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Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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JOHANNESBURG: PRO-POOR GROWTH THROUGH SUPPORT OF THE SMME ECONOMY Christian M. Rogerson 1. Introduction The aim in this case study is to highlight certain promising directions for
encouraging pro-poor growth in Johannesburg, South Africa’s largest and
economically most vibrant city. Historically, Johannesburg has been one of the
leading foci for the development of LED planning in South Africa and often a
benchmark or point of comparison for the performance of other cities. Moreover, it
is also, in many respects, a policy laboratory or testing ground in that city provides
several examples of policy and practice that have been adopted (or adapted) by
other South African centres. This case study does not seek to provide a
comprehensive examination of LED in Johannesburg as that task is beyond the
scope of this present discussion (see Rogerson, 2005). Rather, the case study
aims to examine the state of pro-poor LED within the city and especially to focus in
detail on one promising cluster support initiative which is driving a revival and
reinvention of the city’s clothing economy around the axis of an incipient fashion
district.
The paper is structured into three major sections of discussion. In the first section a
context is provided of the changing economy of the city and of the major
development challenges that confront the Metropolitan Council. The following
section turns to profile and review the city’s core LED directions and specifically to
identify its pro-poor dimensions. The third section reviews the important example of
the emerging fashion district and argues that it provides a best practice example of
LED interventions that are fostering a pro-poor growth in Johannesburg. Sources
for the paper are primary interviews with Council officials and stakeholders of the
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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Johannesburg fashion district to supplement extensive desk-top research of
documentary sources.
2. Johannesburg – An Economic and Development Profile Currently, it is estimated that the population of Johannesburg is approximately 3
million. In many respects, the city of Johannesburg towers over South Africa,
southern Africa, and even the continent as a whole. It is the region’s transport hub
and shopping center; the city’s international airport is the busiest in Africa. Often
Johannesburg is likened to the New York of Africa, dominating the continent in
terms of the scale and sophistication of its stock market, financial services,
corporate vibrancy, media and culture. Above all, as a recent report describes, “in
an African and even global context, Johannesburg has been synonymous with
driving capitalism” (CDE, 2002).
It has been stated, however, that in the context of post-apartheid change,
“Johannesburg is the test case of urban reconstruction” for South Africa (Beall et al,
2002: 7). At the core of the developmental issues that confronts the Greater
Johannesburg Metropolitan Council is the fact that Johannesburg is a highly
unequal city (CDE, 2002). Indeed, whilst a large proportion of Johannesburg’s
population is poor, the city also has a substantial middle and upper-middle class
competing in global financial and trade markets and adhering to international norms
of urban consumption and culture. As Beall et al. (2002: 7) assert: “Their
expectations of what constitutes a well-run city permeate the aspirations of the
GJMC and must be set against the demands of the city’s disadvantaged
populations”. The constant search in Johannesburg is thus for a balance in urban
development planning between global competitiveness on the one hand and
poverty reduction on the other.
Over the past two decades, this search for an urban development strategy has
been taking place in the context of an economic base in transition, if not radical
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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economic restructuring. The first three decades of apartheid rule, from 1948 to
1980 were marked by strong growth in most sectors of economic activity in
Johannesburg (Rogerson, 1995). Indeed, the only sector that confronted economic
decline during this period was the city’s traditional activity of gold mining “which saw
its share of total employment within Johannesburg fall from 23 percent in 1946 to
only 1 percent by 1996” (Beall et al, 2002: 7). Although Johannesburg is often
described as ‘iGoli- the city of gold”, as early as 1950 manufacturing had overtaken
mining as the leading source of employment in the city; by 1970 employment in the
primary sector in Johannesburg was down to only 36 000 jobs (CDE, 2002).
Restructuring of the urban economy has been proceeding at an especially rapid
pace since 1980 (Rogerson, 1995; Chandra et al, 2001). Since 1980, there has
occurred a marked downturn in employment especially within the manufacturing
sector. Existing data suggests that the demise of manufacturing in Johannesburg
continued and that between 1996-1999 there occurred a 7.9 percent fall in
employment. Despite the onset of de-industrialization in Johannesburg and a
situation of overall employment decline, it must be acknowledged that the city has
retained its strength in the high skills-based and hi-tech segments of manufacturing
(Rogerson, 1995, 2000a).
By contrast to the weak employment trends in manufacturing and mining sectors,
employment in the tertiary sector has escalated rapidly since 1980 and has been
led in particular by the burgeoning growth of the financial services, insurance, real
estate and business services economy (Beall et al, 2002, CDE, 2002). In terms of
the sector of financial and business services, Johannesburg is South Africa’s major
focus for banking, insurance, accounting, advertising and a host of financial
intermediation services (Trail Business Development Services, 2003). As the
location for nearly three-quarters of national corporate headquarter offices in South
Africa, Johannesburg has become established firmly as the decision-making and
financial control capital of South and southern Africa (Rogerson, 2005). Business
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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tourism and especially the segment of MICE (meetings, incentives, conferences
and exhibitions) is a vibrant element in the local economy (Gelling, 2004; Rogerson,
2004a, 2005). Finally, in terms of the expansion of service activities, it should be
noted that Johannesburg is the geographical focus of South Africa’s largest cluster
of ‘smart’ or ‘knowledge-based’ activities, in particular relating to the information
and communications technology (BluePrint Strategy and Policy, 2003).
