Morphophonemics• determining underlying forms• rule interactions

Kikuyu What is the underlying form of the infinitive prefix in Kikuyu? Give a rule that explains the non-underlying pronunciation of the prefix. (Odden, 2005)

ɣotɛŋɛra ‘to run’ ɣokuua ‘to carry’

ɣokoora ‘to root out’ koruɣa ‘to cook’

kooria ‘to ask’ komɛɲa ‘to know’

kohɔta ‘to be able’ ɣoʧina ‘to burn’

koɣeera ‘to fetch’ kohetoka ‘to pass’koniina ‘to finish’ koina ‘to dance’ɣoʧuuka ‘to slander’ ɣokaya ‘to cut’

koɣaya ‘to divide’

Kikuyu What is the underlying form of the infinitive prefix in Kikuyu? Give a rule that explains the non-underlying pronunciation of the prefix. (Odden, 2005)

ɣotɛŋɛra ‘to run’ ɣokuua ‘to carry’

ɣokoora ‘to root out’ koruɣa ‘to cook’

kooria ‘to ask’ komɛɲa ‘to know’

kohɔta ‘to be able’ ɣoʧina ‘to burn’

koɣeera ‘to fetch’ kohetoka ‘to pass’koniina ‘to finish’ koina ‘to dance’ɣoʧuuka ‘to slander’ ɣokaya ‘to cut’

koɣaya ‘to divide’

Look at how the stem starts with each prefix:ko – o, h, ɣ, n, r, m, i

Kikuyu What is the underlying form of the infinitive prefix in Kikuyu? Give a rule that explains the non-underlying pronunciation of the prefix. (Odden, 2005)

ɣotɛŋɛra ‘to run’ ɣokuua ‘to carry’

ɣokoora ‘to root out’ koruɣa ‘to cook’

kooria ‘to ask’ komɛɲa ‘to know’

kohɔta ‘to be able’ ɣoʧina ‘to burn’

koɣeera ‘to fetch’ kohetoka ‘to pass’koniina ‘to finish’ koina ‘to dance’ɣoʧuuka ‘to slander’ ɣokaya ‘to cut’

koɣaya ‘to divide’

Look at how the stem starts with each prefix:ko – o, h, ɣ, n, r, i

ɣo – t, k, ʧ

Kikuyu What is the underlying form of the infinitive prefix in Kikuyu? Give a rule that explains the non-underlying pronunciation of the prefix. (Odden, 2005)

ɣotɛŋɛra ‘to run’ ɣokuua ‘to carry’

ɣokoora ‘to root out’ koruɣa ‘to cook’

kooria ‘to ask’ komɛɲa ‘to know’

kohɔta ‘to be able’ ɣoʧina ‘to burn’

koɣeera ‘to fetch’ kohetoka ‘to pass’koniina ‘to finish’ koina ‘to dance’ɣoʧuuka ‘to slander’ ɣokaya ‘to cut’

koɣaya ‘to divide’

Look at how the stem starts with each prefix:ko – o, h, ɣ, n, r, i

ɣo – t, k, ʧ Dissimilation: ko -> ɣo/ ___t,k,ʧ[-cont] -> [+cont]/ ____ [-cont]

We come to an analysis of morphophonological alternations just as we did in case of allophony by focussing on distributions – the contexts within which variants occur.

ko – o, h, ɣ, n, r, i Dissimilation: ko -> ɣo/ ___t,k,ʧɣo – t, k, ʧ [-cont] -> [+cont]/ ____ [-cont]

One diference is that we are analyzing phonetic variants of morphemes – not patterns in unrelated phonetic forms.

Phonetic form varies while meaning remains constant.

Thus, phonetically unnatural relationships may be sustained – meaning holds forms together.

Palauan. Underlying form ≠ any surface form.

pres . mid. f. innov. f. conserv.mədaŋəb dəŋəball dəŋobl 'cover'məteʔəb təʔəball təʔíbl 'pull out'məŋetəm ŋətəmall ŋətoml 'lick'mətabək təbəkall təbakl 'patch'məʔarəm ʔərəmall ʔəroml 'taste'məsesəb səsəball səsobl 'burn'

Identify some morphemes: • the present middle• the future tense• the innovative

Palauan. Underlying form ≠ any surface form.

pres . mid. f. innov. f. conserv.mədaŋəb dəŋəball dəŋobl 'cover'məteʔəb təʔəball təʔíbl 'pull out'məŋetəm ŋətəmall ŋətoml 'lick'mətabək təbəkall təbakl 'patch'məʔarəm ʔərəmall ʔəroml 'taste'məsesəb səsəball səsobl 'burn'

