...education in rural India (Shashi R. Pandey) An essay on the nuclear muddle of our time (Narindar...

.. A ~i +JJ\ -p international foundation for development alternatives

fundacion internacional para alternativas de desarrollo

fondation internationale pour un autre developpement

i f d a dossier 39 , january/februgrv 1984

EDITOR 1 AL : Third system associations plan stronger networking

B U I L D I N G BLOCKS/MATERIAUX/LADRILLOS . Gandhi - Coming back from West to East? (Detlef Kantowsky) . Arquitectos para otto desarrollo (John F.C. Turner) . L'economie cachee, conflits sociaux et l'avenir des societes

industrielles (Michel Schiray) . Alternative development communication efforts for science

education in rural India (Shashi R. Pandey) . An essay on the nuclear muddle of our time (Narindar Singh)

MARKINGS . Democracy is the alternative (Ernst Michanek)

. Australia's future (Keith D. Suter)

. Chilean women for 'democracy in the country and at home' (Ana Maria Foxley)

. 230 million women'in Third World suffer from nutritional anaemia (Peter Ozorio) . Poverty line (M.K. Tikku) . Peru: Indian communities & cooperatives threatened (A. Lama)

. Un manifesto pour l'emancipation (Markus Scharli) . The law of the seed (Pat Roy Mooney)

NEWS FROM THE THIRD SYSTEM . The role of people's associations in housing improvement . AHAS: enabling people . India: the Avard foundation for rural development (AFFORD) . The AG SPAK . Lovins, Palau Chief, Chilean share 'Alternative Nobel Prize' . Peace News for nonviolent revolution

M A T E R I A L S RECEIVED FOR P U B L I C A T I O N

executive committee: ismo'il-sobn obdollo, ohmed ben soloh, Ion rneiler, more nerfin [president), md. onisur rahmon, ignocy sochs, mane ongelique savone, rodolfo stovenhogen, pan somovio, ingo thorsson, bernord wood

CO-choirmen 1983-1984. loseph ki-zerbo, thowold stoltenberg

secretariat 2, place du marche, ch-1260 nyon switzerlond, telephone 41 (22) 61 82 82 telex 28840 ifdo ch rome office 207 via panisperno, 00184 rome, italy, telephone 39 161 679 96 22

IFDA DOSSIER 39 JANUARYJFEBRUARY 1984 EDITORIAL

THI RD SYSTEM ASSOCIATIONS PLAN STRONGER NETWORKING

From 10 to 14 November, some 30 people from all continents, responding to a joint invitation from IFDA and the Dag Hammarskjold Foundation, gathered at Uppsala, Sweden. Some of us had worked together since 1974 in the elaboration of the 1975 Dag ~ammarskj~ld Report, What now - another development; others were meeting for the first time.

The assembly, which was more like a happening than a formal seminar, provided an opportunity for mutual briefing and discussion of common prospects and action in such fields as women's liberation, local development, alternative life styles, education, participation, human rights, consumers' self defense, international cooperation (both South-South and North-South) and, more generally, communications for another development.

The essential message from the seminar was the common determination of participants and the associations they represent to increase their contributions to strengthening the autonomous power of people vis-a-vis governmental and commercial powers through improving communications and networking among third system associations. They considered such an endeavour as a way to both revive and give a people-oriented content to North-South cooperation.

The gathering took place on the occasion of the re- inauguration of Geijersgirden, an 18th century wooden building which houses the Dag Hammarskjold Centre. It was destroyed by a criminal fire in April 1982 and has now been rebuilt as originally designed. Participants saw this as a symbol of their own commitment never to give up and always be ready to start anew.

The seminar was opened by Ernst Michanek, chairman of the Board of the Dag Hammarskjold Foundation and co-chairman of IFDA for 1981 and 1982. The text of his opening remarks, which expresses deeply the sense of the meeting, is reproduced below as a marking (pp. 59-64).

IFDA DOSSIER 39 JANUARY/FEBRUARY 1984 BUILDING BLOCKS

GANDHI - COMING BACK FROM WEST TO EAST ?

by Detlef Kantowsky University of Konstanz PO Box 733 7750 Konstanz, FRG

Original language: English

GANDHI - REVENANT DE L'OUEST A L'EST ?

Resume: L'auteur expose ses vues sur 1'2-propos de Gandhi aujourd'hui en examinant les cinq questions suivantes:

(i) Faut-il distinguer 1'Est de 1'Ouest en parlant de Gandhi? (ii) Gandhi est-il jamais all6 2 1'Ouest ou, pour poser la question

d'une manisre plus provocante, etait-il probablement un 'Occidental'?

(iii) Comment Gandhi fut-il accueilli 2 l1Est, que fut la reaction de 1'Inde 2 son message?

(iv) Quelles sent les raisons de sa recente redecouverte S ltOuest? (v) Comment expliquer le fait etonnant que Gandhi ait besoin de la

benediction de 1'Ouest avant d'etre repris au serieux dans 1'Inde d'aujourd'hui?

Le professeur Kantowski enseigne 2 1'Universite de Constance, en Allemagne federale. I1 est l'auteur de Sarvodaya, The Other Development (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1980) 228pp.

GANDHI - REGRESANDO DEL OCCIDENTE AL ORIENTE Resumen: El autor expone sus puntos de vista sobre Gandhi en el mundo de hoy, a1 examinar las cinco preguntas siguientes:

(i) LEs necesario hacer una diferencia entre Oriente y Occidente a1 hablar de Gandhi?

(ii) &Fug Gandhi alguna vez a Occidente? 0, para hacer la pregunta en forma mas provocadora: Fug probablemente un 'Occidentalizado'?

(iii) Xomo fug Gandhi acogido en el Oriente? Cual fug la reaccion de la India hacia su mensaje?

(iv) 6Cuales son las razones de su reciente redescubrimiento en Occidente?

(v) LComo explicar el sorprendente hecho de que Gandhi tenga necesidad de la bendicion de Occidente para ser tornado en serio en la India contemporanea?

El profesor Kantowski ensena en la Universidad de Constanza, en Alemania Federal. Es autor de Sarvodaya, Otro Desarrollo (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1980) 220 paginas.

De tlef Kantowsky

GANDHI - COMING BACK FROM WEST TO EAST ?

1 wish to share some personal thoughts on the relevance of Gandhi today, by briefly discussing the following five questions:

(i) Does it make sense to distinguish East and West when talking about Gandhi?

(ii) Did Gandhi ever go to the West or, to put the question in a more provocative manner, was he probably a 'Westerner'?

(iii) How was Gandhi received in the East, what was India's reaction to his message?

(iv) What are the reasons for his recent re-discovery in the West? (v) How to explain the strange fact that Gandhi needs obviously the

blessings of the West before he will be reconsidered seriously in contemporary India?

1 think we need not discuss in great detail the different cosmologies that characterize the Hindu-Buddhist and the Christian-Protestant answers of man to the riddles of his existence as a unique living heing- unique in the sense that he has developed the faculty of symbolic communication through language, and of sharing and storing of knowledge via texts.

The Western man thinks in linear concepts of progress and in dualistic dichotomies of good and bad, of man versus nature, and of mind versus matter. He has, during the last four hundred years, developed this dualistic world-view into a system of 'science', i.e. an explanation of so-called 'reality1 according to certain sense data matched with a set of mental f o r mations called 'theories.' This kind of Western objectivity is exactly what Buddhists call 'anubodha'-knowing accordingly, dependent knowledge. 'Objective Science'-thinking in terms of object and subject is another Western dichotomy-is for homo faber the tool with which his mind tries to explain and manipulate matter. Thus only those aspects of reality matter to him which can answer accordingly, i.e. according to his dualistic world-view of man against nature. To be or not to be is for him

the main question. Hence he cannot imagine a thought without a thinker nor a deed without a doer. Brought up in the boxes of rectangular thinking in alternatives of 'yes' or 'no', he has extreme difficulties in even vaguely grasping the symbols of a circular world-view of condi- tioned genesis in which every now is understood as a flux of momentary change in an endless stream of becoming and re-becoming.

If we look at our surroundings, this fundamental difference becomes obvious. Compare, for instance, the rectangular patterns in Europe, a necessary consequence of man conquerring nature more 'effectively', with the circular structures by which farmers in South Asia try to fit themselves into a given natural environment. To keep all life going and not to make only man's industry grow is the rationale of their subsistence economy. The full moon does not challenge them to rocket out of their habitation but leads every month right back into the meditative context of life.

The Western man splits material reality into particles SO that it can be fed into computer machines with a rigid binary logic. The Eastern man tries to overcome his thought-provoked separation from the cosmic whole through training of mindfulness so that he begins to realize the liberating truth of tat twum usi.

THE term 'Sarvodaya* was coined by Gandhi when he presented to his compatriots in South Africa in 1908 a free translation of selections from John Ruskin's Unto this Last. In his autobiography, he describes the decisive influence this anthology of four essays, first published in the British Cornhill Magazine in 1860, on the 'First Principles of Political Economy', had on his life from the day when he read them on a train journey in 1903: "The book was impossible to lay aside. It gripped me. Johannesburg to Durban was a twenty-four hours' journey. The train reached there in the evening. I could not get any sleep that night. I determined to change my life in accordance with the ideals of the book. I translated it later into Gujarati, entitling it 'Sarvodaya' [the welfare of allI".l

When Gandhi started a settlement of about 1,100 acres in the vicinity of Johannesburg in 19 10, he named it 'Tolstoy Farm', thereby showing his humble respect for the grand old man in Yasnaya Polyana who lived a life of voluntary simplicity among his former serfs. "Next to the late Rajachandra," Gandhi wrote in Young India in 192 1, "Tolstoy is one of

'The Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, edited b y Shriman Narayan (Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1968), Vol. 11, p. 445.

the three moderns who have exerted the greaest spiritual influence on my life, the third being R ~ s k i n . " ~

In the appendices to his dialogue on Hind Swaraj, Gandhi recom- mended twenty titles for his readers' perusal "to follow up the study of the foregoing". Among them are, of course, two books by Ruskin and Thoureau's Civil Disobedience, but the first six books listed are books by Leo Tolstoy, with whom Gandhi exchanged several letters during 1909- 1910 to inform him about the Movement and his new farm in South Africa.

Was Gandhi only the medium through which the thoughts of Western thinkers-Ruskin, Tolstoy, Thoreau-were fed into the minds of the Indian Congress? And what about his ethic of 'bread labour' and rigid punctuality, a lifestyle under the dictatorship of a huge pocket-watch attached to a dhoti?

There have indeed been several attempts to identify Gandhi as a Westerner. In a seminar on Max Weber, for instance, sponsored by the Ford Foundation and held at the National Institute of Community Development in Hyderabad in 1966, the Indian participants-mostly social scientists-were led to ask themselves whether there were "strains of belief within the Hindu belief system which under favourable conditions could lead to the savings-productive investment-income chain reaction, as there were in the Judeo-Christian belief ~ystem?"~ Gandhi was depicted as 'a hard-working ascetic' who seemed to "coincide exactly with the Webcrian notion of the ascetic Prote~tant."~

Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph went even a step further. In their study entitled "Political Development in India", they compared Gandhi with Benjamin Franklin and juxtaposed their daily sched~le .~ The Chicago School-on whose decisive influence I shall come in the last part of my paper-had finally discovered in India a functional equivalent to Protes- tant asceticism. The 'modernity of tradition' had been proved and a Western development theory of growth had stood its universal test.

I think we need not waste much time to prove the fallacy of these Eurocentric interpretations. Sarvodaya-the welfare of all-was for Gandhi an altruistic ethic of self-realization. Truth (Satya) and Freedom (Swaraj) as the ultimate aims of one's self-realization can only grow in

'Quoted from Ostergaard and M. Currell, The Gentle Anarchists: A Study of the Leaders of the Sarvoilaya Movement for Non-Violent Revolution in India(Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1971), p. 32, fn. 5.

*Cp. Loomis and Z.K. Loornis, eds., Socio-Economic Change and the Religious Factor in India: An Indian Symposium of Views on Max Weber (East-West Press, New Delhi. 1969). p. 22. 'Ibid., p. 39.

'L.I. Rudolph, and S.H. Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition: Political Develop- ment in India (The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1967), p. 223.

an atmosphere of nonviolcnce (aliimsa). Such an atmosphcrc will prevail only in a society where an equal share is given 'even unto this last'. Each individual must therefore work for 'the welfare of all'. This was Gandhi's simple explanation of the concept of Sarvodaya, and the 'constructive programme' was the instrument with which he tried to link his own self-realization to that of the weaker sections of the sub-continent in par t ic~ la r .~

TO quieten a revolutionary thinker, a society can either shoot him or enshrine him as a holy man. India reacted to Gandhi in both ways. His universal concept for the self-realization of man through nonviolent actions in the search for truth had been integrated by and into the Con- gress Movement in such a way that it seemed to have served its purpose when national independence was achieved. Only then did Gandhi realize that he had been misled by his hopes. At the end of his life he had to confess: "In placing civil disobedience before constructive work I was wrong. 1 feared that I should estrange co-workers and so carried on with imperfect Ahimsa."'