Presently, in its economic complexion, Johannesburg is primarily a post-industrial
metropolis and the locus for coordinating South Africa’s (and increasingly the sub-
continent of Southern Africa’s) private sector (CDE, 2002). Indeed, Johannesburg
has been aptly described as South Africa’s quintessential professional, private
sector city (CDE, 2002). It is estimated that Johannesburg is responsible for
generating a Gross Geographic Product of R117 billion which represents roughly
16 percent of South Africa’s Gross Domestic Product and 40 percent of Gauteng
province. In terms of economic performance, over the last decade, Johannesburg
has bettered marginally at an average 2 percent growth per annum the national
performance, which is estimated at 1.8 percent growth over the past ten years. It is
viewed as “troubling” however, that Johannesburg’s growth of Gross Geographic
Product “has failed to increase as fast as other international cities” (GJMC, 2002:
12). As a whole, the urban economy is viewed as mirroring “strongly successive
waves of development and decline, which have seen the City move away from
mining and industrial production towards an economy fundamentally based on
services and trade as well as some high value manufacturing” (GJMC, 2002: 25). In
a 2003 report produced by the Metropolitan Council of Johannesburg, it was
observed that the city’s economy “is dominated by four sectors, three of which are
service sectors” (GJMC, 2003: 18). As indexed both by their contribution to total
formal employment and contribution to total GGP in 1999, the two leading sectors
of activity in the city economy are financial and business services and the retail and
wholesale trade sector. By far the most important is financial and business services
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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which was responsible for 22.6 percent of total formal employment and 31.7
percent of contribution to GGP (GJMC, 2003: 18).
The city offers 12 percent of all national employment opportunities in South Africa,
a total of 840 000 jobs. Nevertheless, a worrying feature is that employment growth
in Johannesburg has averaged a meagre 1 percent expansion over the past ten
years with levels of unemployment rising in the city to an estimated 30 percent by
2000. Parnell (2004a) suggests that for 2002 the extended unemployment figure of
32 percent as provided in the Labour Force Survey is generally considered to be
the best current estimate. Currently (2004) it is estimated that the rate of annual job
creation in the formal economy is around 2.5 percent, which includes a new burst of
growth in manufacturing. Nevertheless, in part this generally poor labour
absorptive performance of the formal economy is linked to the restructuring of the
city’s economic base from manufacturing to services and increasingly to
knowledge-based economic activities (such as IT service activities), which do not
employ as many low skill workers as manufacturing (Beall et al, 2002; GJMC,
2002).
An important and growing sphere of employment in Johannesburg is the city’s
increasingly vibrant small enterprise economy which encompasses a large and
growing element of survivalist informal sector enterprise (Rogerson and Rogerson,
1996, 1997; Rogerson, 2002a). This informal economy has grown up and out of the
progressive failures of the formal economy to generate sufficient employment
opportunities for the expanding numbers of work seekers, including new migrants
from all parts of South Africa and since 1994 also from much of sub-Saharan Africa
(Peberdy and Rogerson, 2003). Overall, Johannesburg’s small enterprise economy
has been demonstrated as an axis of both economic growth and survival
(Rogerson and Rogerson, 1996, 1997; Rogerson, 2000b). Johannesburg’s informal
economy encompasses a broad range of activities from street trading, backyard
manufacturing, informal transport and a host of informal service activities. This
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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informal economy has grown up and out of the progressive failures of the formal
economy to generate sufficient employment opportunities for the expanding
numbers of work seekers, including new migrants from all parts of South Africa and
since 1994 also from much of sub-Saharan Africa (Rogerson, 2000c; Peberdy and
Rogerson, 2003). Although the data on the informal economy must be treated with
some caution, the city’s best estimates are that total activity in the informal
economy is growing rapidly with an increase in employment of 86.5 percent
between 1996-1999 to a total of 161 000 people, with the largest segment engaged
in informal retailing (Monitor, 2000).
Within the context of Johannesburg’s worrying economic performance and of the
accompanying rises in levels of unemployment and poverty that the city became
actively involved from the mid-1980s in the business of LED planning. Although the
promotion of new growth, job creation, poverty and unemployment top the list of the
development challenges that face Johannesburg, other related issues of concern
must also be noted. First, is the city’s poor record on safety and violence and of the
high crime rate which has precipitated descriptions of Johannesburg as a “fearful
city” (Dirsuweit, 2002). A recent detailed investigation conducted by the World Bank
recently identified crime as the single most important deterrent to new private sector
investment in the city (Chandra et al, 2001). Second, is the growing impact and
weight of South Africa’s HIV/AIDS epidemic which is projected to reduce life
expectancy from 68 years in 1990 to only 44 years by 2010. Crime, HIV and
unemployment, once again collectively underline the imperative for local
intervention measures to combat escalating levels of poverty within development
planning for Africa’s aspirant world city.
3. LED Planning Directions With the explicit objective of becoming Africa’s world-class city, the overwhelming
emphasis in contemporary LED planning in Johannesburg is towards promotion of
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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growth and competitiveness. The council has been actively engaged in supporting
the positive re-imaging of Johannesburg through a number of place promotion
initiatives. In one recent marketing drive ‘Jo’burg’ is energetically promoted as ‘the
world class African city’, a city that is boasted to be ‘in the heart and minds of most
South Africans’.
The first post-apartheid innovations designed to address the growing employment
crisis in Johannesburg were made as part of wider provincial economic
development planning for Gauteng province. The recommendations made by the
1997 Province Trade and Industry Strategy are highly influential for they provided
guidance for the subsequent revised economic frameworks for planning
Johannesburg as a world city. The key finding of the research undertaken by the
provincial Department of Finance and Economic Affairs was that whilst restructuring
of the economy was taking place in response to changing market conditions,
existing growth trends across Gauteng were insufficient to meaningfully address
existing levels of unemployment or to improve provincial standards of living, not
least in the province’s major city of Johannesburg (Gauteng Province, 1997).