Identify some morphemes: • the present middle mə-• the future tense• the innovative

Palauan. Underlying form ≠ any surface form.

pres . mid. f. innov. f. conserv.mədaŋəb dəŋəball dəŋobl 'cover'məteʔəb təʔəball təʔíbl 'pull out'məŋetəm ŋətəmall ŋətoml 'lick'mətabək təbəkall təbakl 'patch'məʔarəm ʔərəmall ʔəroml 'taste'məsesəb səsəball səsobl 'burn'

Identify some morphemes: • the present middle mə-• the future tense -l• the innovative

Palauan. Underlying form ≠ any surface form.

pres . mid. f. innov. f. conserv.mədaŋəb dəŋəball dəŋobl 'cover'məteʔəb təʔəball təʔíbl 'pull out'məŋetəm ŋətəmall ŋətoml 'lick'mətabək təbəkall təbakl 'patch'məʔarəm ʔərəmall ʔəroml 'taste'məsesəb səsəball səsobl 'burn'

Identify some morphemes: • the present middle mə-• the future tense -l• the innovative -al

Palauan. Underlying form ≠ any surface form.mə- -all -lpres . mid. f. innov. f. conserv.mədaŋəb dəŋəball dəŋobl 'cover'məteʔəb təʔəball təʔíbl 'pull out'məŋetəm ŋətəmall ŋətoml 'lick'mətabək təbəkall təbakl 'patch'məʔarəm ʔərəmall ʔəroml 'taste'məsesəb səsəball səsobl 'burn'

What is the underlying form of 'cover'?

Palauan. Underlying form ≠ any surface form.mə- -all -lpres . mid. f. innov. f. conserv.mədaŋəb dəŋəball dəŋobl 'cover'məteʔəb təʔəball təʔíbl 'pull out'məŋetəm ŋətəmall ŋətoml 'lick'mətabək təbəkall təbakl 'patch'məʔarəm ʔərəmall ʔəroml 'taste'məsesəb səsəball səsobl 'burn'

What is the underlying form of 'cover'? compare pres. mid. and f. innov. forms - posit /daŋəb/ - a stress assignment rule (penult stress, final superheavy

stress)plus a rule: V -> ə/ _____ (unstressed vowel

reduction) [-stress]

Palauan. Underlying form ≠ any surface form.mə- -all -lpres . mid. f. innov. f. conserv.mədaŋəb dəŋəball dəŋobl 'cover'məteʔəb təʔəball təʔíbl 'pull out'məŋetəm ŋətəmall ŋətoml 'lick'mətabək təbəkall təbakl 'patch'məʔarəm ʔərəmall ʔəroml 'taste'məsesəb səsəball səsobl 'burn'

What is the underlying form of 'cover'? compare f. innov. and f. conserv. forms - posit /dəŋob/

again with the rule V[-stress] -> ə

Palauan. Underlying form ≠ any surface form.mə- -all -lpres . mid. f. innov. f. conserv.underlying formmədaŋəb dəŋəball dəŋobl 'cover' daŋobməteʔəb təʔəball təʔíbl 'pull out' teʔibməŋetəm ŋətəmall ŋətoml 'lick' ŋetommətabək təbəkall təbakl 'patch' tabakməʔarəm ʔərəmall ʔəroml 'taste' ʔaromməsesəb səsəball səsobl 'burn' sesob

The underlying forms of these verb meanings never appear in any single surface form.

What are the underlying forms of these words?monotone – monotonictelegraph – telegraphyepigraph – epigraphyrelative – relationeconomy – economicdefect – defectivedemocrat – democracyItaly – Italianhomonym – homonymyphonetics - phoneticianphonology - phonological

We have seen that morphophonemic analysis:

- involves distributions of morphologically related variants.

- may require that we posit the existence of abstract forms (never heard in any production).

- may require that we posit the existence of interacting processes.

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

The plural ending is -i

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

The stem vowel alternates (in some forms) between [u] in the singular and [o] in the plural. Can you come up with a rule?

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

The final consonant of the stem (in some forms) alternates between [+voi] and [-voi].

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

Final devoicing: obstruents must be voiceless at the ends of words

C [-son] -> [-voi]/ __#

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

Final devoicing: obstruents must be voiceless at the ends of words

C [-son] -> [-voi]/ __#

klub ->

wug ->

<- trud

<- gruz

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

Consider again the [u]/[o] alternation. How do the stems end?

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

Consider again the [u]/[o] alternation. How do the stems end?

They are all voiced in the underlying representation!