During his last days Gandhi made various attempts to change the direction of political thinking and bargaining. On 27 January 1948 he wrote: "The Congress has won political freedom, but it has yet to win economic freedom, social and moral freedom. These freedoms are harder than the political, if only because they are constructive, less exciting and not ~pectacular."~

Two days later, Gandhi drafted a New Constitution for the Indian National Congress. Being his last piece of writing, prepared one day before his assassination, it was later taken as his 'Last Will and Testa- ment.' In it Gandhi repeated that "the Congress in its present shape and form, i.e. as a propaganda vehicle and parliamentary machine, has outlived its use. India has still to attain social, moral and economic independence in terms of its seven hundred thousand villages as distin- guished from its cities and towns." The All India Congress Committee is therefore advised "to disband the existing Congress orgnization and flower into a Lok Sevak Sangh," or voluntary organization of Servants of the People.@

Gandhi then sketches a system of decentralized government, with the village as its main working unit. For the workers of the proposed 'Lok

'For details see the chapter "Gandhi", pp. 3-15, in Kantowsky, Sarvodaya; The Other Development (Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1980).

'Quoted from Ostergaardand Currell(see fn. 2). p. 3. 'The Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (see fn. l), Vol. IV, p. 372. W K . Gandhi, My Picture of Free India (Pearl Publications, Bombay, 1965), p. 107.

Sevak Sangh', Gandhi then formulated ten basic principles and guide- lines for action which can be seen as a kind of shorthand of the earlier Constructive Programme.

As we know, these proposals, which aimed at a social and cultural revolution to get rid of the "rotten boroughs leading to corruption and creation of institutions, popular and democratic only in name,"1Â were held to be 'utopian' by Jawaharlal Nehru and his colleagues in the Con- gress and the Constituent Assembly. They feared that the power vacuum created by a dissolution of the Congress structure might lead to a civil war and a Balkanisation of the subcontinent. Moreover, they believed that one could no longer potter around with village crafts and home industries in the middle of the twentieth century. The India of their dreams needed a central power and planning authority to carry out the ambitious development projects destined to raise the economy to the standards of the modern world.

According to Nehru, the Congress had never considered the Gandhian view of society as exemplified in his HindSwaraj, "much less adopted it."ll Great as Gandhi's influence had been, he had not succeeded in convincing his own party of his view of how Indians should live and govern themselves. It was not a spinning wheel but steel mills, not an oceanic circle of autonomous village panchayats but the Central Planning Commission in New Delhi which became India's true symbols after independence. Harold Laski and the influence of his London School of Economics had overruled both the teachings of Ruskin and Tolstoy and Gandhi's practical attempt at an alternative explanation and solution of India's problems. An economic theory of growth based on an unshakable belief in the universal validity of its modernization paradigm had won India and the socio-cultural potential of its villages had, at least for the moment, lost.

IT has, however, taken only two Development Decades for the Western paradigm of development to prove its invalidity in the newly independent countries of the Third World. The main elements of this paradigm are the emphasis on economic growth, capital-intensive technology, and centralized planning. Underdevelopment, according to this paradigm, is mainly the result of internal factors such as traditional ways of thinking, an inefficient bureaucracy, outdated land tenure systems, castebound immobility, and the deep-rooted rural bias of the population.

"The Selected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (see fn. l ) , Vol. IV, p. 373. "Quoted from G. Austin, The Indian Constitution: Cornerstones of a Nation (Oxford

University Press, Oxford, 1966). p. 39.

My generation was trained in the techniques of creating a 'revolution of rising expectations' aimed at transforming a subsistence economy - -

into a modern market economy with a free flow of cash crops and ready- made goods. We laughed when we were told the story of a cobbler who, after getting handsome bakhshcesh from a foreigner, takes to rest for a few days, since the additional and rather unexpected income is more than sufficient to keep him going. This was the kind of traditional, backward, non-profit oriented mentality and attitude towards work that simply had to be overcome. Working purely to satisfy one's limited needs would get society nowhere. Where, then, did we want it to go?

When we look back, it seems rather strange that this question was not asked seriously enough during the 1950s and the 1960s. A naive belief of progress as a self-justifying process led us into the 'backward regions' with missionary zeal. Western man was so proud of his obvious material achievements measured in terms of urbanisation, energy con- sumption, and 'auto'-mobility, that nobody felt inclined to listen to those few who were asking about the ultimate cost. We were proud of the doubling of the life-expectancy of children in the West and tried not to take any notice of the modern killing capacities that we developed simultaneously.

Does the average European citizen know, for instance, that the 60,000 atomic missiles and bombs that have by now been piled up in the bunkers of the industrialized societies amount to an average of three tons of conventional explosives per world-citizen? Does he realize what it means that the defence budget of one Super Power alone, namely the United States, has been raised to 178 billion dollars for 1981 and to 222 billion dollars for 1982?12 Most probably not. So far the outward glamour and glitter of an iron cage of consumerism has successfully supported his illusory belief that he lives in a golden age of affluence. And this is so despite the fact that we now have the Global 2000 Report to the President, the latest of many alarming bulletins of what is ahead. It states that by the time today's 10-yearolds are thirty, there will be less water available, less fertile land, less clean air, less wilderness. One- fifth of the species with whom we now CO-inhabit this planet will probably be extinct. There will be less natural diversity, less leeway for waste and conflict, and the gap between the affluent and the hungry is expected to widen.13

The corresponding figures of self-destruction and despair are equally appalling. In West Germany, for instance, everyday 10 old people "Neue Zwcher Zeitimg, 6 March 1981. "The Global 2000 Report to the President (US Government Printing Office, Wash-

ington D.C., 1980).

aged sixty and above commit suicide. In 1978 alone, nearly 14,000 West German youths attempted to commit suicide, and nearly 600 pupils, mostly from high schools, killed themselves in the same one year.14

These few data from our anomic 'brave new world' should suffice. They are certainly not new to our readers. But they certainly strengthen my firm conviction that a culture based on individual competition and material achievement has reached the point of self-destruction. Accu- mulation of technical fitness to successfully compete with others-the evolutionary principle that brought a Western lifestyle of innerworldly asceticism and economic rationalism to wor!d dominance during the last 400 years-has begun to turn against the human species as such. If it wants to survive the Occident-the root cf that Latin word literally means "to sink, to fall, to get lost"-needs indeed a new Orient-ation.

More and more concerned groups, and especially the young generation have become aware of the limits of growth and are beginning to see the world around us as a closed system in which the so-called development of the North and the underdevelopment of the South aremutually dependent. These deformed relationships, of which many of us are well aware, though only on an abstract and theoretical level, can be illustrated as follows: "If the world were a global village of 100 people, 6 of them would be Americans. These 6 would have over a third of the village's income, and the other 94 would subsist on the other two-thirds. How would the wealthy 6 live 'in peace' with their neighbours? Surely they would be driven to arm themselves against the other 94-perhaps even to spend, as Americans do, about twice as much per person on military defence as the total income of two-thirds of the villager^".^^

I t is this general context of new value orientations and the quest for human survival that the rediscovery of Gandhi's message in the West has to be seen. In contrast to the late 1960s when redress of all societal evils was sought in a total revolution of the whole system, what we now see is the rediscovery of the individual. 'Voluntary simplicity' lias become a force that is backed by a major shift in public opinion.

The phrase 'voluntary simplicity' itself stems from an article that Richard Gregg published in the Viswa Bharati Quarterly as far back as August 1936. Greatly influenced by the writings of Ruskin and the teachings of Gandhi he had argued that the way to master the increasing complexity of modem life is not through still more complexity.

"Hans-Eckehard Bahr, Du hast keine Chance, aber nutze sie. in Die Zeit, 10 April 1981, p. 43.

"Example from front-jacket of: Taking Charge. Achieving Personal and Political Change through Simple Living. by: The Simple Living Collective, American Friends Service Committee (Bantam Books, New York, 1977).

Instead, we need to "turn inward to that which unifies all-not the intellect but the spirit-and then to device and put into operation new forms and modes of economic and social life."16 The will to do without can counterbalance the forces of greed and competition that p e r petuate our destructive economic system.

This broad undercurrent of alternative groups and networks in the West should not be mixed up with the 'appropriate technology* approach that was developed as a by-product of mainstream thinking in terms of economic growth during the last few years. Basically it is nothing more than a piece of technocratic advice but not an alternative to the dominant forces. Its concepts and tools will remain sterile as long as they are developed from within the prevailing system.

The Sarvodaya concept differs totally from this kind of 'techno- economic' alternative. For Gandhi, village reconstruction and work for the welfare of all were not appropriate and timely techniques to save the Indian state machinery but means of achieving Truth (Satya) and Freedom (Swaraj) as the ultimate aims of self-realization. He firmly believed that the village community and village economy were the only units which would enable the individual, with all his human deficiencies, to work both for his own self-realization and that of his neighbours. He knew only too well the bureaucratic structures that are bound to arise if 'need satisfaction' is planned and administered by a staff of development experts. Thus lie did not strive for equal opportunities on the abstract level of per capita income; instead, he relied on the functional diversity and cultural heterogeneity of the Indian subcontinent. Its rural inhabitants would know best how to adjust to the potential of an area if only they were allowed to think and act on their own behalf.

Western alternatives are based on what is needed to keep those already living below the poverty line from starving. While Sarvodaya defines a maximum necessary for the well-being of all, development technocrats measure the minimum energy input required to keep individual labour intact and craving for material acquisitions growing. This juxtaposition shows that development concept under Sarvodaya does indeed offer an alternative. It starts with a new definition of aims, one which is made possible by reference to a value system that differs fundamentally from the world-view which governs modern thinking.

WHEN discussing my studies on Sarvodaya with an Indian friend, Dr D.C. Wadhwa from the Gokhale Institute, who had worked in the

"R. Gregg, "Voluntary Simplicity" Reprinted in The Coevolulion Quarterly, Summer 1977, pp. 10-27.

Bhoodan-Gran~dan Movement for several years, he commented scepti- cally: "I think that the cancer of Western economic development has grown to such a magnitude that one will have to die with it now. Its secondaries have reached each and every part of our body and therefore it is impossible to escape the inevitable. Nothing else is now acceptable".

It was this kind of defeatism which Ivan Illich had in mind when he expressed his concern that it was the Western scholars who were coming up with Gandhian ideas and concepts. When in India in winter 1978 he is reported to have said that he felt it would be a tragedy if India had to 're-import' Gandhi from the West.17 Yet the fact is that most Indian scholars no longer consider a Gandhian approach 'feasible' for their country.18 At the same time, however, they use the jargon of the dependencia-theory without realizing that Gandhi had described the international dialectics of industrial development long before the model of centre versus periphery was introduced. As early as 1928 he had pleaded: "God forbid that India should ever take to industrialism after the manner of the West. The economic imperialism of a single tiny island kingdom [England] is today keeping the world in chains. If an entire nation of 300 millions took to similar economic exploitation, it would strip the world bare like locusts."19 Gandhi was, moreover, absolutely certain that it made no difference how the forces of production were organized. Capitalism or socialism were for him surface phenomena that had no significant influence on the destructive aggressi- veness of industrialism as such. For an Indian farmer it indeed makes no difference today who tries to exploit him; no matter whether it is Russian state socialism or Western private capital, the terms of exchange are against him in both cases. In 1940 Gandhi had anticipated these basic similarities and warned his countrymen: "Pandit Nehru wants industrialization because he thinks that, if it is socialized, it would be free from the evils of capitalism. My own view is that the evils are inherent in industrialism, and no amount of socialization can eradicate them.20

We have to accept that, for the time being, a wholehearted Gandhian approach to South Asia's problems is missing in the region. Despite the many official declarations of good intent and righteousness, things are allowed, or even planned, to move in other directions, and the

17Gai~dhi Peace Foundation Newsletter. Vol. 2. No. 1, January 1978. "See, for instance, Rajni Kothari's refutation of a Gandhian model as "utopian".

Rajni Kothari, "India: An Alternative Framework for Rural Development", in Another Development: Approaches and Strategies (Dag Hammarskjoold Foundation, Uppsala, 1977), pp. 208-26. "M.K. Gandhi, My Picture o,fFree India (Pearl Publications, Bombay, 1965), p. 52. "Ibid., p. 52,

demonstration and penetration effects of the First World's systems are to be felt everywhere, both on the material level and in the mental make- up. No matter how far we travel, Coca Cola has been there before, even in Peking.

It is quite obvious that 'development', the modern theodicy, has been accepted by India's Westernized elite and their social scientists. A universal development concept helps to explain their own well-being and relative affluence and leaves a hopeful perspective even for those who are still backward or 'behind schedule'. "The fortunate is seldom satisfied with the fact of being fortunate," said Max Weber. "Beyond this he needs to know that he has a right to his good fortune. He wants to be convinced that he 'deserves' it, and above all, that he deserves it in comparison with others. . . . Good fortune thus wants to be legitimate fortune."21

An evolutionist view of 'modernization and development' thus serves a double purpose. Not only does it legitimize the relative affluence of the 'functional elites' in a 'developing' society; it suggests, moreover, that the Third World can 'take off' and even 'catch up' if only it follows the path of the First World. It remains to be seen whether this modern form oftheodicy is consistent enough to determine the tracks along which action will be pushed by the dynamics of interests in India. For the time being, India's development planners and their academic advisers think that they have learned their lessons in Oxbridge or Haryale well, when they attempt to refute a Gandhian view of India as 'passive' or 'static'. They try to discover the functional prerequisities of an 'active' and 'dynamic' Hindu society. Dazzled as they are as a Westernized elite by the outward glitter of the 'iron cage' and its false promise of a rapid victory over suffering, they search for the modern short-cuts that will lead the country straight into it.22

As a Westerner I remember that the systematic study of ancient Sans- krit and Pali texts started in Germany in the early nineteenth century. The first indologists, as the academics who specialized in the new field of ancient South Asian texts were called, have had a tremendous impact on the development of nationalist thought in India and Sri Lanka. Men like Max Mueller and Wilhelm Geiger gave a new self-esteem to a growing intelligentsia who, with their help, rediscovered the 'glorious past' of their own countries. I also remember, moreover, the inspiring

"Max Weber, Essays in Sociology (Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1948). p. 271.