Further, it was argued that a higher rate of economic growth for the province could
be achieved only by fundamentally shifting the growth trajectory of the provincial
economy. The nature of this fundamental shift was to be towards the economic
development of Gauteng as South Africa’s ‘smart province’ (Gauteng Province,
1997). This necessitated three strategic thrusts in terms of (1) re-aligning the
manufacturing sector away from traditional heavy manufacturing and low-value
added manufacturing and shifting instead towards sophisticated, high-value-added
production activities; (2) creating an enabling environment for the growth of
knowledge-based or smart activities; and (3) developing the service economy and
more especially focussing upon financial services and technology, auxiliary
business services, corporate head offices and business tourism. The
operationalisation of the 1997 Gauteng Provincial Trade and Industrial Strategy led
to an investigation of a number of anchor ‘mega-projects’ to be implemented as part
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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of the province’s Spatial Development Initiative and subsequently taken over and
embodied as the mandate of Blue IQ. The agency Blue IQ was established as the
dedicated provincial organization which is responsible for implementation of the
specific projects identified in the Gauteng Trade and Industrial Strategy (Blue IQ,
2002).
In Johannesburg, the major direct projects of Blue IQ relate to high technology
manufacturing, improving transport and logistics and in support of tourism
development. In high value-added manufacturing and transport and logistics there
are three projects which concern new developments at Johannesburg International
Airport, the Gautrain Rapid Rail Link and the City Deep Container Terminal (see
Blue IQ, 2002). In the service sector, Johannesburg is the focus of a number of
tourism projects which are part of the Blue IQ portfolio, namely the development of
the heritage tourism project of Constitution Hill which has been likened to the US
Capitol Hill in Washington DC (Rogerson, 2004a), the planned transformation of
Kliptown in Soweto into a “significant tourist destination and heritage site” (Blue IQ,
2002) and the Newtown regeneration project which aims to promote a cluster of
creative and cultural industries that might enhance the area’s tourism potential
(Dirsuweit, 1999). Supporting the regeneration of Newtown is the opening in July
2003 of the spectacular Nelson Mandela Bridge as a symbolic landmark and
‘signature bridge’ which is to become the new icon associated with a renaissance of
Johannesburg (Rogerson, 2004a). These Blue IQ initiatives, which emanate from
Provincial Government, now intersect and synergise with newer consolidated
strategic economic development planning initiatives for Johannesburg. More
especially, the three core provincial foci of promoting high value added
manufacturing, for supporting knowledge-based or ‘smart activities’ and for
expanding the service sector, especially the tourism economy are threads which
are continued in Johannesburg’s long term economic development strategy for the
city – Johannesburg 2030 - which was issued in 2002 (GJMC, 2002).
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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The most significant city economic development framework for Johannesburg is
that launched in February 2002 by the important Johannesburg 2030 document
which was prepared by the city’s corporate planning unit (GJMC, 2002). This
framework document seeks to offer a vision and long-term strategy for the future
development of Johannesburg over the next three decades. By 2030 the core goals
are to elevate Johannesburg into the ranks of ‘world cities’ with a strongly outward-
oriented economy, specialised in the service sector, and exhibiting strong economic
growth which delivers increasing standards of living and quality of life to all the city’s
inhabitants (GJMC, 2002). Economic growth is viewed as the “the crucial driver to
building a better city” and for such growth “Johannesburg must be able to
encourage the right kinds of long-term activity, investment and jobs” (GJMC, 2003:
33). The report envisions that by 2030 “the quality of life of a citizen in
Johannesburg will have more in common with the quality of life of a citizen in San
Francisco, London or Tokyo than that of a developing country’s capital” (Hossack,
2002).
The main economic planning thrust of Johannesburg 2030 is designed to boost
investment in the city, raising economic growth in order to furnish residents with a
sustainable increase in jobs and wealth and the Council with increased revenue
in order to deal with issues of infrastructure and service delivery (CDE, 2002).
The pro-growth municipal economic development strategy essentially defines the
key challenges for the city in terms of increasing investment efficiency,
accelerating the expansion of economic activities and creating a conducive
environment for the private sector investors. The key planning issues are to
address the two major identified obstacles to growth and investment in the city,
namely crime and the lack of appropriate labour skills (Chandra et al, 2001;
GJMC, 2002, 2003). The pervasive issue of crime is to be dealt with by
refocusing the metropolitan police force to target crime related to business whilst
maintaining strict adherence to principles of zero-tolerance of by-law and traffic
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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infringements. Despite the fact that Johannesburg has the most highly skilled
work force in South Africa, the report acknowledges that many enterprises are
faced with a serious shortage of managerial, technical and professional skills
(Chandra et al, 2001; GJMC, 2002).
The analytical thrust of this document dovetails with the analysis conducted
earlier by the Province, namely a shift towards high-value added manufacturing
and a stronger service economy, including tourism. Specifically, Johannesburg
2030 is focused on helping the city grow into an export-oriented hub, closely
integrated into the global economy with an emphasis upon trade, transport,
financial and business services, information and communication technology and
business tourism (GJMC, 2002). In particular, the city has identified a group of
‘winners’ or “preferred sectors“ that are to receive assistance from a sectoral
development programme (Rogerson, 2005). Overall, the Johannesburg 2030
strategy identifies therefore the city’s most important sectors and indicates a firm
commitment by Council of “working with them to expand their presence in the
city” (Bethlehem, 2002). Sectoral targeting and prioritisation is thus at the heart of
urban economic development planning for Johannesburg. Several broad policy
tools available to Council are discerned and put forward as potential interventions
to assist the select or targeted sectors. These include providing information and
linkages to other spheres of government for key sectors; to offer co-ordination for
Council services to key sectors; to provide sectoral bureaux for key sectors; to
furnish data, information and market access to key sectors; to assist in the
removal of specific bottlenecks faced by key sectors; and, to assist in the
provision of catalytic investments in key sectors (GJMC, 2002: 96). Among the
most important key targeted sectors for the city are financial and business
services, tourism, the information and communication technology sector,
biotechnology and high-value-added manufacturing. More recently, council
officials are emphasising business process outsourcing activities, freight and
logistics, creative industries and sport.
