SOCIAL INEQUALITY

Social inequality

Social inequality refers to a lack of social equality, where individuals in a society do not have equal social status.

Inequality is socially created by matching two different kinds of processes.

“The social roles in society are first matched to ‘reward packages’ of unequal value, and individual members of society are then allocated to the positions so defined and rewarded”.

Social inequality is different from economic inequality but the two inequalities are linked.

Economic inequality refers to disparities in the distribution of economic assets and income. The economic inequality is caused by the unequal distribution of wealth.

Social inequality is the expression of lack of access to housing, health care, education, employment opportunities, politics, and status.

It is the exclusion of people from full and equal participation in what we perceive as being valuable, important, personally worthwhile and socially desirable.

Social mobility

It is the degree to which, in a given society, an individual's, family's, or group's social status can change throughout the course of their life through a system of social hierarchy or stratification.

It is also the degree to which that individual's or group's descendants move up and down the class system.

The degree to which an individual can move through their system can be based on attributes and achievements or factors beyond their control.

The rise of a child from a poor background to the presidency – or some other position of great prestige, power, or financial reward – is an example of social mobility.

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Open versus Closed Class Systems

Sociologists use the term open class system and closed class system to distinguish between two ideal types of class system in terms of social mobility.

An open system implies that the position of each individual is influenced by the person’s achieved status. In open class system, competition between members of society is encouraged.

In the closed system there is little or no possibility of individual mobility. The slavery and caste system are examples of closed stratification. In such societies, social placement is based on ascribed statuses, such as race or family background, which cannot be changed.

Types of Social MobilityHorizontal and Vertical

mobility Contemporary sociologists distinguish between horizontal and vertical mobility.

Horizontal mobility refers to the movement of a person from one social position to another of the same rank.

Vertical mobility refers to the movement of a person from one social position to another of a different rank.

Inter- and Intra-generational mobility

Intra-generational mobility ("within" a generation) is defined as changes in social status over a single life-time.

Inter-generational mobility ("across" generations) is defined as changes in social status that occur from the parents' to the children's generation.

Sociologists usually focus on intergenerational mobility because it is easier to depict changes across generations rather than within one.

Intra-generational mobility occurs when a person strives to change his or her own social standing. In some societies, this type of change is not possible.

In social systems where people are divided into castes, social mobility cannot occur. Whatever caste a person is born into, is what they will remain for the entirety of their life.

However, in cultures based on merit, like the United States or the United Kingdom, for example, people are free to move up and down the social ladder.

Intra-generational mobility can move a person either higher or lower in the social ladder.

If one starts at a low level, they can improve their status by working hard, getting a better job, or becoming more culturally sound, to name a few.

Pierre Bordieu describes three types of capital that place a person in a certain social category. These are economic capital, social capital, and cultural capital.

Economic capital is command over economic resources such as money and assets.

Social capital is resources one achieves based on group membership, relationships, networks of influence, and support from other people.

Cultural capital is any advantage a person has that gives them a higher status in society, such as education, skills, and any other form of knowledge.

Usually, people with all three types of capital have a high status in society.

Inter-generational mobility occurs across generations.

Ability and hard work affect social mobility, but so does parents’ wealth, race, gender, and luck.

Fiona Devine wrote a book, Class practices: how parents help their children get good jobs, specifically on inter-generational mobility and how parents’ influence can affect the child’s social mobility.

It emphasizes the importance of a good education in order to be successful.

Parents also help children make important connections with people in order to expand their social network.

Parents that can create social capital for their children tend to increase their child’s social mobility.

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Annette Lareau makes a compelling argument regarding child-raising in her book, Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life.

She describes two different ways to raise children: concerted cultivation and natural growth.

Concerted cultivation, normally used by middle-class families, incorporates many structured, organized activities for the child. They are taught to reason with parents through communication, and often the child adopts a sense of entitlement.

Natural growth is almost the exact opposite of concerted cultivation. Used mainly in poor or working-class families, this style of childrearing does not include organized activities, and there is a clear division between the adult and the child.

Children usually spend large amounts of their day creating their own activities, and they hardly ever speak with adults.

In fact, adults use language in order to direct or order the children, never to negotiate with them.

These two different types of childrearing can affect inter-generational mobility.

Children who grow up with a concerted cultivation style of childrearing learn from their parents how to talk with adults as equals.

This skill helps them create social networks, which can improve their social standing.

Children with natural growth backgrounds tend to have a more difficult time improving their social standing.