"For a detailed discussion of the misinterpretation of Max Weber in India-caused by GerthIMartindale's wrong translation of Weber's study on Hinduism/Buddhism and the "Parsonification" of Weber in the US in general-see my article "Max Weber on India and Indian Interpretations of Weber", in Contributions to Indian Sociology (New Series), Vol. 16. No. 2 (1982).

example of Alice Boner's work. She threw new light on the Sun Temple in K ~ n a r a k ~ ~ and she helped to rediscover the heritage of the Katha- kali tradition of Indian dance.24 Just imagine that she and Uday Shankar had been unable to raise money in India in 1930, to finance a troup of classical artistes since nobody dared to identify himself with vulgar native dance. "I dare say," wrote Uday Shankar to the Maharaja of Baroda in February 1930, "that in Europe Indian dance is now looked upon with much more reverence than in our own country."25

The same holds true of Gandhi and his Sarvodaya concept which is more and more relevant for development thinking in the West. This will become only too obvious during the Third Development Decade, which will reveal the final collapse of the modernization paradigm and its related strategies. At the same time, it is quite clear that South Asia's development elites cannot admit this. They must defend-at all costs- the foreign-oriented development theories and policies of their respective countries as the only justification for their own relative affluence. The moment they confess that the common man can never hope to attain this type of lifestyle, they will have to resign. Thus it will take some time yet for Gandhian concepts to be rediscovered in their country of origin. D

"A. Boner and S.R. Sharma with R.P. Das, New Light on the Sun Temple of Konarak: Four Unpublished Manuscripts Relating to Construction, History and Ritual of this Time (Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, Varanasi, 1972).

"A Boner, "The Theatre in the Jungle", Indian Arts and Letters, Vol. VII, NO. 1 (1933), pp. 37-45.

A. Boner, "Kathakali" Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. Il l , No. 1 (1935), pp. 61-74.

"Quoted from a letter, dated 25 February 1930, shown in the exhibition "Alice Boner und die Kunst Indiens", Zurich, Rietberg Museum, 19 August 1982-2 January 1983.

Reprinted from Gandhi Murg, Vol. 5, Number 3, June 1983

Dr Detlef Kantowsky is Professor of Sociology at the University of Konstanz, West Germany.

DOCUMENTOS F I P A D 39 ENERoIFEBRERo 1984

ARQUITECTOS PARA OTRO DESARROLLO

LADRI LLOS

por John F.C. Turner AHAS 5, Dryden Street London WC2E 9NS, UK

Idioma original: ~ s ~ a n o l

Resumen: La mayorfa de 10s habitantes del planeta habitan en malas condiciones, y a1 mismo tiempo, muchos arquitectos son subutilizados o mal utilizados. El autor - cuyo mensaje es consecuencia de largos aiios de prictica personal - sugiere una soluci6n a este tipico problema de mal desarrollo: es importante que 10s arquitectos trabajen E y E 10s interesados, que estos Gltimos cornpartan la responsabilidad de la con- cepcidn, de la construcion, del mantenimiento y de la gestion de sus casas y de su barrio: en efecto, nadie conocera nunca, tan bien como ellos mismos, sus propias necesidades y recursos. Es importante poner fin a1 desperdicio que representa la falta de cooperacion entre 10s poderes p6blicos, 10s arquitectos y la denas gente. La tarea crucial de 10s arquitectos es encontrar 10s medios para trabajar eficazmente con las personas a quienes deben servir.

ARCHITECTS FOR ANOTHER DEVELOPMENT Abstract: Most people on this planet are ill-housed, and many architects under-utilised or ill-utilised. The author - whose message results from years of practical work - suggests a way out of this typical problem of mal-development: that architects work a and the people; that people share responsibility for the planning, building, maintenance and management of their homes and neighbourhoods: no one will ever know as well as them their needs and resources. An end must be put to the waste resulting from the failure of governments, architects and people to co- operate. The crucial task for architects is to work out ways and means by which they can work effectively with the people they serve.

(The English original of this paper appeared in Architectural Education 1983/2, Riba Magazines, 66 Portland Place, London WIN 4AD, UK, pp.58-62)

ARCHITECTES POUR UN AUTRE DEVELOPPEMENT Resume: La plus grande partie des habitants de la planste sont mal loges, alors que beaucoup d'architectes sent sous-utilises ou mal utilises. L'auteur - dont le discours resulte d'une longue pratique - suggere une solution 2 ce typique problsme de mal-developpement: 11 importe que les architectes travaillent et les intgressgs; il importe que ces derniers partagent la responsabilit6 de la conception, de la construction, de l'entretien et de la gestion de leur logement et de leur quartier; personne, en effet, ne connaitra jamais aussi bien qu'eux leurs besoins et leurs moyens. I1 importe de mettre fin au gaspillage que reprgsente Ie manque de cooperation entre les pouvoirs publics, les architectes et les gens. La tzche cruciale des architectes est de trouver les moyens de travailler effectivement avec les gens qu'il doivent servir.

(Une version francaise de cet article a et6 publiee dans Techniques et architecture, no 345, dgcembre 1982/janvier 1983, pp.59-61).

John F.C. Turner

A R Q U I T E C T O S P A R A O T R O D E S A R R O L L O

Una prequnta a 10s estudiantes de arquitectura

Una vez hice una simple prequnta a 10s estudiantes de 4 O y 5OCursos en la Escuela de Arquitectura de la Universidad de Morelos, (Cuernav?ca, Mexico), con objeto de empezar una discusion: " i Cuantos de vosotros, les pregunt6, pensais que se ganarh la vida como arquitectos practicantes durante 10s cinco primeros anos a partir de vuestra calificacich? (dije 5 anos en vez de 1 o 2 sabiendo que estos eran en su mayorfa estudiantes sin dedication exclusiva en una universidad de provincia sin 10s privilegios y oportunidades de 10s generalmente mas ricos y mejor relacionados que acceden a las escuelas de la Capital).

Cuando ningunp levant; la man0 repet: la pregunta con otras palabras pensando que mi "Espanglishn no habia sido entendido.

A pesar del hecho de que el promedio de edad de estos estudiantes era superior a1 de la mayor parte de las Universi- dades de las grandes ciudades, ninguno confiaba en ser empleado - con dedicaci6nplena en la profesion escogida y ni siquiera 5 anos despues de su calificaci6n definitiva (por supuesto muchos estaban ya cualificados informalmente en virtud de su trabajo ocasional o de tiempo libre sobre todo en colaboraciones en trabajos de reforma y de pequenos edificios) . For qui5 entonces molestarse con calificaciones formales pre- gunte? Uno me respondi6 que sin el titulo no podria ni siquiera aspirar a trabajar como vendedor de pintura: pero, por supuesto, todos quer;an practicar la arquitectura.

No pas6 mucho tiempo hasta llegar a una explicaci6n de esta situaci6n desmoralizante y sin provecho: se estim6 en alrededor de 6.000 el numero de estudiantes de arquitectura en Mexico en esos momentos y sin embargo solamente entre un 3% y un 7% de la poblacion del psis de alrededor de 90 millones podria exhjbir casas disenadas por arquitectos. seg<n recuerdo, esto podr.fa significar entre 25 y 50 potenciales por cada arquitecto titulado.

Tras esta conclusi~n pasamos a Giscutir quS SF podrca hacer. Obviamente el problema era y aun 10 es: i. Como pueden la mayoria de 10s mejicanos tener acceso a 10s servicios de 10s arquitectos cuando 10s necesitan? Ninguno de nosotros invoco la conventional "socializaci6n" del alojamiento y del desarrollo local. Ya que todos parec.i'amos coincidir que esto no ayudaria ni a la mayorLa de la gente (ya que 10s costos financieros son demasiado altos), ni a la mayoria de 10s arquitectos, especialmente a aquellos recientemente titulados.

Una respuesta potencial

En este punto yo describe mi propia experiencia la m& estimulante y satisfactoria como arquitecto practicante. Una experiencia que he descubierto que no es dnica per0 S< a1 menos muy rara.

En 1961 fui contratado para trabajar con una ~sociacion de 300 familias que se habian formado en 10s suburbios de Lima para invadir y ocupar tierras para una "barriada", (la forma que la gente derenta m & , baja viene utilizando para alo- jarse en el Peru urbano durante 10s pasados 30 azos). Esta Asociacion particular tuvo la oferta de una alternativa legal: un terreno y crgditos para infraestructura basics y materiales para alojamientos auto-construidos individual- mente. El planeamiento y la fase de diseno llevaron a un proyecto bastante mejor que el que yo podria haber desarrol- lad0 por mi mismo.

~ambign la disciplina, as< como el placer de convivir traba- jando con l? gente directamente interesada y democraticamen- te, me llevo a 10 que fue para mi otra manera de trabajar. En lugar de presentarme en la ~sociacidn con las alternativas a, b, o c, - elaboradas en mi propia cabeza y en mi estudio, invent6 un simple entramado dimensional para la loca- lizacion de muros de carga econ6mica y corriente. Con un mode10 simple 10s miernbros de la Asociacion eran capaces de ensamblar 10s componentes a su alcance con una amplia gama de posibilidades, dando pie a una forma ordenada per0 infi- nitamente variable, determinada por 10s mismos propietarios- constructores.

En comparaci&n con 10 que muchos arquitectos han hecho desde entonces era un sistema burdo, pero, en espiritu y en intencion, era la forma m& corrects de servir a la gente de baja renta que colectivamente podia fgcilmente aportar unos modestos honorarios profesionales.

La historia, inicialmente feliz, acab; tragicamente cuando nuestro amigo en el Ministerio, que tenia la autoridad necesaria para renunciar a la legislacion que pone fuera de la Ley estos procedimiemos de desarrollo (10s 6nicos que la mayori'a de la gente puede permitirse) fue destinado a otro sitio. Entonces era tgcnicamente ilegal ocupar tierras que no hubieran sido dotadas previamente de todo, con las venta- jas modernas de 10s buenos pavimentos y las calles con firme. El nuevo funcionario se neg6 a que el esquema fuera mas lejos, tal como estaba planeado, as1 que muchos perdie- ron su tiempo igual que su dinero y la oportunidad de haber invadido y ocupado el excelente terreno, como era su proposito original.

Diez anos mas tarde el proyecto habia sido construido para otra gente de ?as alto nivel de renta, que podri'a pagar 10s costos mucho,mas elevados de trasladarse a unas viviendas ya acabadas segun patrones modernos. La gran mayorfa de mis

primitives clientes no hubiera podido siquiera acceder a una unidad mfnima de las oficialmente subvencionadas. Asi que durante todo este tiempo,, 10s esfuerzos y ahorros que 10s miembros de la Asociacion habian invertido en la larga y atarcada organizaci6n y period0 de diseno fueron peor que perdidos.

Esto confirm0 10s temores que habien sido tan dificiles de veneer a1 principio: que la qente currierite esta abocdda d perder cuando se enrada con el Gobierno, y, que 10s riesgos de invadir 10s terrenos era menores que 10s que suponia el proyecto. Sus peores miedos se realizaron y la ~sociacion perdio la oportunidad de conseguir un terreno excelente, y con ello, la propria organizaci6n comunitaria fracaso como resultado. Ironicamente, todos sus esfuerzos pavimentaron (en el sentido figurado y literal) el camino para gente mas adinerada que es la que mas exige a 10s escasos recursos del Estado. Este fracaso del Gobierno en cooperar con posibles y voluntariosos grupos auto-organizados y con confianza en si mismos, senala la principal barrera que ha de ser supe- rada si el verdadero desarrollo - puede tener cabida. La discusi6n de esta experiencia peruana con 10s estudiantes - mejicanos, hace 10 asos, trajo a colaci6n la significacidn completa de estos hechos. AS^ ahora, no parece existir otro camino en el que la mayoria de 10s arquitectos puedan servir realmente a la mayor.i'a de la gente; ni siquiera en 10s pai- ses m6s ricos de Europa y Arngrica del Norte, mucho menos en el resto del mundo. Para aquellos de nosotros que han per- did0 la f& en el progreso tecnologico, especialmente para aqu6110s que tienen casi toda la vida por delante, la busqueda de alternativas es un caso de vida o muerte para la humanidad.

A menos que descubramos o re-descubramos y desarrollemos caminos y medios de trabajo que desaten recursos desusados, subusados o malusados, una proporci6n creciente de nosotros nunca encontrara trabajo provechoso en un mundo cada vez mas sin sentido y autodystructivo. De acuerdo con un creciente numero de contemporaneos, todos 10s que han llegado hasta aqui y venla cuestion, estan buscando Otro Desarrollo. Este articulo expone 10 que muchos mas arquitectos deben tratar de hacer a partir de ahora.