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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Institutionally, the activity of LED centres around the city’s Economic
Development Unit within the Department of Finance and Economic Development.
The Johannesburg Development Agency is a vital implementation agency. The
core emphasis in contemporary development planning is for the development of
a range of partnerships between local government and other strategic partners in
the city. The city’s director of economic development stresses that in
implementing the Johannesburg 2030 strategy, it aims “to harness the energy of
diverse sectors through partnerships” (Bethlehem, 2003). In terms of human
resource upgrading the Council is engaged in developing a set of different skills
partnerships with different stakeholders in the city, including the city’s
Universities, to provide a basis for the city having the appropriate skills base
(Bethlehem, 2003). For small business development the Council is involved in a
partnership with Investec Bank and the local Technikon SA in creating the
Business Place where Johannesburg residents can secure business advice free
of charge. This walk-in center provides access to business counsellors, internet
and library facilities as well as networking and training facilities. A major focus of
activity at the Business Place is support for youth entrepreneurship (Jackson,
2004).
In terms of short-term development interventions, the Council has begun work on
identifying several catalytic projects which are designed to further leverage
economic growth and development in the city. First, is that the City will partner
the province and the national Department of Trade and Industry in terms of
improving the logistics and operations of the City Deep container terminal. A
second project is poverty focused and aims to support urban agriculture through
facilitating the use of undeveloped state land for the benefit of groups of survival
cultivators. A third initiative is for establishing a “special-purpose vehicle” or
agency which will be initially funded by the Council and aims to “scour the world
for potential conferences and events and make representations to ensure that
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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Joburg is at least considered as a potential host” (Creamer, 2003). The success
of the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development highlighted the
significance of the hosting of ‘mega-events’ for the Johannesburg economy.
Building upon the success of the WSSD the city is looking further to benefit from
being one of key venues for the 2010 Soccer World Cup as well as bidding to
host other such events, including most recently for the Gay Games. Further
support for the development and upgrading of the city’s SMME economy is
offered through the implementation of the preferential public procurement system
which aims to increase by 30-40 percent the proportion of city spend on suppliers
that are BEE (Black Economic Empowerment) companies and SMMEs (Jackson,
2004). Moreover, as the city believes that SMME growth and development is
closely tied to the growth of large enterprises plans have been prepared for
encouraging outsourcing and purchasing of goods and services from SMMEs
(Jackson, 2004).
In another project, the Council is proposing the development of global back-office
financial services in Johannesburg. It is suggested that Johannesburg would be a
low-cost investment location, “particularly if the services could be built on the
back of the city’s world class banking institutions” (Creamer, 2003: 4). Special
attention is being given to the potential attraction to Johannesburg of investors –
local and international – in the labour-intensive activity of call centers in which the
city is seeking to compete with cities such as Bangalore in India and Dublin in
Ireland. Within South Africa Johannesburg is already the leading location for call
centre operations – an estimated 60 percent of national call centres are in the
city – and it has been announced that the city has launched a sustained drive to
position itself as potentially an international leader in the call centre industry
(Thale, 2004).
Overall, pro-growth initiatives clearly dominate the Johannesburg LED agenda. In
a rich critical analysis of the building of a developmental local government to fight
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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poverty using Johannesburg as a case study, Parnell (2004a) highlights that the
institutional frameworks of city government in South Africa are poorly constructed
in order for the large-scale roll out of municipal initiatives to fight poverty. She
argues that “in South Africa, as in many post colonial contexts, state apparatus
especially at the sub-national level is inadequately configured for implementing a
developmental agenda” (Parnell, 2004b, p. 2). Nevertheless, there are emerging
and promising initiatives from South Africa’s largest city that point to the making
of pro-poor growth. Attention turns here to focus specifically upon local initiative
to support the SMME economy.
4. Best Practice for Pro-Poor Growth – The Johannesburg Fashion District During the post-apartheid period the municipal government of Johannesburg has
begun to put into a reverse a long and distinguished history of programmes that
had sought formerly to ‘underdevelop’ the small enterprise economy in the city and
most especially to halt the advance of black entrepreneurship as manifested in
various forms of micro-enterprise and informal enterprise activities. A suite of new
initiatives have been launched to facilitate an ‘improved policy environment’ for
street traders in the city. The extent of this improvement is, however, open to
question and has been resisted by the hawker community. In terms of policy
development for the informal economy, Johannesburg undoubtedly lags behind the
progressive initiatives that have been pioneered by Durban Metropolitan Council
(Skinner, 2000; Lund and Skinner, 2004).
The Johannesburg record is much better in relation to supporting micro-enterprise
and small firms. Attention has been drawn already to the role of the Business
Centre for nurturing youth entrepreneurship and to the city’s active preferential
procurement policy (Jackson, 2004). Most importantly, the Council has become an
active and important player in a set of cluster initiatives which have led to the
launch and formal planning of what is termed fashion district of Johannesburg.