They lack the social skills and sense of entitlement that concerted cultivation children have that helps them acquire good jobs (and therefore, move up in their social standing).

Natural growth children do learn to comply with authority figures, instead of argue with them, which gives them an advantage over concerted cultivation children.

Structural and exchange mobility

Structural mobility is a type of forced vertical mobility that results from a change in the distribution of statuses in a society. It occurs when the demands of a particular occupation reach its max and more people are needed to help fill the positions.

Exchange mobility is that which is not structural. The key word "exchange" means trade-off. This means instead of positions reaching the max and more people are needed, positions are dropped and someone else must step up to fill the position.

When ascriptive status is in play, there is not much exchange mobility occurring.

Upward and downward mobility

Upward social mobility is a change in a person's social status resulting in that person receiving a higher position in their status system.

Likewise, downward mobility results in a lower position.

A prime example of an opportunity for upward mobility nowadays is athletics. There are an increased number of minorities in America seeking careers as professional athletes which can either lead to improved social status.

Transformative assets would also allow one to achieve a higher status in society, as they increase wealth and provide for more opportunity.

A transformative asset could be a trust fund set up by family that allows you to own a nice home in a nice neighborhood, instead of an apartment in a down trodden community. This type of move would allow the person to develop a new circle of friends of the same economic status.

Poverty

There are two ways to define poverty: The first is in terms of relative deprivation, the

inability to maintain the living standards customary in the society.

This approach assumes that people are poor only in relation to others who are not poor.

Accordingly, the poor are simply defined as the lowest income-earners in society.

The implication is that poverty cannot be eliminated as long as some people are significantly deprived in comparison with most others.

The second is in terms of Absolute deprivation, the inability to afford minimal standards of food, clothing, shelter, and health care.

Under this definition, the proportion of the population that is poor depends on how many people lack these necessities.

The implication is that poverty can be totally eliminated as soon as everyone is able to afford basic essentials.

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Social inequality and social stratification with reference

to Pakistan Political abuse of Human Rights in Pakistan

Pakistan’s human rights record is generally regarded as poor by domestic and international observers, although there have been some improvements since 2000.

Pakistan's security forces use excessive and sometimes lethal force and are complicit in extrajudicial killings of civilians and suspected militants.

The police and military have been accused of engaging in physical abuse, rape, and arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly in areas of acute conflict.

Although the government has enacted measures to counter these problems, abuses continue.

Furthermore, courts suffer from lack of funds, outside intervention, and deep case backlogs that lead to long trial delays and lengthy pretrial detentions.

Many observers inside and outside Pakistan contend that Pakistan’s legal code is largely concerned with crime, national security, and domestic tranquility and less with the protection of individual rights.

Provincial and local governments have arrested journalists and closed newspapers that report on matters perceived as socially offensive or critical of the government.

Journalists also have been victims of violence and intimidation by various groups and individuals.

Societal factors also are responsible for human rights abuses.

Violence by drug lords and sectarian violence have claimed numerous innocent lives.

Discrimination and violence against women are widespread.

Human trafficking is a major problem. Debt slavery and bonded labor still persist.

The government often ignores abuses against children and religious minorities.

The Blasphemy Law, for example, allows life imprisonment or the death penalty for contravening Islamic principles, but legislation was passed in October 2004 to eliminate misuse of the law.

The social acceptance of many these problems hinders their eradication. One prominent example is honor killing (“karo kari”).

Many view this practice as indicative of a feudal mentality, but others defend the practice as a means of punishing violators of cultural norms and view attempts to stop it to as an assault on cultural heritage.

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Caste system among South Asian Muslims

Caste system among South Asian Muslims refers to units of social stratification that have developed among Muslims in South Asia despite Islam's egalitarian tenets.

Sources indicate that the castes among Muslims developed as the result of close contact with Hindu culture and Hindu converts to Islam.

When Hindus converted to Islam, they often did not adhere completely to Islamic principles, retaining many Hindu practices with them. One of these Hindu characteristics was the caste.

In some parts of South Asia, the Muslims are divided as Ashrafs and Ajlafs.

Ashrafs claim a superior status derived from their foreign ancestry.

The non-Ashrafs (Ajlafs) are assumed to be converts from Hinduism, and are therefore drawn from the indigenous population. They, in turn, are divided into a number of occupational castes.

Sections of the ulema (scholars of Islamic jurisprudence) provide religious legitimacy to caste with the help of the concept of kafa'a.