Diferentes tareas y diferentes caminos en un mundo

Un sintoma comb en el "desarreglo conceptual" de nuestros dias es el habit0 dual de separar unidades y unir desuni- dades. Mi argument0 sera mal entendido si 10 aplicamos tan solo a1 llamado "Tercer Mundo"; desde mi punto de, vista, sole hay un mundo, asi que cualquier conclusi6n basica o verdaderamente vital concierne a todos en todas partes, directa o indirectamente. Aquellos que buscan y experimen- tan con 10s procedimientos, medios y formas de otro desarro- l10 trascienden la pol6mica convencional entre capitalism0

financier0 y socialismos de estado. El paradigma que hoy toma cuerpo presenta a estos 6ltimos como versiones alternativas de la misma filosoffa mecanicista y del sistema corpo- rativo urbano industrial. Mientras esta estructura reduccionista siga en la mente, 10s conflictos entre las clases econ6mico-sociales, el Este y el Oeste, el Norte y el Sur, no pueden conducir a una sfntesis. La necesidad de abrir caminos cooperativos y medios de trabajo en empresas personales y locales (y existencialmente relevantes) es universal: es aplicable igualmente en contextos materiales ricos y pobres y a gente rica y pobre de igual modo. La practica de este principio universal esencial es un element0 de todos 10s sistemas que reduce el consume excesivo y aumenta la riqueza all; donde se necesita.

La confusion aumenta tambign amontonando paradojas unas a otras. Para 10s arquitectos es particularmente importante distinguir tarcas que deben ser desarrolladas por organiza- clones corporativas y otras que no necesitan serlo, y no deberian serlo, seg& las ensenanzas del pasado y de hoy en dia. En este ensayo se debaten procedimientos y medios de trabajar en hogares y vecindades; no se refiere ni se aplica estrictamenta a trabajos de gran escala, que deben de ser necesariamente infrastructuras que soporten 10s lugares en 10s que gastamos la mayor parte de nuestro tiempo y dinero.

Los modernos sistemas de comunicacion por ejemplo pueden ser esenciales para la supervivencia de la mayona de la gente en lugares superpoblados y para la poblacion del planeta altamente interdependiente. Pero, de manera diferente, en las tareas, de planeamiento y disefio, construccion o remodelacion, gestion y mantenimiento de nuestros propios hogares y vecindades, estos sistemas de escala grande y tecnologicamente pesada, fatalmente, no aportan posibilidades a 10s usuarios para la accion creativa: el usuario es solo el usuario. Sea pasajero, remitente o receptor de bie- nes o mensajes, el usuario es un consumidor de servicios, no un coproductor, incluso si 10s propios servicios resultan ser esenciales para actividades productivas del propio usuario. Los pasajeros que participan activamente volando en un avion secuestr6ndolo tambien arriesgan sus vidas, igual que 10 hacen 10s demas pasajeros. Nadie que sea consciente de la necesidad $e un control estricto y central de tales sistemas escogerla viajar en una nave de ninguna clase que no tuviera capitan.

Por otro lad0 solo aquSllos que necesitan o escogen ser institucionalizados quieren ser asentados y alojados por autoridades sobre las que no tienen ningun control. La gente saludable y con confianza e n s < misma exige la liber- tad de escoger donde vive, con quien, y eligiendo entre una gama suficientemente amplia de formas de alojamiento, el entorno mas apropiado, que sirva de soporte a su propia vida. Estas actividades de encontrar el lugar apropiado

para vivir organizando y administrando un hogar y, con tiempo, habilidad y energia, construir o reformar alojamientos, ofrecen oportunidades para la satisfacci6n personal y 10 mismo se puede aplicar a las actividades compartidas con 10s vecinos.

solo aqu6llos con una mentalidad mecanicista o consumista pueden mentalmente dejar de ver la diferencia entre metodos actives y pasivos, de tener y de ser. El habito moderno de confundir uso active con consume pasivo, llamando a 10s inquilinos "consumidores" por ejemplo es uno de 10s muchos abuses de lenguaje que encadena a1 que 10s usa a 10s princi- pios del mal desarrollo. Los inquilinos solo "consumen" sus alojamientos o vecindades cuando 10s tratan con negilgencia o vandalismo; toda la gente adinerada, en las sociedades ricas, se ocupa de sus hogares gastando tanta o incluso mis energia en su mantenimiento que la que invirti6 en su construccion original.

Gran parte de la "producci6n" de alojamientos de lleva a cabo actualmente por inquilinos con inquietudes. Esta distincion entre actividades que separan producci6n y con- sumo, como en 10s viales intercontinentales, y aqugllas en las que 10s usuarios son tarnbign productores, como en el caso del alojamiento, es esencial.

Los arquitectos que no se dan cuenta de la diferencia, inconscientemente, contribuyen a1 mal desarrollo alienante cuando sirven a organizaciones corporativas cuyos procedimientos y productos privan a las personas de oportunidades de autorealizacion a travSs de actividades autogestionadas. La arquitectura de viviendas y vecindades ha sido esencial- mente diferente de la de 10s edificios publicos y monumen- tos, con raras excepciones, hasta tiempos recientes. Los abundantes bloques de gran altura plurifamiliares ya demolidos en Gran ~retana y 10s mas de mil que seran demolidos antes de que sus subvenciones hayan sido amortizadas, sirnbo- lizan el fracas0 econ6mico y el rechazo social de la arquitectura mas caracteristica del siglo XX. Si sobrevivimos a las consecuencias del sistema urbano-industrial, 10s arquitectos del alojamiento del siglo XXI mirargn hacia el pequeno per0 creciente grupo de arquitectos que estan desa- rrollando las herramientas y procedimientos para la planificaci6n local y el diseno de la edificacion por la gente.

Otro metodo de trabajo

Trabajar con la gente que tiene que vivir y pagar 10 que 10s arquitectos diseiian es generalmente deseable per0 no siempre posible. Cuanto mas tiempo y energia 10s clientes-usuarios invierten en 10 que se construye, mas importante es que cornpartan la responsabilidad sobre 10 que se construye y como se construye. Es 10 mas importante de todo, quizas culturalmente esencial, que la gente comparta la

responsabilidad sobre la gesti6n, mantenimiento y modificaci6n de sus propias viviendas y vecindades, donde transcurre la mayor parte de su vida y que es la mayor inversion material que la gente hace.

Digo compartir responsabilidad no solo porque 10s planifica- dores, administradores, arquitectos y constructores tengan conocimientos o habilidades especiales sin0 porque la vida material de las viviendas es generalmente mas larga que la de sus constructores y ocupantes y las tipolog$as de vecindades a menudo perduran siglos.

~ambign insisto en la diferencia entre trabajar y la gente ya que en muchos cases, 10s clientes del arquitecto son suministradores, empleados, terratenientes o represen- tantes per0 no 10s usuarios. Especialmente cuando 10s efidicios o realizaciones de que hablamos son para usos especiales de usuarios transitorios, esta dependencia en otros para el diseno de 10s lugares que uno usa es a menudo necesaria y deseable a la vez. Incluso en el alojamiento, hay siempre una proportion de gente mas o menos movil que tiene poco o ningun deseo de participar en la gestion o mantenimiento de su vivienda, y menos a6n en su diseno y construcci6n. Y 10s hay que prefieren invertir tiempo y energ<a en otras actividades, incluso si esto significa que les cueste mgs, y que otros sean 10s responsables 0, alter- nativamente, vivir en peores condiciones. Estas son liber- tades esenciales, pobremente entendidas y negadas por la mayorfa de la ideologias populares.

El Dorcor Tony Gibson 2/, que ha hecho tanto o mas que nadie que yo sepa para promover directamente el desarrollo democratico, trabaja con el convencimiento de que existen dos tipos de experto: 10s m& grandes expertos en situa- clones locales que son aqu6llos que viven en ellas (10s "inpertos" citando una palabra inventada por Charles Abrams 3 / ) y 10s expertos convencionales o especialistas, que ven - las cosas desde fuera con una perspectiva totalmente diferente del "inperto", que las ve desde dentro. De aqui se deduce que una vision de conjunto y una comprension total depende de la cooperacion. Uno puede decir que la importan- cia de &a participaci6n del usuario en el planeamiento y en el diseno es proporcional a l a complejidad y variabilidad de la situation de 10s "ocupantes" . Una vecindad de 5 0 0 vecinos, o entre 1 .500 y 3 . 0 0 0 personas, de todas las edades, es un sistema enormementemss complejo que una gran factoria; especialmente si esta ultima sirve a una sola funcion. Ningun conjunto de considerandos soci016~icos puede sustituir a 10s "ocupantes" e? el conoci- miento propio y personal de las situaciones domesticas o de vecindad, ni en las necesidades, prioridades y recursos que tienen para satisfacerla. La unica manera que exists de usar: esta "inperiencia" es traba jando con juntamente con aqu6llos que la tienen.

~ s t a quadando claro, entre la gente en todos 10s caminos de la vida, en todas las partes del mundo, el convencimiento de que tenemos que hacer mucho m&s con mucho menos y ra idamente- Cuanto mas ricos y m& despilfarradores sean nupstros m6todos, mas urgente se hace esta consideraci6n y por tanto, ya que la gran fuente de despilfarro en todas partes, es el fracas0 del gobierno, 10s profesionales y la gente tienen que cooperar entre si: en lugar de la confrontaci6n competitiva de poderes muluamente dependien- tes. Un pequeno nurnero de profesionales puede hacerse rico y famoso sin hacer ninguna contribucion a este cambio vital. Pero hay muchas oportunidades de ganarse la vida decente- mente para muchos profesionales haciendo una contribucion real; si la demanda se hace conjuntamente con aqugllas personas a las que la gran mayoria de 10s arquitectos quieren servir.

La tarea inmediata y crucial para 10s arquitectos atentos a estos resultados es buscar 10s caminos y medios por 10s que puedan trabajar con eficacia con la gente a la que sirven en todas la esferas y especialmente de la mas grande de todas: la esfera de la actividad local y domestica.

Me he referido brevemente a una experiencia en per;. Hay muchas otras, en Francia (Les Jardies y Alma Gare), en Suecia (Klostermuren) , en Iran (Zabas) , etc. Estas y otras se describen en un catalogo y en un registro que se esta preparando para el Congreso de la Union International de Arquitectos (Manila, 1984) S/. P

l/ James Robertson, The Sane Alternative (Turning Point Newsletter, 9 - New Road, Ironbridge, Shropshire TF8 7AU, UK)

21 Tony Gibson, People, power, community and work groups in action - (Harmondsworth: Peguin Books, 1979)

3 / Charles Avrams, Man's struggle for shelter in an urbanizing world - (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1965)

4 / Roger Katan, De quoi se melent les urbanistes (13125 Le Faradou, France: Editions Actes/Sud, 1979)

IFDA DOSSIER 39 JANuARYIFEBRuARY 1984 BUILDING BLOCKS

L'ECONOMIE CACHEE 1 CONFLITS SOCI AUX ET L ' AVENI R DES SOCI ETES I NDUSTRIELLES

par Michel Schiray CIRED Maison des Sciences de 1'Honune 54, Boulevard Raspail 75270 Paris, France

Original: francais

THE HIDDEN ECONOMY1 SOCIAL CONFLICTS AND THE FUTURE OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES

Abstract: Under this title, the Italian Social Sciences Council organized last winter, in cooperation with the 'Maison des sciences de l'homme' of Paris, a conference of social scientists from 10 countries (USA and Canada, FRG, France, Italy, Spain, Sweden and UK as well as Hungary and Yugoslavia). The main purpose of the conference, which con- stituted a follow up to an earlier meeting of scientists and trade union- ists from three Mediterranean countries, was to compare their approaches and the results of their research so as to take stock, strengthen their cooperation and formulate conclusions for economic policies recognizing the role of the hidden economy. This paper offers highlights of the national papers and sums up the major conclusions of the working group.

The list of participants and of papers submitted to the conference can be obtained directly from the author.

LA ECONOMIA SUMERGIDA! CONFLICTOS SOCIALES Y EL FUTURO DE LAS SOCIEDADES INDUSTRIALES

Resumen: Bajo este titulo, el Consejo Italiano de Ciencias Sociales (CSS) organize una conferencia internacional, en cooperacion con la Maison des sciences de l'homme' (MSH) de Paris, durante el ultimo in- vierno europeo. En dicha conferencia participaron cientistas sociales de 10 (EEW y Canada, ~e~ublica Federal de Alemania, Francia, Italia, Espasa, Suecia y el Reino Unido, asi como Hungria y Yogoeslavia). El principal objetivo de la conferencia, que en realidad constituyo una continuacion de un encuentro anterior de cientistas y sindicalistas de tres pafses mediterr&eos, fue comparar sus maneras de enfocar 10s asun- tos y 10s resultados de sus investigaciones, con el objetivo de inventa- riar, reforzar la cooperaci6n entre ellos y formular conclusiones para abutir a politicas econ6mica.s que reconozcan el rol de la economia sumergida.

El articulo ofrece aspectos interesantes de 10s documentos nacionales y resume las conclusiones m&s importantes del grupo de trabajo. Se puede obtener la lista de 10s participantes y de 10s documentos exquestos en la conferencia, pidigndolos directamente a1 autor.

Michel Schiray

L'ECONOMIE CACHEE, CONFLITS SOCIAUX ET L'AVENIR DES SOCIETES INLUSTRI ELLES Sous ce titre, une conference internationale a 6te organisge par le Conseil Italien des Sciences Sociales (CSS), avec le concours de la Fondation Maison des Sciences de 1'Home (MSH), Paris. Elle faisait suite a une reunion preparatoire "L'6conomie immergee, cachge, souterraine, invisible, paral- Isle, informelle. ..: une multiple realit6 ou une seule?", qui s'etait tenue il y a deux ans A Rome, entre chercheurs, universitaires et syndicalistes italiens, espagnols et francais.