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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As is argued below, the fashion district project is an example of the effectiveness
and importance of local level initiatives for support of the SMME economy, a
successful example of LED planning for pro-poor growth.1
The genesis of the Johannesburg fashion district must be located in the
redevelopment spaces that were created in the inner city from the large-scale
exodus of formal manufacturing and office services to decentralized areas of the
city (Jocum and Cachalia, 2002). From the mid-1990s several abandoned office
blocks of Johannesburg inner city began to be taken over and brought into re-use
by at least two groups of micro-enterprises and informal sector producers.
4.1 New Entrepreneurs The first group of new clothing producers moving into the inner-city were new
immigrant entrepreneurs. With the re-integration of post-apartheid South Africa into
the global economy, Johannesburg has been the focus of a wave of new immigrant
movements and refugee flows, particularly from sub-Saharan Africa (Landau,
2004). Among inner-city Johannesburg’s new clothing entrepreneurs are included
large numbers from Francophone West Africa (especially Senegal, Mali and Ivory
Coast) as well as Botswana, Kenya, Somali Republic, Democratic Republic of
Congo, Malawi and Zimbabwe (Peberdy and Rogerson, 2003). These often well-
educated and globally-connected entrepreneurs brought new skills (especially
embroidery), networks and designs into the Johannesburg clothing economy. The
second, largest group of new clothing entrepreneurs, are represented by
businesses which are run by black South Africans. Many of these entrepreneurs
started their clothing businesses in the home either in a township area or the inner-
city flatlands of Johannesburg, before relocating into premises in the inner-city.
Other entrepreneurs emerged out of the large number of retrenchments which were
taking place in the Johannesburg formal clothing economy during the 1990s, when
1 This section draws heavily from material contained in Rogerson 2004b.
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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at least 6000 clothing jobs were lost as a result of factory closures due to low-cost
competition from imported clothing goods (Rogerson, 2001).
A profile of these new entrepreneurs and their business operations can be
gleaned from the results of a baseline survey conducted during 2003. Using a
snowball methodology interviews were conducted with a total of 149
entrepreneurs, of which 95 were South Africans and 54 were immigrants. At the
time of the survey no detailed figures existed on the numbers of such clothing
micro-entrepreneurs operating in the inner city; the best estimates suggested that
there were around 1000 such businesses (Cachalia et al, 2004). Table 1
discloses that marked differences exist between the two groups of entrepreneurs
and of trajectories of their different business operations. Apart from national
origin, the sharpest differences relate to gender, level of education and place of
residence of entrepreneurs. Of great significance is that the group of skilled male
immigrant entrepreneurs exhibit distinct product specialization in embroidered
clothing and high quality design clothing with an African motif. By contrast, the
larger community of South African women entrepreneurs are engaged in sewing
a range of goods particularly in terms of women’s clothing and soft goods
(Rogerson, 2001).
Table 1: Profile of Johannesburg Inner City’s New Clothing Entrepreneurs and their Businesses. Characteristics South African Entrepreneurs Immigrant Entrepreneurs
Gender All 95 interviewees were women Of 54 interviewees, 52 were men
and only 2 businesses were female
run
Origins Most entrepreneurs from South
Africa’s black townships, most
Entrepreneurs from 11 different
African countries, most importantly
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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Characteristics South African Entrepreneurs Immigrant Entrepreneurs
importantly from Soweto Senegal, Malawi, Ghana, Cote
d’Ivoire and Mali. Majority of
immigrant entrepreneurs arrived in
South Africa between 1995-1999.
Age Largest group in 41-50 age range Most entrepreneurs less than 40
years
Place of Residence
Nearly all entrepreneurs still live in
the townships of Soweto, the East
Rand, or West Rand and commute
into the inner city
Nearly all immigrants live close to
their businesses with a residence in
the inner-city or surrounding
suburbs.
Education Majority have Grade 11 and one-third
have completed secondary
education.
Two sub-groups are evident. First is
a group of poorly educated mainly of
Malawi-origin with only junior
qualifications. Second, is a group of
often highly educated entrepreneurs
included several with tertiary and
professional qualifications.
Types of Production
Lack of specialization with wide range
of goods produced, mainly women’s
clothing, curtains, bedding, traditional
clothing and school uniforms.
Strong specialization among better
educated entrepreneurs in
embroidered clothing, African design
and styled garments and of specially
designed individual items of clothing.
Prior Work Factory work in clothing industry; also
domestic service, nurse, secretary
and shop work
Long family history of experience
and local craft traditions in
embroidery or clothing.
Length of Establishment of Business
Over half of businesses in operation
for at least 6 years and at least 25 %
for over 10 years.
Majority (80 percent) of businesses
established within two years of
immigrant arriving in South Africa
and nearly half of businesses within
one year of arrival
Source: Author survey
Table 2 reveals further sets of differences in the workings, networks and
business development operations of these two sets of entrepreneurs. Overall,
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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what emerged from this survey was a profile of two struggling communities of
entrepreneurs, most of whom were earning poverty-level livelihoods. The most
successful operations tended to be those run by the more skilled and educated
immigrant entrepreneurs who specialized in particular higher value niches of
clothing manufacture. A central finding was of the limited degree of connections
between the operations and business activities of the South African and
immigrant entrepreneurs.
Table 2: Business Development Operations of Johannesburg Inner City’s New Clothing Enterprises. Characteristics South African Owned Immigrant Owned
Size The vast majority are one person
enterprises. In terms of job
opportunities the average was 1.5
persons.
Half of enterprises are one person
operations. There are several larger
businesses employing up to 8
workers. Overall, average size is 2.1
persons.
Nature of Employees
All employees are South African –
many ‘employees’ are part-time
workers, family or friends.