A classical example of scholarly declaration of the Muslim caste system is the Fatawa-i Jahandari, written by the 14th century Turkish scholar, Ziauddin Barani, a member of the court of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, of the Tughlaq dynasty of the Delhi Sultanate.

Barani was known for his intensely casteist views, and regarded the Ashraf Muslims as racially superior to the Ajlaf Muslims. He divided the Muslims into grades and sub-grades.

In his scheme, all high positions and privileges were to be a monopoly of the high born Turks, not the Indian Muslims.

Even in his interpretation of the Koranic verse "Indeed, the pious amongst you are most honored by Allah", he considered piety to be associated with noble birth.

Barrani was specific in his recommendation that the "sons of Mohamed" [i.e. Ashrafs] "be given a higher social status than the low-born [i.e. Ajlaf].

His most significant contribution in the fatwa was his analysis of the castes with respect to Islam. His assertion was that castes would be mandated through state laws or "Zawabi" and would carry precedence over Sharia law whenever they were in conflict.

In the Fatwa-i-Jahandari (advice XXI), he wrote about the "qualities of the high-born" as being "virtuous" and the "low-born" being the "custodian of vices".

Barani had a clear disliking for the Ajlaf and strongly recommended that they be denied education, lest they usurp the Ashraf masters. He sought appropriate religious sanction to that effect.

Barrani also developed an elaborate system of promotion and demotion of Imperial officers ("Wazirs") that was primarily on the basis of their caste.

In addition to the Ashraf/Ajlaf divide, there is also the Arzal caste among Muslims, who were the equivalent of untouchables.

The term "Arzal" stands for "degraded". The Arzal group was recorded in the 1901 census in India and are also called Zalil Muslims “with whom no other Muhammadan would associate”. They are relegated to "menial" professions such as scavenging and carrying night soil.

Some of the backward or lower-caste Muslim communities include Julaha, Kunjra, Qasai, Nai, Dhobi, Chamar and Halalkhor.

The upper caste Muslim communities include Syed, Sheikh, Pathan, Mughal, Choudhry, Sardar, Wadero, Khan and Mallik. Muslim Rajput is another caste distinction among Indian Muslims.

Interaction and Mobility

Interactions between the oonchi zat (upper caste) and neechi zat (lower caste) are regulated by established patron-client relationships of the jajmani system, the upper castes being referred to as the 'Jajmans', and the lower caste as 'Kamin'

The kamins, who are attached to the dominant Ashraf lineage in a hereditary relationship, provide specialized services to its members for customary payments in cash or kind.

The kamins are provided house sites by their jajmans and can also get land on lease from the jajmans for cultivation.

Upon contact with a low-caste Muslim, a Muslim of a higher zat can "purify" by taking a short bath, since there are no elaborate rituals for purification.

Unlike the Hindu caste system the caste system found amongst Muslims was never rigid and could move from a caste to another.

An old saying also goes "Last year I was a Julaha (weaver); this year a Shaikh; and next year if the harvest be good, I shall be a Sayyid."

There is also data that indicates that the castes among Muslims have never been as rigid as that among Hindus. The rate of endogamous marriage, for example, is less than two thirds.

In the setting of a mosque, any caste indications were overlooked by Islamic ideals of brotherhood and equality.

Lower castes are often persecuted by the upper castes. A particularly infamous example of such incidents is that of Mukhtaran Mai in Pakistan, a low caste woman who was gang raped by upper caste men.

Criticism

Many Muslim scholars have termed the caste-like features in South Asian Muslim society as a "flagrant violation of the Qur'anic worldview.".

However, a few Muslim scholars tried to reconcile and resolve the "disjunction between Qur'anic egalitarianism and Indian Muslim social practice" through theorizing it in different ways and interpreting the Quran and Sharia to justify casteism.

Babasaheb Ambedkar was extremely critical of the Muslim Caste System and their practices, quoting that "Within these groups there are castes with social precedence of exactly the same nature as one finds among the Hindus".

Pakistani-American sociologist Ayesha Jalal writes, in her book, "Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia",that "Despite its egalitarian principles, Islam in South Asia historically has been unable to avoid the impact of class and caste inequalities."

List of Pakistani family names

Pakistani surnames are basically divided in three categories: Arab naming convention, tribal names and ancestral names.

Baloach tribal names: Baloch; Bhutani; Bizenjo; Bugti; Buzdar; Dasti;

Domki; Gabol; Gichki; Gorshani; Hajani; Hasni; Hooth; Jamot; Jamali; Jatoi; Khetran ; Khosa; Leghari; Lashari; Lashari; Lasi; Laskani; Magsi; Marri; Mazari; Mengal; Mundrani; Nothazai; Rind; Samma; Sanjrani; Sial; Talpur.