Elarqie & d'autres pays industrialises, la conference a rSuni des participants de dix pays: d'herique du Nord (Canada, Etats-Unis), d'Europe du Nord, de 1'Ouest et du Sud (Rfipublique federale d1Allemagne, Espagne, France, Grande-Bretagne, Italie, Suede) et d 'Europe de 1 'Est (Hon- grie, Yougoslavie).

Les principaux objectifs gtaient de confronter les travaux et les approches dfiveloppfis sur ce thsme dans ces diffsrents pays et en en dressant un bilan, d'engager une cooperation scientifique, et de tenter de degager quelques propositions touchant les politiques economiques, pour prendre en compte les diffPrentes ryalites de 1'Sconomie cachee.

On trouvera tout d'abord un apercu des diffgrents travaux nationaux presentss puis, dans une deuxisrne partie, les principales conclusions des groupes de travail reunis au cours de la conference.

I - DIVERSITY DES APPROCHES DE L'ECONOMIE CACHEE I/ Qu'il s'agisse des pays capitalistes ou des pays socialistes, "chaque society produit son gconomie informelle propre", a-t-il et6 souvent rappels au cours des debats. Force est de constater la diversity des approches et des rfialitys privilegi6es par les travaux pr6sentSs. Ceux-ci reflStent en partie autant de situations et de preoccupa- tions specifiques dans ces diffgrents pays.

Italie:

L'existence d'une economie informelle non saisie preoccupe les statisticiens depuis plus de dix ans. Mais a c6t6 de cela, de trss nombreuses recherches empiriques ont 6tE rea- lisSes sur des rgalites apparement diverses (le travail au noir, le travail A domicile, le double travail, le travail domestique, avec en particulier, le travail de la femme, le

I / Selon les pays, les rapports presentaient des bilans plus ou moins - exhaustifs des travaux. Les resumes n'ont doncpas d'autre ambition que de donner une image provisoire de 1'6tat des recherches.

travail des Studiants, des retraites). Deux aspects donnent pourtant une certaine unite m@thodologique a cet ensemble de travaux: ces recherches considerent en effet les rapports entre micro et macro, en s'efforeant de produire des categories generates nouvelles a partir de categories particuliSres observees; et plus specialement, la plupart de ces travaux ont et6 developpes A partir d'approches regionales (A l'gchelon du canton, de la province ou de la region), qui s'efforcent d'interpreter les donnees saisies au niveau Ie plus concret, en les situant dans des problematiques developpees au plan national et mfime international. Un bilan des travaux realises fait apparaltre cinq grands courants de recherche qui ont traverse l'economie souterraine:

. Les theories de l'entreprise, qui ont fait apparaltre deux approches successives: celle de la "decentralisation productive", qui met l'accent sur le dualisme des entreprises; et celle, issue de la notion de "district industrieln, qui definit un ensemble d'entreprises tres differentes constituant un reseau de rapports economiques et sociaux.

. Le processus de diffgrenciation sociale et les nouvelles formes de conflits nes de l'existence de l'economie informelle qui complexifient la theorisation des classes sociales.

. Les usages du temps dont les modalites differencient fortement l'economie formelle et informelle.

. Le dSveloppement potentiel des regions les plus sous-developpfies par une creativite supposge de l'economie informelle.

. Le r81e de la fenune, enfin, pour laquelle l'analyse a mis en evidence l'existence d'aires de travaux ferninins, assez delimitees. Elles permettent de mieux apprehender les arti- culations entre les economies officielles, marchandes non officielles et non marchandes et par la, de mieux prendre en compte l'ensemble des spheres de la production et de la reproduction.

Ainsi, les travaux men6s en Italie montrent que de nouvelles categories d'analyses doivent completer les modsles domi- nants d'interpretation de la crise. Dans ce contexte de crise, qui se traduit aussi au plan de la connaissance generale et empirique, une cooperation fructueuse pourrait @tre Stablie A partir d'approches de terrain menees au niveau regional, sans categorisation rigide au depart, pour faire emerger progressivement une theorisation qui s'appuie sur l'observation comparative des faits, en tenant compte des differents contextes.

Canada :

Fortement lies dans le contexte de la crise a une probl6-

matique de recherche d'un autre type de d6veloppementr les travaux canadiens pr6sent6s s'efforcent de construire de nouvelles categories analytiques et de nouvelles approches dans une perspective multidisciplinaire.

Un des points d'entree dans le theme de 1'6conomie informelle a 6t6 la famille et l'6conomie domestique, dans une orientation de recherche sur la qualit6 de la vie et les modalitgs de satisfaction des besoins communautaires, par opposition & la croissance de la consommation materielle. Ceci a abouti & mieux distinguer 6conomie formelle et informelle. Cette approche s'est progressivement 6largie vers une recherche 6tudiant la distribution des activites entre types d'entreprises, formelles et informelles, pour redescendre jusqu'au noyau familial avec 1'6tude de la repartition hom- mes/femmes entre les diff6rentes sphSres dSactivit6s.

Plus ponctuellement, au Quebec, une recherche s'est centr6e sur les "organismes volontaires A caractSre socio-6conomique pr6sentant un caractSre novateur" ("entreprises alternatives"). Ces organismes sont & but lucratif mais a vocation sociale en s'appuyant en grande partie sur du travail non - l . . - - J lT-tf..<..-l \ t i e u - ~ i i a m - i ~ U ~ L L C V W L ~ ; , . La probl6inatique -:A..- a--- 1 -

L . U C uaiio L=

cadre de la recherche d'une plus grande independance des personnes & 1'6gard du march6 et de 1'Etat.

Allemagne (R6publique FgdSrale):

Les travaux sur l'economie informelle distinguent a c8te du travail domestique (6largi aux formes d'assistance mutuelle et aux petits reseaux d'echange) et de 1'Sconomie irr6gu- liSre (comprenant 1'6vasion fiscale et les autres formes criminelles), les categories d'auto-emploi et df6conomie alternative.

Quatre series de raisons convergent, en effet, pour expliquer llint@r@t croissant des homes politiques et des scientifiques pour l'economie informelle: la crise de 1'Etat-providence; la crise du march6 du travail qui fait apparaltre l'emergence de politiques d'emploi susceptibles d1int6grer le secteur informel A 1'6conomie officielle; la croissance de la professionnalisation des politiques sociales et la colonisation de la vie de travail; enfin, l'importance prise aujourd'hui par un nouveau courant ideologique et social qui s'organise autour du slogan "vivre et travailler autrement" . Le debat sur 1 'Sconomie informelle peut se resumer ainsi: la separation de 1'6conomie formelle et de 1'6conomie informelle conduit & un dualisme sectoriel (qui organise un dualisme social), auquel on peut opposer un dualisme temporel dont la reduction du temps de travail officiel est la variable essentielle. Face aux voies possi- b l e ~ de sorties de la crise par la relance de l'economie de march6 ou llutilisation de 1'Etat come agent rEgulateur, dans le sens soit dlun hyperetatisme, soit d'un n6ocoop6rativisme (courant de plus en plus puissant), les

perspectives de recherche qui semblent se degager dans la voie du dualisme temporel seraient de promouvoir de nouvelles combinaisons entre 1'6conomie formelle et informelle associ6es ?I de nouveaux modeles de consommation, qu,i appuient le passage d'une logique dominante de production a une logique de consommation et de reproduction.

France :

Apparue come theme d'ensemble, il y a quelques annees, l'economie informelle se situe h la convergence de differents travaux qui n'ont pas encore veritablement trouve leur units problSmatique et m@thodologique: 1'Sconomie domestique, pour laquelle notamment le mouvement feministe a appuye l'approfondissement de la reflexion sur le travail ferninin, marchand et non marchand; l'economie associative, qui prend une importance croissante avec l'essor des associations; Ie travail au noir, qui fait l'objet d'une atten- tion nouvelle avec Ie developpement du chfimage, la segmenta- tion du march6 du travail et la precarisation de l'emploi, et plus generalement l'extension de la pauvrete. Ce theme a et6 aussi appuye par tout un courant de pensee nourri par l'experimentation sociale dans et hors de la sphere de la production pour repenser de nouvelles combinaisons entre 18Sconomie marchande et 1'6conomie non marchande. I1 a en partie traversg le champ de 1'Sconomie sociale qui connalt, de son c6tG, un renouveau dtint6r@t.

Le thSme de l'economie cachee est fortement associe h la discussion sur la crise de 1'Etat-providence, et aux politiques de creation d'emplois. Cependant, face aux risques de dualisme de l'@conomie et de la societe induits par le progres technique et la competitivite internationale, il met surtout en cause l'organisation du temps de la societe. Ceci, avec pour objectifs la reduction du temps de travail et le partage du travail, tant dans les spheres officielles de l'~conomie, que dans ll@conomie cachee, questions aux- quelles un nombre croissant de travaux ont et@ consacres.

Hongrie :

L'Sconomie seconde est cachee parce qu'elle Schappe aux con- tr61es de 1'Etat. Elle se decompose en sphere marchande et en sphere non marchande. Un accent privilegie est cependant donne aux recherches sur les marches paralleles de l'economie cachee dans lesquels existe une logique de profit.

En termes de mode de production, on peut opposer la situation des economies capitalistes, oil coexistent une sphere capitalists de production marchande grande Schelle et une sphere de petite production marchande (pour une part cach@e) et celle des economies socialistes oil, h cat6 des unites de production de 116conomie officielle, qui ne sont pas pro- prietaires de leurs moyens de production, existe une seconde economic, pour une part "tol6r6e", caracterisge par le fait qu'elle ne peut pas donner lieu h l'emploi de salaries et par une accumulation forcement limitee. De fait, par ces

limitations m?mes, 1'Etat r6gule cette dernisre sphSre. Le travail constitue le lien organique entre les deux spheres, les individus pouvant passer de l'une A l'autre, alors que les autres facteurs de production, la terre et le capital, sont supposes non transmissibles de l'une A l'autre. Le modele est celui du salarie de 1'6conomie officielle, en meme temps entrepreneur de la seconde 6conomie.

La conclusion des enquetes menees dans l'agriculture, mais aussi dans les autres secteurs, confirme l'hypothfise d'une croissance rapide des personnes engag6es dans les activit6s priv6es et semi-priv6es. D'autres travaux ont egalement permis d'analyser des modsles de passage d'un secteur A l'autre, tenant compte en particulier du travail domestique.

Suede :

Les travaux sur 1'6conomie informelle ont 6t6 principalement suscites par deux questions: l'explosion des coiits sociaux, et les pr6occupations d'environnement et de qualit6 de vie mettant en question la croissance quantitative et la notion de PNB. 11s ont surtout et6 axes sur la prise en compte de l86conomie informelle dans les politiques sociales.

L'un des principaux programmes d6velopp6sI intitule Care in society,s'est attach6 A redefinir de nouvelles combinaisons entre 6conomie formelle et informelle. Les r6sultats ont et6 largement diffuses dans le public et ont donn6 lieu A un important d6bat social opposant ceux qui s'efforcent de limiter l'intervention de 1'Etat et ceux, pour une part dans les syndicats, qui sont surtout prSoccup6s par la crainte de la suppression d'emplois.

L'autre axe important des travaux concerne l'impact des changements techniques sur l'economie domestique, notamment sur les transformations dans l'affectation entre temps et argent et les relations entre les personnes. Ces recherches ont 6te etendues dans le sens d'une prospective concernant les nouveaux systSmes d'information et la robotique. Du niveau domestique, les recherches se sont Slargies aux formes d'organisations communautaires autour des equipements collectifs. Elles font ressortir l'importance des formes intermediaires d'organisation melangeant des 616ments d'6co- nomie formelle et d'economie informelle, en particulier avec le travail au noir. Elles insistent sur l'importance des structures sociales de base, en meme temps que sur la n6ces- sit6 pour tout individu d'avoir un pied dans chacune des sphSres formelles et informelles, en particulier pour la repartition du travail entre les homes et les femmes.

Espagne :

L'enjeu de 1'6conomie caches, d'apres une approche presen- tee, se situerait dans le r61e de 1'Etat et le droit du travail, avec l'hypothese que la pression fiscale pourrait etre la variable principale determinant le passage d'une activite dans 1'6conomie cachee.

La plupart des recherches sur ce th6me s1insSrent dans Ie ph6nomSne de l'industrialisation diffuse de petites et tr6s petites entreprises, qui s'est dSveloppSe dans de nombreuses rggions, avec une realit6 d'observation privil6giSe: Ie travail h domicile. A c6tS de travaux brisvement cites, r6alisSs & Cordoue et Malaga, deux enquetes approfondies ont et6 presentees. L'une porte sur la region de Valence, oii l'industrialisation diffuse a precede l'installation de trois groupes multinationaux. L'ensemble forme un syst6me

ei-lit-rcher la int6gr6, la question aujourd'hui est de r--'-- manisre de sortir de ce dualisme. L'autre enquete porte sur un bassin d'emploi de la r6gion de Madrid qui prSsente toutes les caractgristiques de l'illSgalit@, aussi bien au plan du travail qu'au plan urbanistique. Ce bassin regroupe 259 entreprises. La recherche vise d'abord & mieux connaltre cette rSalitS.