Majority of businesses hire other
immigrants often from the home
country. As business grows, trend is
to take on an increasing proportion
of South African workers.
Source of Capital
Start up capital from own savings,
friends or retrenchment pay outs.
In majority of cases capital is
brought in from the home country
sometimes with capital built up from
a period of work in South Africa.
Source of Skills Local training courses in sewing, prior
work or self-taught.
Skills learned in home country
through family or training in
embroidery skills
Major Business Problem at Start-Up
Finance for machinery, skills,
knowing the market.
As foreigner unable to open bank
account due to lack of South African
ID documents. .Two sub-groups are
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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Characteristics South African Owned Immigrant Owned
evident. First is a group of poorly
educated mainly of Malawi-origin
with only junior qualifications.
Second, is a group of often highly
educated entrepreneurs included
several with tertiary and professional
qualifications.
Supply Sources Nearly all from suppliers in the inner
city.
From suppliers in the inner city but
supplemented by imported fabric
sourced through other immigrants,
mainly from West Africa.
Major market Johannesburg inner city Mainly inner city but with some sales
to Johannesburg suburbs..
Collaboration Sharing of work orders, joint
production and space with other
South African producers. Limited
linkages with immigrants except for
contracting out of embroidery
Strong networks of collaboration
amongst immigrant entrepreneurs
including subcontracting and work
sharing.
Support Networks
Mainly small loans from NGOs – no
support from government
Limited – primarily immigrant support
networks
Relationships Often hostile to immigrants Small number of immigrants victims
of police harassment due to often
uncertain legal status.
Source: Author Survey
4.2 LED Planning for the Fashion Capital of Africa Johannesburg’s fashion district is planned to become Africa’s fashion capital. The
area defined as the fashion district comprises a total of 20 blocks situated on the
eastern edge of the inner city (Fig. 1).
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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Figure 1: Official Marketing for the Johannesburg Fashion District
In terms of the revitalization of the inner-city, several initiatives have taken place
since 1998 to support this cluster of formal and informal clothing producers and
suppliers. Formal sanction for the planning of a garment district was given by the
Johannesburg Metropolitan Council after the completion in 1999 of a detailed
investigation on the overall state of the changing inner-city economy. A working
group was constituted to formalize a planning process for a garment district in the
inner-city. Key players in this initiative were the Inner City Management Team of the
Johannesburg Metropolitan Council, a local consulting firm (the BEES Consulting
Group), various specialists and staff from the Ford Foundation, which provided
seed funding. Together this working group prepared an Inner-City Garment Industry
Development Project Outline document as a proposal to the Greater Johannesburg
Metropolitan Council in April 2000 for the formal development of a niche-focused
Garment Industry District (Jocum and Cachalia, 2002).
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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With the backing of the metropolitan council and additional support funding through
the Ford Foundation a further phase of preparatory action research work was
pursued by various task teams during 1999-2001 as a basis for strategic
intervention. An enterprise support task team focused upon identifying the key
service needs and gaps of South African entrepreneurs working in the inner city
garment industry. The most important finding concerned the limited support
services that were available to micro-enterprises located in Johannesburg inner-city
(Rogerson, 2001). Serious deficiencies were that few training institutions, either in
the formal or informal sector, were available to these enterprises; no business
advice or quality control centers existed to provide support; few businesses
provided machinery repair services and almost no businesses in the inner city
offered printing, advertising, marketing, tendering or network services. Against this
unpromising picture of limited support services were the many support needs of
these clothing SMMEs. The research disclosed that most entrepreneurs were
unable to cost their goods correctly, keep adequate business records or market
their garments (Rogerson, 2001). Amongst a host of operational problems and
support needs, the following were viewed as most critical; the need for advanced
training (both technical and business) with an emphasis upon specialized skills
such as embroidery; the need for improved premises to address the lack of storage
spaces, often inadequate office spaces, poor lighting, the absence of space for the
display or exhibition of manufactured goods, and the lack of child care facilities;
weak business skills; no known agencies offering information and advice; and the
lack of any financial institutions willing to offer micro-credit (Cachalia et al, 2004).
Other task teams conducted research on issues around social capital and
associational activities. The major conclusion of the social capital investigation was
that limited social capital existed, especially in the relationships and linkages
between clothing producers and their suppliers and between South African and
immigrant entrepreneurs. The research of the associational activities group
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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disclosed that 95 percent of clothing producers did not belong to any associations
and that therefore there was an imperative for the establishment of a manufacturers
association. It was recommended that whatever form of business association that
was evolved, that it should be inclusive of immigrant entrepreneurs as well as of the
larger group of South African owned clothing enterprises. Finally, additional
research on enterprise support confirmed that training was a critical gap in existing
support services, more especially as the group of informal training schools that
existed in the inner-city were mostly unregistered, not accredited and were ‘fly-by-
night’ operations which operated with untrained instructors (Jocum and Cachalia,
2002; Cachalia et al, 2004).
Project intervention began in 2001. Against the backdrop of the urgent need to
upgrade business and technical skills, initial discussions were held between BEES
(acting on behalf of Council) and the national and provincial Departments of Labour
(DoL) to secure finance support for upgrading the existing inadequate training
situation for the inner city clothing producers. Under the Skills Development
Programme set up by the national Department of Labour (DOL) to support the
unemployed, it was proposed that a DoL training programme be established to
equip entrepreneurs through ‘learnerships’ with advanced sewing skills and
improve the quality of their garments (Cachalia et al, 2004). As these discussions
were taking place, a private sector white business entrepreneur (with many years of
experience in the Johannesburg clothing industry) identified a niche in the market.