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

Alternative 1: /u/ -> /o/ before voiced consonants in the plural

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

Alternative 1: /u/ -> /o/ before voiced consonants in the plural

no

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

Alternative 2: /o/ -> [u] before voiced consonants in the singular

no

Polish. What phonological rules are motivated by the following examples, and what order do the rules apply in? (Odden, 2005, p. 122)

sg. pl. sg. pl.klup klubi ‘club’ trup trupi ‘corpse’dom domi ‘house’ snop snopi ‘sheaf’ʒwup ʒwobi ‘crib’ trut trudi ‘labor’dzvon dzvoni ‘bell’ kot koti ‘cat’lut lodi ‘ice’ grus gruzi ‘rubble’nos nosi ‘nose’ vus vozi ‘cart’wuk wugi ‘lye’ wuk wuki ‘bow’sok soki ‘juice’ ruk rogi ‘horn’bur bori ‘forest’ vuw vowi ‘ox’sul soli ‘salt’ buy boyi ‘fight’ʃum ʃumi ‘noise’ ʒur ʒuri ‘soup’

Alternative 2: /o/ -> [u] before voiced consonants in the singular

Alternative 3: /o/ -> [u] /___C[+voi,-nas]#

/lod/ /snop/ /dom/ /klub//o/ -> [u] /___C[+voi,-nas]# [lud] -- -- --C [-son] -> [-voi]/ __# [lut] -- -- [klup]

Indonesian verb prefixes – what form will the prefix take? (Clements & Halle, 1983, A Problem Book in Phonology.)

1. throw lempar məlempar2. feel rasa mərasa3. represent wakil məwakili4. convince yakin məyakini5. cook masak məmasak6. marry nikah mənikah7. chat ŋaco məŋaco8. sing ɲaɲi məɲaɲi9. count hituŋ məŋhituŋ10. draw a picture gambar məŋgambar11. send kirim məŋirim12. hear dəŋar məndəŋar13. write tulis mənulis14. help bantu məmbantu15. hit pukul məmukul16. sew ʤahit məɲʤahit17. note down ʧatat məɲʧatat18. take ambil məŋambil19. fill up isi məŋisi20. invite undaŋ məŋundaŋ

Indonesian verb prefixes – what form will the prefix take? (Clements & Halle, 1983, A Problem Book in Phonology.)

1. throw lempar məlempar2. feel rasa mərasa3. represent wakil məwakili4. convince yakin məyakini5. cook masak məmasak6. marry nikah mənikah7. chat ŋaco məŋaco8. sing ɲaɲi məɲaɲi

9. count hituŋ məŋhituŋ10. draw a picture gambar məŋgambar11. send kirim məŋirim12. hear dəŋar məndəŋar13. write tulis mənulis14. help bantu məmbantu15. hit pukul məmukul16. sew ʤahit məɲʤahit17. note down ʧatat məɲʧatat18. take ambil məŋambil19. fill up isi məŋisi20. invite undaŋ məŋundaŋ

Is the prefix is [mə-]

Indonesian verb prefixes – what form will the prefix take? (Clements & Halle, 1983, A Problem Book in Phonology.)

1. throw lempar məlempar2. feel rasa mərasa3. represent wakil məwakili4. convince yakin məyakini5. cook masak məmasak6. marry nikah mənikah7. chat ŋaco məŋaco8. sing ɲaɲi məɲaɲi

9. count hituŋ məŋhituŋ10. draw a picture gambar məŋgambar11. send kirim məŋirim12. hear dəŋar məndəŋar13. write tulis mənulis14. help bantu məmbantu15. hit pukul məmukul16. sew ʤahit məɲʤahit17. note down ʧatat məɲʧatat18. take ambil məŋambil19. fill up isi məŋisi20. invite undaŋ məŋundaŋ

Or is it [məN-]?

Indonesian verb prefixes – what form will the prefix take? (Clements & Halle, 1983, A Problem Book in Phonology.)

1. throw lempar məlempar2. feel rasa mərasa3. represent wakil məwakili4. convince yakin məyakini5. cook masak məmasak6. marry nikah mənikah7. chat ŋaco məŋaco8. sing ɲaɲi məɲaɲi

9. count hituŋ məŋhituŋ10. draw a picture gambar məŋgambar11. send kirim məŋirim12. hear dəŋar məndəŋar13. write tulis mənulis14. help bantu məmbantu15. hit pukul məmukul16. sew ʤahit məɲʤahit17. note down ʧatat məɲʧatat18. take ambil məŋambil19. fill up isi məŋisi20. invite undaŋ məŋundaŋ

Or is it [məN-]? YES

A deletion rule is simpler than an insertion rule in this case.

N → ø/ ___ [+cons, +son]

Indonesian verb prefixes – what form will the prefix take? (Clements & Halle, 1983, A Problem Book in Phonology.)