Grande-Bretaqne:

I1 existe bien deux grands courants dans l'approche de 1'Sconomie informelle. D'une part, celle des macro-Sconomistes qui situent l'objet dans 1'6tablissement de statistiques complSmentaires aux statistiques officielles. D'une part, celle d8Sconomistes, d'anthropologues, de ggographes ou de sociologues qui cherchent & mieux comprendre le fonctionnement de llSconomie informelle autour de quelques questions privilSgi6es: le passage de l'approche du local h celle du domestique h travers les relations de voisinage; l'effet du ch6mage sur les diff6rentes formes d'6conomie informelle; la recherche de methodes d'approches et d'institutions alternatives pour satisfaire les differents besoins (dans laquelle se situent de nombreuses recherches-actions); les relations, enfin, entre 1'Sconomie informelle et la macro-Sconomie, c'est-&-dire 1'Sconomie formelle.

De plus en plus s'est imposSe 1'idSe qu'il ne faut plus par- ler d'une 6conomie informelle. I1 existe une Sconomie, capitaliste, avec une partie occulte. Ceci permet de situer la discussion dans un contexts actuel de renSgociation d'une nouvelle division du travail au niveau international, local et domestique, avec en particulier la repartition entre les sexes. C'est h cette nouvelle distribution entre travail pay6 et non pay6 que s'attachent de nombreux travaux sur I'Sconomie informelle.

De meme, certains travaux s'appuient sur les nombreuses recherches empiriques menges sur les institutions informelles, en s'efforcant de rattacher les aspects micro aux aspects macro pour analyser leurs relations avec le systsme d'Etat. I1 est 6galement intSressant de noter le dSveloppe- ment, sur ce thSme, de travaux anthropologiques qui apportent des SlSments nouveaux & la thSorie Sconomique. Par exemple, certaines recherches semblent montrer que si la thSorie traditionnelle repose sur les facteurs de production terre, travail, capital, 6largis Sventuellement &

l'information, l'approche de l16conomie infonnelle montre que les facteurs principaux seraient plut6t le temps, l'information et l'identite individuelle et collective. Enfin, un des biais de l'analyse des interrelations entre 1'6conomie formelle et informelle concerne celle du choix dans l'allocation du temps entre production formelle et informelle. A supposer que les conditions d'un choix soient remplies, les choix realises en faveur de 116conomie informelle sont susceptibles d'inflechir 1'6conomie formelle, en particulier en matisre de progres technique. C'est le sens qui pourrait @tre donne & une nouvelle thSorie de la consommation.

Etats-Unis:

La plupart des Sconomistes abordent principalement 1'6valua- tion et 116volution de l16conornie non observee. Les travaux interdisciplinaires semblent relativement peu privilegi6s.

I1 est aujourd'hui tout h fait admis que 1'6conomi.e dans son ensemble comprend trois spheres: la sphere observee, la sphsre mon6taire non observee et la sphere non monetaire non observ6e. A c8t6 des questions liSes & la crise de 1'Etat-providence, ou h 1'6vasion fiscale et sociale, une question centrale & laquelle s'attache 1'6conomiste est le passage des activites entre ces differentes sphSres.

Pour cela differentes methodes sent utilis6es, en particulier pour la mesure de l'economie mongtaire, et d'autres, moins connues par les marches de l'emploi. Ces dernieres methodes font intervenir la force de travail non observSe, la population non observ@e, les heures de travail non obser- v6es qui sont croisges avec la productivit6 moyenne des secteurs non observes. Quelle que soit la methode adoptee, on constate une croissance de l1@conomie monetaire non observee.

I1 est interessant de noter 6galement l'importance de recherches sur les biens et services prohibes (drogue, pros- titution...) h propos desquelles on insiste moins, semble-t-il, dans les autres pays. Aux 6valuations assez precises et impressionnantes s'ajoute l'analyse des marches organises en large5 systsmes analogues & des corporations. Les consequences macro-Economiques de ces activites sont egalement analysees du point de vue du PNB et des depenses des consommateurs.

Yougoslavie:

L'economie peut se decomposer en trois secteurs: le secteur socialiste, le secteur prive et le secteur intermediaire. L'economie cachee fonctionne en fait dans ces trois secteurs. La plupart des gens, & des degres divers, y partici- pent en meme temps qu'aux activites officielles. L'economie cachge est une partie normale de la reproduction de la societe. Mais plus sp~cifiquement, dans un pays oii le petit

secteur priv6 est legalement limit6 en nombre d'emplois, une partie en est forcement cachee.

La question pos6e h la recherche est celle du r61e stabili- sateur ou destabilisateur de ces activites. I1 s'avsre qulavec la crise, au lieu du developpement de la greve, on assiste plut6t & une croissance de l'economie cachee, h laquelle les gens sent de plus en plus interesses, en prenant A la fois du temps et des outils au secteur officiel. Cette croissance apparalt concomitante h la decroissance observee par les indicateurs macro-economiques. Des secteurs industriels et des services, elle s16tend proqressive- ment A l'agriculture. Sur le plan social, on fait l'hypothese que ceci est un facteur d1in6galit6s, certains groupes prenant des positions trSs avantaqeuses sur les marches caches. Les donnees empiriques manquent cependant aujourd'hui pour Ie verifier.

11 - CONCLUSIONS DES GROUPES DE T R A V A I L

Quatre groupes de travail ont et6 organises au cours de la conference sur les themes suivants: recherches generates; I'Sconomie informelle et la crise; l'economie informelle, llEtat et le marche; l'economie informelle et le temps. Ces qroupes s'interrogeaient sur des axes de recherche qui pouvaient etre dEvelopp6s en conunun.

1. Recherches gSn6rales

A travers la diversite des approches, quelques grands points de convergence existent. D'une part, derriere l'importance quantitative du phenom&ne, se cachent des phenomanes quali- tatifs peu connus. A c6t6 de realitss anciennes, come l'activite des menages, apparaissent des ph6nomSnes nouveaux qui impliquent un chanqement important dans le domaine socio-6conomique et done pour la recherche.

Au-del& de cet accord general, deux courants de travaux ont 6te distingues. Le premier concerne les aspects macro-6conomiques et la mesure des ph6nom5nes. Trois approches sont possibles: par le march6 du travail, par les aspects monetaires, par les bilans des menages. L'intergt des modSles auxquels on peut aboutir est de souligner les effets pervers des politiques 6conomiques qui ne tiennent pas compte de ces ph6nomSnes. Le deuxisme courant de travaux concerne les recherches sur le terrain, sur des aspects donnes, dans des contextes territoriaux specifiques. Les themes peuvent en etre trSs divers, du travail des menages aux nouvelles cooperatives. Mais l'int6rSt conunun est de mieux comprendre les diffgrentes formes d'6conomie cachee et leurs liens avec 116concmie formelle, les firmes ou les institutions. L'hypothSse partag6e est qu'S travers l'approche de l'economie cachee on peut saisir une tendance nouvelle, avec la crise, de differentiation des sociGt6s, en rupture avec la tendance passee A l'hornog6n@isation. L'objet de la

recherche est d'etudier le chanqement des mecanismes qui assurent la regulation de l'activite sociale, le marche, 1'Etat et les institutions sociales, en saisissant les rea- lites au niveau de 1'6conomie de la famille, des communautSs et h un niveau plus proche de la production, dans les formes illegales de travail. Le cadre territorial local apparalt le plus adSquat pour ces recherches, qui pourraient se developper h partir de reseaux interdisciplinaires. Plut6t que d'engager immediatement des recherches comparatives, pro- position a 6te faite d'organiser un groupe permanent de con- sultation pour d6velopper une critique reciproque sur 1'6tat d'avancement des travaux dans les differents pays.

Enfin, sur le "sens" politique de ce travail, la conclusion a et6 que face une idgologic facile qui appuierait une deregulation de la societe, il convient de degager du theme de l'economie informelle les germes d'une transformation culturelle et sociale. Ceci suppose beaucoup de clart6 sur les differentes realitfis.

2. L'Sconomie informelle et la crise

Deux observations generates ont 6te partagees. D'une part, dans ce contexte de crise, h c6t6 de la baisse de l'acti- vitS, les pays industrials vivent une restructuration ins- titutionnelle dont on ne connalt pas Ie contenu. D'autre part, aucune alternative credible n'est encore apparue, en particulier pour apporter une rgponse h la crise de 1'Etat-providence.

Un point de depart commun est le constat qu'h cat6 des differences regionales que l'on observe, l'existence d'une het@rogeneite des modes de production que suggsre la prise en compte de l'economie informelle montre que la realit6 est beaucoup plus complexe que l'on croyait. Or cette hgterogg- ngitfi s'accentue aujourd'hui, ce qu'expriment les approches dualistes. La conclusion principale que l'on doit en tirer est de reconnaltre l'existence d'une seule economic, avec des maniSres differentes, formelles ou informelles, d'organiser les activites pour une meme finality.

Au plan des recherches, face aux incertitudes nees des transformations en cours qui entralnent une certaine insecu- rite du monde scientifique, il convient d'glaborer de nouvelles methodes, largement ouvertes h l'approche interdis- ciplinaire, susceptibles aussi de suggerer des alternatives. Les scientifiques ont un r61e A jouer dans le developpement des processus d'apprentissage pour faire face aux risques de clivage de la societe.

3. L'economie informelle, Ie march6 et 1'Etat

Rejetant l'approche dualiste de l'opposition for- mel/informel, le groupe a insist@ sur la reconnaissance d'un continuum d'institutions allant du forme1 h l'informel, h

commencer par les manages, toutes reli6es aux structures fonnelles de l'aconomie. On pourrait les classer selon leurechelle et les analyser en fonction de critsres come la formalitS/1'informalit6, le caractere mesurable ou non des activitSs, la lSgalit@/l'illfigalit6. Ce qui est essentiel est le rapport entre les diff6rents types d'institutions.

En ce qui concerne les rapports A lfEtat, un certain dilenune a StS explicitS. S'il est vrai que reconnaltre l'existence d'une Sconomie informelle, en particulier domestique, suppose une intervention approprise de l'Etat, en liaison avec les acteurs, ceci pourrait aussi bien aboutir S une "colonisation" publique de nouvelles spheres d1acitivitSs de la sociStS.

En ce qui concerne les rapports au marchg, la conclusion a StS que tout effort de recherche doit etre quid6 par l'analyse de 11interd6pendance entre les macrostructures et 1'activitS de l'homme. Ceci appelle une thgorisation intSgrant macrostructures et microstructures, de manisre S mieux concevoir des politiques qui rendent sensibles les premieres aux influences des secondes.

A c6t6 des facteurs sociaux et culturels, le groupe a insists sur la dimension technologique. Avec les possibi- lit& de dSveloppement, S petite Schelle, de nouvelles technologies comme l'informatique et la robotique, se pose la question de la repartition des technologies entre les diff6- rentes formes d'organisation de 1'6conomie selon leurs avan- tages comparatifs.

4. LISconomie informelle et le temps

Trois questions ont 6tS abordSes. En ce qui concerne les possibilitSs d'amelioration de la comptabilit6 nationale par l'adjonction des donnees relatives & l'emploi du temps, la conclusion a StS qu'il est tout S fait possible de concevoir une macroSconomie avec le temps comme indicateur: celui-ci opposerait, par exemple, Ie temps de consommation au temps de production. Ceci aurait une valeur descriptive certaine, en complement une macro6conomie classique. Mais le temps ne peut pas Stre un substitut A une comptabilit6 mon6taire , en raison m@me de son h6t6rog6nait6.

S'agissant de savoir sit come le soutiennent certains, ce seraient les technologies qui determineraient les r6parti- tions du temps de la sociSt6 ou bien, plutdt, les rapports sociaux, la conclusion Svidente est que l'analyse se doit dqintSgrer ces deux hypothSses.

Face aux riqidit6s d'emplois du temps caract6ristiques des soci6t6s industrielles, l'objectif des politiques devrait @tre d'accroltre les options possibles d'emplois du temps, en consid6rant que les formes d'organisation informelle sont Sgalement sources de production de richesses.

CONCLUSION

La principale conclusion de la conference est la reconnaissance qu'il n'existe bien qu'une seule economie et qu'il convenait de depasser les modSles dualistes distinguant, A c6t6 de l'economie formelle, une 6conomie informelle. La connaissance des r@alit@s de 1'Sconomie informelle conduit surtout A enrichir et a complexifier le cadre d'analyses qui passe par une revision radicale aussi bien des theories 6co- nomiques que des instruments de gestiun du sysLfime social.

En termes de recherches, le point d'entree privilegie serait de developper des travaux de terrain dans des ensembles territoriaux complets et bien definis. ConcrStement, cela suppose trSs certainement un renouvellement des pratiques de collectes et d'analyses de donnees, avec en particulier le recours A une participation accrue des personnes et des groupes impliques. Au plan thsorique, ces recherches devraient viser & mieux connaftre l'articulation des sys- tSmes complexes et leurs implications sur la vie quoti- dienne . Avant d'engager des recherches comparatives, il a ete con- venu d'organiser des rencontres reguliSres destinees & confronter les travaux realises dans chaque pays, afin d'affi- ner progressivement un cadre d'analyse qui puisse etre par- tag6 . Pour contribuer au d6veloppement de la cooperation engagSe par ce reseau de chercheurs de diffgrents pays, il nous semble qu'au plan francais les travaux pourraient prioritai- rement prendre deux directions generates:

. d'une part, 1'Stude des rgponses de la soci6t6 A la crise A travers les comportements dans le quotidien;

. d'autre part, des analyses en profondeur, au niveau regional et surtout micro-regional de 1'Sconomie reelle, saisie dans son ensemble. En s'appuyant sur des enquetes et des monographies dans quelques contextes diff6renci6sI il s'agirait de decrire et de comprendre son fonctionnement en testant de nouveaux instruments d'analyse qui puissent aussi bien appuyer l'effort scientifique que les politiques A mettre en oeuvre.