In particular, the SEWAFRICA entrepreneur proposed the foundation of a training
centre for clothing producers as an extension to his existing sewing accessory
business which was located in the heart of the inner-city. A three-way partnership
was now consolidated, backed by the DoL, for a strategic training initiative to
support the strengthening of the inner-city fashion district of Johannesburg. The
role of the private sector partner was to provide the equipment and premises for the
training center which was located in the planned fashion district. The NGO’s role
was to recruit trainees and manage the programme. Finally, the Clothing and
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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Technology Department of the local Technikon was identified as the most suitable
partner to provide materials and trainers. After several meetings, the DoL gave
permission for a pilot training programme to proceed, albeit with the strict caveat
that only South African citizens were to be trained (Jocum and Cachalia, 2002).
The partners agreed that technical training courses would be offered to individuals
who could already sew and were operating a micro-enterprise in the inner-city.
Recruitment of trainees began through visitations to buildings known to contain a
concentration of clothing micro-enterprises with the first groups starting training in
August 2001. After initial problems in recruitment and of the shift to part-time
courses (which produced much better attendance levels), word-of-mouth
information provided at the sewing center and referrals by former trainees resulted
in all sewing training courses being filled, some even beyond capacity. The training
classes disclosed that whilst all trainees were able to sew, often their knowledge of
sewing was limited. Equally important was that trainees lacked basic business skills
with costing and pricing a continuous set of difficulties (Jocum and Cachalia, 2002).
Several activities were encompassed within the inner city fashion cluster strategic
planning intervention (BCG Consulting, 2002). Among the most important were to
upgrade the activities of the poor women entrepreneurs from a survival level by
introducing support mechanisms for building social capital and through the
provision of business development services. Another critical area of intervention
was to strengthen the cluster skills base by offering training courses in how to run a
business and in enhancing sewing and design skills as well as expanding local
sources of business information. The project provided guidance, structured
courses, mentorship programmes and essential business and marketing skills for
entrepreneurs. Further support for business development is through a system of
referrals which seek to expand the potential for developing high value niche market
linkages both locally and beyond the inner city cluster. As a result of the extensive
technical skills training programme, over 400 inner city entrepreneurs have
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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benefited from training courses operated through SEWAFRICA. Moreover, at least
50 of these trainees are organized into production networks through groups of
between four and eight entrepreneurs who work together to maximize their output
and to share knowledge and experience of clothing production. In 2004 the project
launched the Informal Garment Operator’s Association to represent the interests of
the Inner City‘s clothing and fashion enterprises, including the immigrant
entrepreneurs.
Currently, the core objective of the planners of the fashion district is to re-position
the clothing industry in Johannesburg almost a decade after the traditional
garment industry had collapsed. The pool of skilled fashion workers, displaced
during the period of decline, is merging now with the new skills from immigrant
entrepreneurs from sub-Saharan Africa as well as South African entrepreneurs.
The resultant mix is seen as evolving as an ‘organic cluster’ which is re-orienting
the direction of the industry. Historically, the clothing industry in Johannesburg
competed in narrow buyer-driven clothing value chains that provided the supply
lines to major South African retail chains. As a result of trade liberalisation and
South Africa’s re-integration into global markets. these retail chains are now no
longer sourcing their requirements locally (Rogerson, 2004b). It is thus
recognised that the future prosperity of the district lies in value-added design and
manufacturing around certain niche products and markets which are viewed as
having a real long term potential to penetrate specialist local, regional and
international markets. The focus is thus no longer upon ‘garment production’ per
se but upon encouraging a cutting edge fashion industry which will situate
Johannesburg as ‘the urban edge of African fashion’.
Formally stated, the goal of the Johannesburg Development Agency is to
“provide an infrastructure and support system for a mixed use precinct where
complementary commercial activities exist”; moreover, the long-term aim is “to
grow and develop the area so that it becomes a sustainable environment that is
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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safe, clean, economically viable and generates continued growth and prosperity
for the fashion industry” (JDA, 2004). At the base of the fashion district are the
cluster of approximately 1000 clothing micro-enterprises (Cachalia et al, 2004). A
series of support projects have been launched to enhance the overall
performance or ‘collective efficiency’ of this cluster and to promote synergistic
networks of opportunity which also tap the strengths of immigrant entrepreneurs.
Most recently, SEWAFRICA House has opened as the nucleus for the creation
and promotion of African designers, hosting rooftop fashion shows of emerging
new designers. The project discourages the production of mass clothing wear
and instead seeks to facilitate that designers market themselves and their
products as well as linking in with micro-CMT (cut, make and trim) producers
working in the inner city. The emphasis is squarely upon encouraging an
individual and localized Pan African look which cannot be threatened by
competition from imported clothing.
Overall, SEWAFRICA is an incubator that is geared to rejuvenate Johannesburg
fashion in partnership with the Economic Development Unit of the City of
Johannesburg and the Johannesburg Development Agency. The building has
been made into a creative space using the primary colours of the South African
flag as its design foundation. It incorporates “The Fashion Shack” which
showcases the products of creative young designers working in the upper floors
of the building. It is planned that designers at SEWAFRICA outsource their work
to CMT seamstresses and dressmakers in the fashion district to provide added
local business linkages. In addition, many of the seamstresses working in the
fashion district are using their new skills to produce home wear, décor items and
soft furnishings as well as fashion clothing. At the fashion hub, designers are
encouraged to develop a viable business plan with the assistance of the Open for
Business SMME support programme. Young designers rent a package deal at
the hub which provides them with working space with design, changing rooms, a
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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display area, and access to pooled machinery and equipment that they would not
be able to otherwise purchase.
