In this
period,
in
fact,
the
phenomenon
of the intra
moe-
raas-burials
egan:
see
Meneghini
and
Santangeli
Valenzani
1993,
1994.
68
On
demography
f
late
Imperial
Rome,
see
esp.
Lo Cascio
1997,
58-76.
69
As
recently
shown
by
the excavationof the
ambulatoria-
basilica
along
the
Via
Ardeatina,
where
the
upper ayers
of the
burial areaswere
systematically
eused:Fiocchi Nicolai et al.
1995-1996
(1999),
188-95.
70Fasola 984, 1985;Spera1999, 139-51, 398, 410.
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17/22
38 LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
Fig.
19.
Necropolis
of Callixtus: he WestTrichora.
(Courtesy
of Archivio Commissione
di
Archeologia
Sacra)
areas
were
enlarged
to
receive
more
people.
In
the fifth
century
a
small tunnel
in
the Balbina cem-
etery
was turned into a
basilica,
perhaps
dedicat-
ed to the Greek martyrs (fig. 20). 71During the
same
period, Pope
Leo
I
(440-461)
ordered the
building
of a
ground
basilica,
probably
near the
stairs to
the
hypogeum,
to
preserve
the under-
ground
tomb of Cornelius.72
Meanwhile
the old
cemeteries
were
expanded by
a series of new struc-
tures
connected with the
martyrs'
cults and the
reception
of
visitors.
In
the fifth
century,
for exam-
ple,
Sixtus III founded
the first suburban monas-
tery
on the Via
Appia,
connected to the Basilica
Apostolorum.73
CONCLUSION
Despite
changes
in
the
organization
of
the
land-
scape
connected with the
funerary complexes
of
the Christian
community,
the
course
of the Via
Appia
was not
affected;
it
continued to serve trav-
elers,
offering
them a view of Rome's ancient
pros-
perity through
the
preservation
of
many
of the
monumental classical
buildings.74
Similar transfor-
mations,
it is
intuitable,
mark
generally
the
histo-
ry
of all Roman
suburbs from
Late
Antiquity
to the
Middle
Ages;
but
only
a
careful and
complete
ar-
chaeological analysis will reveal exactly the fea-
tures of
these
landscape
changes.
The
complex
network of sanctuaries
for which
evidence
exists
in
the
pilgrims'
guides
of the seventh
and
eighth
centuries is the end
point
of the Christianization
of
the suburban areas
developed
here.75
The
ring
of sites
outside the
city
walls in the seventh
centu-
ry,
before the transfer
of the
bodies of
the
martyrs
to the urban
churches,
indicates
the new
ideology
defined
by
the diffusion
of the
Christian
faith and
reflected
in
the
organization
of the suburbs.
The most
obvious
consequence
of this
phenom-
enon is the
transformation
of
private
into
public
and collective
spaces
that combined
funerary
and
cult functions
in
a
new
way.
Classical
writers
men-
tioned
horti,
praedia,
and
vMae sometimes
in con-
nection with
sanctuaries
and mausolea. In the
Re-
publican
and
early
Imperial period,
a denser
net-
work of cult
spaces
was
found farther
out,
such
as
the
group
of sanctuaries
between the fifth and
the
71Nestori
1990;
Fiocchi Nicolai et al. 1995-1996
(1999),
134-5;
Spera
1999,
85-7.
72
Supra,
n.
66.
73
Spera
1999,
248.
74Proc. goth. 1, 14 = La guerragotica di Procopiodi Cesarea.
Testo
greco
emendatosui manoscritti
on traduzione
taliana,
a cura
di Domenico
Comparetti,
ol.
1,
Roma
1895,
110-1.
75
See
Reekmans
(1968;
1989,
n.
32);
most
recentlySpera
1998.
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18/22
2003]
CHRISTIANIZATIONOF SPACE
IN THE SUBURBS
OF ROME
39
Fig.
20.
Cemetery
of Balbina: he small basilica
probably
dedicated
to the Greek
martyrs.
Courtesy
of Archivio
Commissionedi
Archeologia
Sacra)
sixth
milestones,
where
they
functioned as meet-
ing places
for
country people
for
religious
festivals
such as the
purification
of the land and
the
propi-
tiation of the harvest.76The urban population by
contrast used the
public spaces
inside
the
city.77
t
is
only
with the diffusion of
Christianity
and the
acquisition by
the
Church
of
large
areas outside
the
walls
that the suburban
area
acquire
a
new
and
important
"public"
role.
Although
it is not
possible
to draw
general
schemes,
especially
for Late
Antiquity,
similar
trends
have
been
recorded not
only
in
Rome
but
in
other
regions
of the
Mediterranean,
especially
in
Italy,
Africa
Proconsularis,
and Gaul.78There-
fore
Christianity
had an
important
role in
the
trans-
formation
of
cities
from
the
third
to seventh
cen-
turies
A.D.,
in
both intramural and suburban
ar-
eas.
In
studies that have focused on extramural
sectors,
such as in
Milan,
Carthage,
or in some cit-
ies of
Gaul,79
mportant
elements of this transfor-
mation have been
recorded,
and these data are
comparable
with the information from Rome.
In
all of
them,
the
creation
of
ecclesiastical
proper-
ties related to the
presence
of common cemeter-
ies
and of
martyrs'
sanctuaries
centers
of
devel-
opment
and visitation
are two
of the
most
impor-
tant
elements related to the
evolution of
subur-
ban areas in Late Antiquity.
This article
represents
a detailed
approach
to
a
circumscribed
suburban
area
of
Rome,
highlight-
ing
that
a
development
of
new studies
on the
sub-
urbs
could contribute
to the
comprehension
of
the transformations
of
post-Classical
cities
and
to
the
ongoing
debates
about the
continuity
or dis-
continuity
of urban areas.
Evidence
presented
here
from
the area of the
Via
Appia
shows
the slow "de-
structuring"
of
one
landscape
followed
by
the cre-
ation of a
new,
Christianized
panorama,
a
phenom-
enon
that had
started
already during
the
Roman
empire.
UNIVERSITA
DEGLI
STUDI
DI ROMA
"TOR VERGATA"
FACOLTA
DI LETTERE
DIPARTIMENTO
DI
ANTICHITA
VIA A. CAVAGLIERI
ROME,
ITALY
LUCRESPE@TIN.IT
76Legal995.
77
Regardingconcepts
of
public space
n
antiquity,
ee Zac-
cariaRuggiu
1995.
78
Ageneraldescriptionof these towns s found in Carandi-
ni
et
al. 1993.
79
On these
cities,
see Rebecchi
1993;
Fevrier
1993;
Enna-
bli 1997.
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19/22
40 LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
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