Cet article est extrait de MSH Informations, bulletin de la Fondation Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, No 43, mars 1983, pp. 14-27. Le texte reproduit ici est suivi, dans l'original, d'une riche liste des contributions, qui fera l'objet d'une publication que nous reproduirons en temps utile.

I F D A DOSSIER 39 JANUARYIFEBRUARY 1984 B U I L D I N G BLOCKS

ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT COMMUNICATION EFFORTS FOR SCIENCE EDUCATION I N RURAL I N D I A

by Shashi R. Pandey 415 W. Oilman 418 Madison, W1 53703, USA


Abstract: The current communication strategy is dependent on the accepted models of development. It has an urban bias and uses formal communication channels. These methods are severely constrained for effective communication in rural areas. The suitability of non-formal and folk media for the rural areas is illustrated using three voluntary science education projects in operation in India.

EDUCATION S C I E N T I F I Q U E EN INDE RURALE: DES EFFORTS VERS UNE AUTRE COMMUNICATION POUR L E DEVELOPPEMENT

Resume: La strategic actuelle de la communication depend des mod6les de d6veloppement en vigueur. Elle est deformee par des influences urbaines et utilise des moyens formels. De telles methodes ne permettent guere une communication effective en milieu rural. Get article decrit trois projets entrepris en Inde centrale et meridionale par des groupes volontaires. Ces projets, visant l'integration du processus de communication dans l'environnement local pennettent de tirer quelques lecons d'une portee plus generale pour une strategic de la communication fondee sur la culture des interess6s et leur participation.

EDUCATION C I E N T I F I C A EN L A I N D I A RURAL: ESFUERZOS H A C I A OTRA COMUNICACION PARA E L DESARROLLO

Resumen: La estrategia actual de la comunicaci6n depende de modelos de desarrollo en vigor. ~ s t a deformada por influencias urbanas y utiliza medios females. Tales metodos permiten apenas una comunicaci6n efecti- va en un medio rural. Este artfculo describe tres proyectos emprendidos en la India central y meridional, por grupos de voluntarios. Estos proyectos que tienden a la integracion del proceso de comunicacion en el medio ambiente local, permiten obtener algunos resultados de alcance m6s general para una estrategia de la comunicacion fundada en la cultura de 10s interesados y su particiPaci6n.

Shashi R. Pandey

ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT COMMUNICATION EFFORTS FOR SCIENCE EDUCATION I N RURAL I N D I A

For :he development process t o become se l f - sus ta in ing , b u i l d i n g t h e ca- p a c i t y o f people i s an impor tan t element. Few w i l l deny the importance o f educat ion as a c r i t i c a l i n p u t f o r making a s o c i e t y economica l ly more developed and s o c i a l l y more j u s t and eau i t ab le . However, t h e r e a r e a number o f i ssues which have n o t been f u l l y explored. What k i n d o f edu- c a t i o n can poss ib l y p l a y such a r o l e ? How can a system o f educat ion be developed which i s l i n k e d w i t h t he s o c i a l l i f e o f a community? What i s t he r o l e o f science educat ion and communication f o r deve lop ing and spreading such a system o f educat ion?

Some o f these quest ions a re examined i n t h e l i g h t o f development commu- n i c a t i o n exper iences i n I nd ia . I n t he pas t few decades, c e n t r a l i z e d communication (mass media) has been used i n I n d i a t o d i r e c t change f rom outs ide, and t h e focus o f t h i s process has no t been the r u r a l poor. However, non-governmental vo lun ta ry o rgan i za t i ons have experimented w i t h ways t o increase t h e access and the q u a l i t y o f i n fo rma t i on and science educat ion f o r r u r a l communities. They have generated an i n t e r a c t i v e communication process which i nvo l ves r u r a l people and invokes t h e i r par - t i c i p a t i o n . Th is paper i s concerned w i t h the exper iences o f these groups and t h e r o l e which communication cou ld p l a y t o promote an appro- p r i a t e science educat ion. The o b j e c t o f t h i s paper i s t o rev iew t h r e e contemporary r u r a l educat ion experiments i n I n d i a as t h e modes o f an a1- t e r n a t e communication process; t o analyze t h e i r e f f ec t i veness i n overcoming the urban b i a s o f t he contemporary mass media; t o examine t h e i r p o t e n t i a l t o i n t e g r a t e l o c a l media i n t o t he communication process; and t o eva lua te t h e i r r o l e i n i nc reas ing p a r t i c i p a t o r y s o c i a l ac t i on .

The paper i s d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e pa r t s . The f i r s t p a r t examines t h e shortcoming o f t h e communication process as i t has r e l a t e d t o development e f f o r t s i n general , and t h e case o f I n d i a i n p a r t i c u l a r . It i s shown t h a t communication has p1 ayed e i t h e r an ove r -en thus ias t i c ( i nde - pendent) o r a pass ive (supplementary) r o l e i n t he development process. I n I nd ia , i t has remained urban-or ig ina ted and urban-or ien ted. The second p a r t on ' A l t e r n a t i v e exper iences' descr ibes and discusses th ree r u r a l v01 un ta ry -ac t i on groups f o r communication educat ion i n Cent ra l and South I n d i a . These experiments have t r i e d t o remove the shortcomings o f t h e e x i s t i n g educat ion and communication channels. They have shown the p o t e n t i a l o f a l t e r n a t i v e s i n science educat ion, by i n t e g r a t i n g t he com- municat ion process t o t he l o c a l environment. F i n a l l y , t h e t h i r d p a r t de r i ves t he lessons regard ing t h e p o t e n t i a l 'and t h e l i m i t s o f formal science educat ion and communication and b r i n g s o u t t h e need f o r a commu- n i c a t i o n approach based on c u l t u r e and community p a r t i c i p a t i o n .

1 , COMMUNICATION FOR DEVELOPMENT

Most e f f o r t s f o r development communication presuppose a model o f deve l - opment. I n theory, t he communication process has a p o t e n t i a l o f be ing a t o o l f o r s o c i a l change; i n p r a c t i c e , i t has f a l l e n sho r t o f i t s prob- ab le r o l e . It has su f fe red f rom th ree shortcomings: 1) communication has been a p r i s o n e r o f t h e dominant paradigm o f economic development, 2 ) communication has remained a synonym f o r a one-way process concerned

w i t h t h e d isseminat ion o f t echn i ca l know-how, and 3 ) communication has been regarded as a va lue - f ree medium t h a t cou ld p l a y an independent r o l e . L e t us examine each o f these shortcomings separa te ly .

F i r s t , t h e concept o f development has gone through many changes f rom indexing, d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n approaches t o t h e models o f exogenously induced change. The mass media has fo l l owed s u i t and as i s shown i n t h e Table below, i t has played a supplementary r o l e merely t o suppor t these s t r a t e g i e s . I n t h e index approach, p r o d u c t i v i t y , GNP and accumulat ion were impor tant . The number o f schools, r a d i o and newspaper became the goal and 'barometer ' o f t he success o f communication. Theor ies o f d i f - f e r e n t i a t i o n t r e a t e d developing s o c i e t i e s as ' s imp le ' i n need o f sophis- t i c a t e d (Western) i n s t i t u t i o n s . The communication s t r a t e g y s h i f t e d f rom inc reas ing number t o a c q u i r i n g h igh technology and c r e a t i n g complex c e n t r a l i z e d i n s t i t u t i o n s . Theor ies o f exogenous change suggested t h a t s t a t i c s o c i e t i e s cou ld be brought t o l i f e by o u t s i d e knowledge and resources. St ress i n t h e communication f i e l d moved t o ex tens ion workers, d i f f u s i o n o f ideas, and package deals. When a l t e r n a t e models o f development, l i k e bas i c needs o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n were proposed, they were tag- ged onto t h e management model o f development. I n the f i e l d o f commu- n i c a t i o n , a corresponding s t r a t e g y 'on paper ' l i k e feedback and c u l t u r a l i n p u t s was suggested.

Correspondence between the models of development and communication

Development models Communication strategy

1. Growth, index model

2. Sophistication of structure

3. Exogenous change model Community development Green revolution Integrated development

4. Models in theory: Basic needs Participation New international economic order

Number of schools, newspapers

High technology & institutions

Transfer of information Diffusion Package

Strategies on paper: Cultural emphasis Feedback

New international information order

The correspondence between development and communication was n o t l i m i t e d t o t he fo l l ow-up o f outward approach b u t a l s o t o t h e psycho log ica l bas i s o f t h e s t ra tegy . The development process was regarded as t he adjustment o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l t o new technology, new values, and s t a t u s quo so t h a t t h e communication s t r a t e g y concentrated on i n d i v i d u a l ' s enl ightenment. The macro-soc io log ica l and t h e o v e r a l l p o l i t i c a l quest ions which i n v o l v e s c r u t i n i z i n g t h e s o c i a l system as a whole d i d n o t a t t r a c t t he a t t e n t i o n o f most communication workers. They d i d n o t ques t i on e i t h e r t he hypo- t h e s i s o f development models o r observe t h e r e a l i t y .

Secondly, t he r o l e o f communication as a process o f d i spe rs ing informa- t i o n i s t i e d n o t o n l y t o t he f o l l ow-up o f a top-down model o f

development b u t a l s o t o t h e i nhe ren t l i m i t o f a borrowed medium o f com- municat ion. Mass media presupposes a homogeneous s o c i e t y and c e n t r a l i z e d c o n t r o l . Th is a l i e n technology i n i t s e l f became a goal and was n o t based e i t h e r on d ia logue o r on l o c a l media, so i t f a i l e d t o be a l i n k t o t he r u r a l poor. I t was resource based, so i t c rea ted another gap - ' i n f o r m a t i o n gap' ( i n a d d i t i o n t o t he a l ready e x i s t i n g 'income gap ' ) - and became a new t o o l f o r e x p l o i t a t i o n i n t he hands o f t h e r i c h .

F i n a l l y , communication was regarded as va lue - f ree and independent, i .e. f r e e o f c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l va r i ab les . Since i t neg lec ted t h e s o c i a l ma t r i x , c u l t u r a l fo rces overwhelmed i t . Because people ( v i l l a g e l e v e l workers, bureaucra ts ) were value-loaded, i t became one-sided and mis- guided. Concepts r e q u i r e meaning by t h e i r p lace i n a s o c i a l ma t r i x . It i s inconce ivab le t h a t communication can be e f f e c t i v e w i t h o u t t a k i n g account o f t he r u l e s , customs, b e l i e f s and r i t u a l s o f a community. Commu- n i c a t i o n cannot be an independent v a r i a b l e as i t r e f l e c t s s o c i a l r e l a - t i ons ; i n f a c t , i t can r e i n f o r c e t h e a l ready e x i s t i n g d i s p a r i t i e s .

Two opposing views have o f t e n been debated: one, ' i n f o r m a t i o n can do a l l ' and two, ' i n f o r m a t i o n cannot do much w i t h o u t s t r u c t u r a l change'. Both t he no t i ons t h a t increased i n fo rma t i on w i l l n a t u r a l l y l ead t o more growth ( i n t he sense o f g rea te r c o n t r o l over t he environment) , and t h a t increased i n fo rma t i on i s use less because o f s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s a r e t oo l i m i t e d and narrow. I n fo rma t i on i t s e l f has no value; i t s va lue l i e s i n how i t i s used, and t h a t depends upon s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s . I n - creased i n fo rma t i on cannot increase the e n t i t i e s ' c o n t r o l over t h e i r environment unless t he i n fo rma t i on i s app rop r i a te t o t h e i r environment, and i s conveyed i n an acceptable way. Likewise, s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s may render some in fo rma t i on useless, b u t s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s a r e a l s o a p a r t of t he environment, and t h e i n fo rma t i on about them cou ld h e l p an e n t i t y ga in g r e a t e r c o n t r o l .

Understanding o f t he communication process and t h e use o f app rop r i a te methods cou ld p l a y an impor tan t r o l e i n t he process o f change i f t h e l i m i t s and the r o l e s o f communication a r e p r o p e r l y analyzed. Changes i n what and how an i n d i v i d u a l a c t s i s both a f u n c t i o n o f t he na tu re o f t h e wo r ld and the nature o f h i s concept ion o f t h a t wor ld. Communication he lps t o change t h e l a t t e r t o l i b e r a t e t he consciousness o f t h e oppressed. I t cannot c rea te change; i t can h e l p c rea te a background f o r change by p r o v i d i n g the s e t t i n g and in format ion . Both t h e medium o f communication and the content o f i n fo rma t i on have t o be r e l e v a n t and app rop r i a te t o the surroundings. Thus, communication i s f i r s t l y o n l y one vec to r i n a complex s t r u c t u r e o f t he development process, and second ly i t i s a necessary component b u t never s u f f i c i e n t .

I t w i l l be sho r t - s i gh ted t o conclude t h a t t he mere appropr ia teness o f a medium w i l l ensure i t s implementat ion. I n a c e r t a i n sense, communica- t i o n i s a technology. A l l app rop r i a te technology faces the problem t h a t i t i s a t echno log i ca l f i x , which i s n o t enough. Change has t o be backed up by p o l i t i c a l w i l l . Communication i s n e i t h e r i d e o l o g i c a l l y f r e e n o r p o l i t i c a l l y n e u t r a l . That i s why bo th t he medium and the process o f communication can n e i t h e r take s o c i a l r e a l i t y as g iven no r can l ose s i g h t o f p o l i t i c a l dimension o f c o n t r o l .