Physical upgrading of the fashion district is taking shape through ‘branding’ and a
creative infrastructure that links the streets of the fashion district together through
a colourful mosaic pattern that runs across the pavements in a zigzag of easily
recognisable sewing arrangements. Moreover, ‘fashion’ is understood and
planned as a broad cultural-industrial concept. Although clothing design and
sales constitute the core of the fashion district and define its predominant land
use and character, a range of other associated aspects of fashion are
encouraged to add to a wider mix of compatible uses and amenities in order to
build “an exciting, vibey and productive area”. Among these other elements of the
‘urban edge of African Fashion’ in Johannesburg inner city are DJ bars,
restaurants, and furniture, home furnishing and décor outlets (JDA, 2004). The
Johannesburg fashion district now finds a place within the trendy Elle magazine’s
national ‘hip city guide’ of South Africa which proclaims “Whatever it is you want
to wear, you’ll find it here” (Elle, 2004). Moreover, optimists predict that by 2007
“Joburg style will be firmly placed on the world fashion map”.
4.3 The Fashion District as an Example of Pro-Poor Growth The promising impacts of the fashion district project as a pro-poor LED
intervention were evident from an evaluation which was conducted during
October-November 2003. The goals of the evaluation exercise were to analyse
the progress made of the several support interventions made in terms of inter
alia, training programmes designed to upgrade the essential skills of
entrepreneurs to run a successful clothing business; the establishment of
networks among both South African and immigrant entrepreneurs in building
social capital; a business or market linkage programme to expand the markets of
entrepreneurs; and, the operation of a mentorship programme which sought to
give guidance to garment producers in developing their skills and generally
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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improving their business operations (BCG Consulting, 2002). In total 117
interviews were conducted (98 interviews were with South African owned
enterprises and 19 were with immigrant owned enterprises) with the sample
structured in order to examine whether differences could be observed between a
group of clothing entrepreneurs that have been targeted beneficiaries of the
support interventions and of a control group of clothing entrepreneurs who had
not been involved in the support interventions.
The key findings of this evaluation concerning these issues are summarized on
Table 3.
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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Table 3: Evaluation of the Impact of Support Interventions in the Fashion District Indicator Control Group Supported Enterprises
Production change over
previous year
One-third report increased
output
80 percent report increased output
Income change over
previous year
31 percent report income growth 74 percent report income growth
Employment change 19 percent record increased
numbers of employees and 10
percent decline in employee
numbers
18 percent record increased
numbers of employees. No
enterprise reduces its numbers of
employees.
Diversification of outputs 15 percent expand adjust
product range with new products
Nearly 50 percent had introduced
new products, mostly home décor
Networking among South
African enterprises
One-third are involved in any
form of joint cooperation or
business networking
80 percent are involved in joint
cooperation or networking with
other producers
Cooperation between South
African and Immigrant
enterprises
15 percent report involvement 42 percent involved in cooperative
networks with immigrants
Confidence to operate a
clothing business
62 percent claim to have
necessary skills
80 percent claim to have necessary
skills
Source: Author survey
The results disclose that a positive performance has been recorded by this
intervention to support upgrading the businesses (and livelihoods) of groups of
micro-entrepreneurs operating in the clothing economy of South Africa’s largest
city. The business performance of project beneficiaries in terms of production
levels and incomes generated is clearly much better than for the group of non-
project beneficiaries. An important factor behind the performance of project
beneficiaries is their enhanced capacity to adapt to changed market conditions
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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through enterprise strategies of diversification which were made possible due to
training. Another significant success factor is the growth of networking and
cooperation which is occurring between South African producers in particular and
increasingly also with groups of non-South African owned clothing enterprises. It
is apparent also that project beneficiaries were both more confident and aware of
their own shortcomings (and of the corresponding need for further training) as
compared to the control group. The confidence to run a business has risen
considerably since the commencement of the project. A similar level of
assurance and upgrading of capacity is evident in the outcomes of the training
programmes concerning skills for running a clothing production enterprise.
Finally, the mentorship support initiative functions both to cementing the gains so
far achieved by the project intervention as well as laying the foundations for
further progress.
5. Summary Remarks This case study sought to highlight the Johannesburg fashion district as an
example of potential best practice or learning for pro-poor growth. The project
stands out as one of the successful innovations in Johannesburg for supporting
SMME development through local initiative. Industrial clusters not only enhance the
ability of small firms to compete in global markets but also can play a potentially
important role within a pro-poor agenda by creating jobs and promoting incomes for
the poor. Poverty reduction is not, however, an automatic outcome but rather
requires explicit consideration of policy concerns within cluster development
strategies.
Key learning issues from the Johannesburg experience relate inter alia, to the need
to support collective efficiency, the importance of training for cluster upgrading, and
the significance of niche positioning in value chains. Finally, as Marriott (2004)
points out, the record of the fashion district demonstrates how pro-poor growth
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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initiatives can be firmly embedded within a city’s overarching goals for achieving
global competitiveness.
ADDENDUM Since the completion of the case study, the City of Johannesburg
released in 2005 a Human Development Report which reflects a wider
policy commitment of the city to the poor. Under the umbrella of "A
world-class African city for all - this is Johannesburg's commitment to the
poor" the city presents a wide range of strategic pro-poor interventions.
Three key sets of strategic interventions are highlighted. These relate to
safeguarding and supporting poor and vulnerable households in the city;
championing rights and opportunities; and, building the prospects for
social inclusion in the city.
Case Study prepared for the World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program Evaluating and Disseminating Experiences in Local Economic Development (LED) Investigation of Pro-Poor LED in South Africa, 2005.
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