1. throw lempar məlempar2. feel rasa mərasa3. represent wakil məwakili4. convince yakin məyakini5. cook masak məmasak6. marry nikah mənikah7. chat ŋaco məŋaco8. sing ɲaɲi məɲaɲi

9. count hituŋ məŋhituŋ10. draw a picture gambar məŋgambar11. send kirim məŋirim12. hear dəŋar məndəŋar13. write tulis mənulis14. help bantu məmbantu15. hit pukul məmukul16. sew ʤahit məɲʤahit17. note down ʧatat məɲʧatat18. take ambil məŋambil19. fill up isi məŋisi20. invite undaŋ məŋundaŋ

Underlying form of the prefix?

məŋ- mən- məɲ- məN-

Indonesian verb prefixes – what form will the prefix take? (Clements & Halle, 1983, A Problem Book in Phonology.)

1. throw lempar məlempar2. feel rasa mərasa3. represent wakil məwakili4. convince yakin məyakini5. cook masak məmasak6. marry nikah mənikah7. chat ŋaco məŋaco8. sing ɲaɲi məɲaɲi

9. count hituŋ məŋhituŋ10. draw a picture gambar məŋgambar11. send kirim məŋirim12. hear dəŋar məndəŋar13. write tulis mənulis14. help bantu məmbantu15. hit pukul məmukul16. sew ʤahit məɲʤahit17. note down ʧatat məɲʧatat18. take ambil məŋambil19. fill up isi məŋisi20. invite undaŋ məŋundaŋ

Underlying form of the prefix?

məŋ- mən- məɲ- məN-

The place of the nasal matches the following consonant – but when there isn't a following consonant the prefix is [məŋ-]

Indonesian verb prefixes – what form will the prefix take? (Clements & Halle, 1983, A Problem Book in Phonology.)

1. throw lempar məlempar2. feel rasa mərasa3. represent wakil məwakili4. convince yakin məyakini5. cook masak məmasak6. marry nikah mənikah7. chat ŋaco məŋaco8. sing ɲaɲi məɲaɲi

9. count hituŋ məŋhituŋ10. draw a picture gambar məŋgambar11. send kirim məŋirim12. hear dəŋar məndəŋar13. write tulis mənulis14. help bantu məmbantu15. hit pukul məmukul16. sew ʤahit məɲʤahit17. note down ʧatat məɲʧatat18. take ambil məŋambil19. fill up isi məŋisi20. invite undaŋ məŋundaŋ

Underlying form of the prefix?

məŋ- mən- məɲ- məN-

The place of the nasal matches the following consonant – but when there isn't a following consonant the prefix is [məŋ-].

ŋ → place/ ___ place

Indonesian verb prefixes – what form will the prefix take? (Clements & Halle, 1983, A Problem Book in Phonology.)

1. throw lempar məlempar2. feel rasa mərasa3. represent wakil məwakili4. convince yakin məyakini5. cook masak məmasak6. marry nikah mənikah7. chat ŋaco məŋaco8. sing ɲaɲi məɲaɲi

9. count hituŋ məŋhituŋ10. draw a picture gambar məŋgambar11. send kirim məŋirim12. hear dəŋar məndəŋar13. write tulis mənulis14. help bantu məmbantu15. hit pukul məmukul16. sew ʤahit məɲʤahit17. note down ʧatat məɲʧatat18. take ambil məŋambil19. fill up isi məŋisi20. invite undaŋ məŋundaŋ

ŋ → place/ ___ place

Initial [p], [t], and [k] are deleted in these prefixed forms.

[p t k] → ø/ [+nas] ______

- but note the place of the final consonant in the prefix

Indonesian verb prefixes – what form will the prefix take? (Clements & Halle, 1983, A Problem Book in Phonology.)

1. throw lempar məlempar2. feel rasa mərasa3. represent wakil məwakili4. convince yakin məyakini5. cook masak məmasak6. marry nikah mənikah7. chat ŋaco məŋaco8. sing ɲaɲi məɲaɲi

9. count hituŋ məŋhituŋ10. draw a picture gambar məŋgambar11. send kirim məŋirim12. hear dəŋar məndəŋar13. write tulis mənulis14. help bantu məmbantu15. hit pukul məmukul16. sew ʤahit məɲʤahit17. note down ʧatat məɲʧatat18. take ambil məŋambil19. fill up isi məŋisi20. invite undaŋ məŋundaŋ

Rule order:

1. Assimilate the prefix nasal:

ŋ → place/ ___ place

2. Then delete the trigger of the assimilation:

[p t k] → ø/ [+nas] ______