Kashmiri tribal names Bhat; Butt; Dar; Lone; Kichlu; Khawaja; Malik; Mir, Sheikh;

Talwar Pashtun tribal names Afridi; Burki; Chamkanni; Daulat Khel; Davi; Durrani; Edo-Khel;

Gandapur; Ghilzai; Jadoon; Jahangiri; Kakakhel; Khakwani; Kakar; Kakazai; Kayani; Khan; Kharoti; Khattak; Khudiadadzai; Khulozai; Kuchelai; Kuchis; Kundi; Lodhi; Maghdud Khel; Mahmud Khel; Mahsud Khel; Mamund; Marwat; Mashwanis; Miankhel; Mohamedzai; Mohmand; Nasiri/Nasar; Niazi; Noorzai; Popalzai; Sadozai; Salarzai; Sarbans; Shilmani; Shirani; Suri; Swati; Tanoli; Tareen; Tarkani; Umar Khel; Umarzai; Uthman khel; Wur; Yousafzai; Yusaf Khel; Zaimukhes

Punjabi tribal names Arain; Awan; RANJHA; Bajwa; Bhabra; Bhalli; Bhatti

; Bhutta; Galon; Chhachhar; Munda; Spal; Chotia; Kardar; Teerandaz; Bhango; Bhamba; Chadhar; Chatha; Chaudhry; Chauhan; Cheema; Dogar; Gakhar; Ghuman; Gill; Gujjar; Janjua; Jatyal; Jat; Johiya; Khokhar; Jatala; Mundh; Mudh; Gohir; Ramay; Langah; Mahtam; Malik; Meghwar; Minhas; Mir; Rajput; Nagi; Noon; Paracha; Rajar; Rana; Rathore; Sahni; Siyal; Sipra Sheikh (Punjabi); Sumbal; Talwar; Tarkhan; Thind; Tiwana; Virk; Waseer; Wattu

Sindhi tribal names Abbasi; Abro; Amersy; Bachani; Bahawalanzai; Bajaeen; Bhel;

Bhil; Bhurgari; Bhutta; Bhutto; Bijarani; Buledi; Burfat; Buriro; Chachar; Chandio; Channa; Chutta; Damanis; Dannarzai; Dano; Dareshak; Daudpota; Dibla; Gabol; Ghanghro; Hakro; Hingoro; Jat; Jatoi; Johiya; Jokhio; Joyo; Junejo; Kachelo; Kalhora; Kambarzahi; Khaskheli; Khokhar; Kolhi; Lakhani; Langah; Larik; Lanjwani; Leghari; Lohana; Mallaah; Mallah; Mangrio; Mangi; Manjhi Meghwar; Mehairi ; Memon; Meo; Mir; Mirali; Mirani; Mudiraju; Mughal; Nizamani; Pali; Palijo; Panhwar; Pathan; Peechoho; Pirzada; Qaimkhani; Rajput; Rajar; Rathore; Samejo; Samma; Sarki; Shaikh; Shambhani; Shar; Sirki; Siyal; Solangi; Soomro; Talpur; Unar; Wassan

Ancestral Names The following are some of ancestral names in

Pakistan. Arab ancestral names Abidi; Arain; Abbasi; Alavi; Arby; Awan; Baqari;

Farooqi; Hassani; Hussaini; Jāfari; Kazmi; Khalili; Khawaja; Kirmani; Makhdoom; Malik; Masood; Mian; Naqvi; Osmani; Qasimi; Quraishi; Rizvi; Sajjadi; Sazwari; Shaikh; Siddiqui; Suhrawardi; Syed; Taqi; Tirmirzi; Wasti; Zaidi

Iranian ancestral names Agha; Alamdar; Ansari; Arjomandi; Binwani; Chishti;

Firdausi; Gardezi; Ghazali; Gurjadi; Hamadani; Isfahani; Jafari; Jalali; Jalalipoor; Jalalikhah; Jamshidi; Jamshedipur; Kiani; Kashani; Kermani; Khanum; Khemlani; Khorasani; Mir; Montazeri; Nishapuri; Noorani; Qizilbash; Reza; Razavi; Rizvi; Saadi; Sabzvari; Shirazi; Sistani; Yazdani; Zahedi; Zand; Zain

Turkish ancestral names Baig; Barlas; Chughtai; Haqqi; Khan; Mirza; Mughal;

Pasha; Piracha