The r e s u l t o f an inadequate understanding o f t he r e l a t i o n s h i p o f commu- n i c a t i o n t o development and i t s i nhe ren t l i m i t a t i o n has l e d t o

u n r e a l i s t i c h i g h hopes. I n t he pas t decades, media, science, educat ion and s o c i a l eng ineer ing were the watch-words o f t he fu ture . Today, a l l t h e f o u r a r e found want ing. They have f a i l e d t o f u l f i l t he promise o f a b e t t e r , more e g a l i t a r i a n and l e s s v i o l e n t wor ld. Instead, t he past decades have witnessed the emergence of t h ree dominant wo r l d t rends. One, t h e increas ing, r a t h e r than t h e decreasing, d i v i s i o n between the r i c h and t h e poor bo th between and w i t h i n s ta tes . Two, t he phenomenal growth o f s t a t e power and t h e growth o f communication media as instruments o f dominat ion. And three, t h e i nc reas ing powerlessness o f poor people. I n today ' S wor ld, poor people cannot hope t o su rv i ve w i t hou t proper i n f o r - mation. I n r e a l i t y , t h e i r access t o app rop r i a te knowledge and s k i l l i s con t i nuous l y denied and the communication channels cont inue t o be biased aga ins t them i n most developing soc ie t i es .

Communication i n I n d i a

I n d i a i s a vas t and v a r i e d coun t r y w i t h 784 m i l l i o n people, speaking 17 major languages. Most o f t he people l i v e i n 575,000 v i l l a g e s . The task of adequate co imunicat ion support i s a fo rmidab le one. How cou ld t he t o o l s o f communication be a v e h i c l e o f e f f i c i e n t change i n each v i l l a g e , w i t h r e l e v a n t and e a s i l y understood messages d e l i v e r e d on a r e g u l a r bas i s and a t a reasonable cos t , has been the pr ime cha l lenge f o r t he government as we1 l as t h e planners.

I n t h e con tex t o f communication, t h e r e a r e t h ree major f a c t o r s which should be considered: medium, message and masses. I n s p i t e o f t he f a c t t h a t I n d i a produces t h e h ighes t number o f f e a t u r e f i l m s (764) annua l ly i n t h e wor ld, and has one - th i rd o f t he w o r l d ' s t echn i ca l manpower, i t s media s t a t i s t i c s show up a depressive o v e r a l l p i c t u r e . I n 1980, newspaper c i r c u l a t i o n t o t a l l e d 13 m i l l i o n , t h a t i s one newspaper f o r every 50 persons (1:50), p e r i o d i c a l s 33 m i l l i o n (1:19), r a d i o rece i ve rs 20 m i l l i o n (1:33), TV r e c e i v i n g sets 1,l m i l l i o n (1:390).

The o v e r a l l media reach i n I n d i a i s below the minimum d e s i r a b l e standard s e t by UNESCO i n 1961. Hidden w i t h i n these b a l d r a t i o s a r e s t i l l more depressing d i s t o r t i o n s i n s o c i a l reach. The concen t ra t i on o f t he media i n t h e c a t e r i n g o f one p a r t i c u l a r c l ass (midd le c l ass ) i s one obvious aspect; t h e ru ra l -u rban d i f f e r e n t i a l i s another recognized f a c t ; and the l e a s t considered b u t no l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i s t he sex d i f f e r - e n t i a t i o n .

I n re fe rence t o r u r a l areas, modern mass media rece ived more a t t e n t i o n than t r a d i t i o n a l media, bu t a l l t he t h ree forms o f formal channels of communication: press, r a d i o and TV, f a i l e d t o reach the l a r g e masses o f t h e r u r a l poor. Because o f t he concen t ra t i on o f l i t e r a c y and the pur - chasing power i n towns and c i t i e s , d a i l y newspaper c i r c u l a t i o n i s over - whelmingly urban. Only 20% o f 20 m i l l i o n r a d i o rece i ve rs a re i n v i l - lages and t h e community l i s t e n i n g sets i n v i l l a g e s number l e s s than 5,000 f o r rad ios and l e s s than 1,100 f o r TVs. Two ou t o f t h ree v i l l a g e s i n I n d i a do n o t have e l e c t r i c i t y so t he i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a c e n t r a l i z e d TV o r s a t e l l i t e system has remained beyond the reach o f most r u r a l poor.

The communication suppor t f o r r u r a l areas was a l s o prov ided by ex tens ion workers. But t he number o f v i l l a g e l e v e l workers (VLW) i s a la rm ing l y low, and compares unfavourab ly w i t h o t h e r T h i r d World coun t r i es . As f a r as t h e formal schoo l ing i s concerned, f i r s t , t he number i s low; second,

t h e educat ion system i s a re1 i c o f t h e c o l o n i a l pas t and i s i r r e l e v a n t t o t h e v i l l a g e environment; and t h i r d , 60-70% o f v i l l a g e c h i l d r e n f a i l t o b e n e f i t f rom the formal schoo l ing , as they a r e used f o r economic pur - poses. There i s no formal o r nonformal r u r a l educat ion s t r u c t u r e which con f ron ts t he r u r a l r e a l i t y , can teach v i l l a g e r s t o t h i n k s c i e n t i f i c a l l y and he lp them t o understand t h e i r environment and so lve t h e i r own prob- l ems.

F a i l u r e o f e f f e c t i v e communication i n r u r a l I n d i a has n o t o n l y been due t o t h e improper use o f media b u t a l s o due t o t he impalpable use o f messages and inadequate understanding o f t he masses. The i n fo rma t i on gap and d i s tance have been created as many d iscourse s t y l e s o f modern media a r e f a r removed from the 'business and bosoms' o f t he r u r a l f o l k . There i s an inadequate understanding o f h o l i s t i c o r a l model and f o l k r h e t o r i c o f r u r a l people.

H i s t o r i c a l l y , mass communication i n I n d i a took p lace through non-mass media u n t i l t h ree decades ago. T r a d i t i o n a l medium i s a l i v i n g symbol t h a t c a r r i e s t he ' l i g h t and d e l i g h t ' o f t he grass- roots c u l t u r e o f t h e past, through the present i n t o t h e fu tu re . Th is medium has been e i t h e r over looked o r looked upon as an appendix t o t h e mass media, o r has been mishandled by over load ing i t w i t h modern messages. A c a r e f u l and natu- r a l balance i s needed between t r a d i t i o n a ' l a r t and modern messages. For t h a t c l e a r understanding and app rec ia t i on o f var ious forms o f indigenous method o f communication i s requ i red.

I t i s easy t o analyze t h e c u r r e n t ' a rea ' , ' c l a s s ' and 'modern' b iases o f t h e media and suggest a l o c a l , decen t ra l i zed communication system which a c t s as a d ia logue and m u l t i l o g u e and which mixes w i t h l o c a l cu l t u re . The concept o f mass media which presupposes a homogeneous s o c i a l and c e n t r a l i z e d c o n t r o l i s n o t appropr ia te ; b u t t h e r e a l ques t i on i s , cou ld a ' c l a s s media' d e l i v e r a 'mass message'? Should i t d e l i v e r a message and who w i l l d e l i v e r i t i n t h e absence o f a n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l w i l l ?

These quest ions have been taken up i n I n d i a by t h ree vo lun ta ry groups f rom th ree angles. One group be l i eves t h a t b iases cou ld be co r rec ted i f people understood t h e i r environment and s t r u c t u r e b e t t e r . They should be equipped t o analyze themselves s c i e n t i f i c a l l y and t h e s t a r t should be made a t t h e l e v e l o f e lementary science educat ion. The second group takes t h e view t h a t , r a t h e r than people reach ing t o science, science should come t o t he people. Mul t imedia forums and science c a r n i v a l s should be used t o p rov ide a s e t t i n g f o r d i scuss ion i n f o l k surroundings; and conscious c i t i z e n s , s o c i a l a c t i v i s t s should a c t as a c a t a l y s t f o r t h i s process. The t h i r d group t r i e s t o expose the i l l - e f f e c t s o f deve l - opment d i r e c t l y by l i n k i n g i t s e l f t o , and s t rengthen ing l o c a l and reg iona l newspapers.

I I , EXPER I MENTS I N MODES OF DEVELOPMENT COMMUNICATION

a. Rural Science Educat ion i n Madhya Pradesh

K ishore Bha ra t i (KB) i s an independent vo lun ta ry agency i nvo l ved i n t h e f i e l d o f r u r a l educat ion and development i n Hoshangabad D i s t r i c t o f Madhya Pradesh (MP). Th is group has sys tema t i ca l l y t r i e d t o exp lo re t h e r o l e o f educat ion i n r u r a l economic development and s o c i a l change

through an act ion-based research p r o j e c t . The bas i c assumption has been t h a t educat ion can be an e f f e c t i v e ins t rument f o r c a t a l y s i n g development and r a i s i n g the l a t e n t p o t e n t i a l o f r u r a l people, e s p e c i a l l y o f those from the l and less and marg ina l - fa rmer c l ass . The educat iona l work has channeled through bo th formal science teach ing program and nonformal educat ion e f f o r t s .

The formal s t r u c t u r e o f school ha rd l y e x i s t s i n r u r a l I nd ia . I f i t ex- i s t s , science educat ion i s passive and u n s c i e n t i f i c , i . e . endowed w i t h r o t e l e a r n i n g o f a l i e n contents w i t h t he a b s e n r ~ nf y i ~ s t i ' n n i n g and par - t i c i p a t i o n by students and teachers. There i s a h igh r a t e o f school dropouts, and c lass meetings a re o f t e n i n t e r r u p t e d by t he s o c i a l s t r u c - t u r e o f r u r a l soc ie t y . Educat ion almost everywhere i s a process o f se- l e c t i o n o f gender, c l a s s and conformi ty t o s t a t u s quo. Rural educat ion i n I n d i a i s no except ion t o t h i s , bu t i n a d d i t i o n i t i s burdened w i t h urban middle-class, c o l o n i a l content o f t he pas t and contex tua l d i f f i - c u l t y o f s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t y o f t he present r u r a l community. These f a c t s were r e a l i z e d by t he vo lunteers o f KB; many o f whom were t r a i n e d s c i e n t i s t s and who wanted t o improve the s t y l e and content o f r u r a l edu- c a t i o n by p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f , and d ia logue w i t h , students and teachers.

I n 1972, KB acqu i red the s t a t e ' s permission t o experiment autonomously on n i n e m idd le schools o f Hoshangabad. T h e i r work s t a r t e d by r e w r i t i n g t e x t books w i t h t he he lp o f students and teachers ' feedback. They d i s - covered many i r r e l e v a n t and a l i e n phrases, lessons and concepts i n t he textbooks, and rep laced them w i t h f a m i l i a r o b j e c t s o f t he r u r a l env i ron- ment and l o c a l terms. The t e x t s were supplemented by zero-cost experiments t o discourage p a s s i v i t y and encourage exper imenta t ion and ana ly - s i s . Teachers were t r a i n e d i n t h i s new s t y l e o f educat ion; constant v i s i t s and communication l i n k s were main ta ined w i t h those schools where t h i s educat iona l m a t e r i a l was t r i e d . The annual performance o f t he s tu - dents who took t h i s course was b e t t e r than those f rom o the r schools i n t he s t a t e . Some 40,000 c h i l d r e n today i n t he midd le schools o f MP are t a k i n g t h i s p ionee r i ng science course c a l l e d 'Hoshangabad Sc ience ' . Devised by vo lun ta ry p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f s c i e n t i s t s , educators and school teachers, t h e method r e l i e s ex tens i ve l y on inexpensive, easy t o assemble exper iments t h a t s t i m u l a t e c h i l d r e n ' s i n t e r e s t i n science, t h a t increase t h e i r understanding o f t h e environment and prepare them t o analyze broader issues. How f a r t h i s formal 'cause e f f e c t ' , ' p r o b a b i l i t y ' t r a i n i n g w i l l reach the ana l ys i s o f s o c i a l phenomena i s y e t t o be seen, b u t a beg inn ing has been made. Valuable lessons have been learned, r e - gard ing t h e r o l e o f sc ience educat ion and the importance o f o n - s i t e com- municat ion d ia logue, conceived as a r e l a t i o n s h i p process.

KB has a l s o i n v e s t i g a t e d the p o s s i b i l i t y o f b u i l d i n g up a nonformal edu- c a t i o n system around a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . The r o l e o f educat ion f o r you th l eade rsh ip and f o r o rgan i s i ng poor peasants i s undergoing planned exper imenta t ion .

b. People 's Science Movement i n Kerala (Science March, Through the Medium o f A r t ) I/

The peop le 's science movement i n Kerala was i n i t i a l l y a c i ty -based v o l - un ta ry i n t e l l e c t u a l movement. It s t a r t e d i n t he form o f science c lubs, c lasses and magazine p u b l i c a t i o n . S lowly , t h e number o f c lasses and c lubs increased and d i s p e l l e d t he b e l i e f h e l d by many t h a t people cannot

t h i n k i n ways d i f f e r e n t than they a r e accustomed t o . I t was decided i n 1975 t o embark on a massive program o f c lasses and d i scuss ion about problems o f economic growth. The aim was t o m o b i l i z e people f o r t h e i r own development as aga ins t t he k i n d o f development which i s handed down t o them. Th is needed an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f bas i c s o c i a l and economic issues. A book e n t i t l e d Resources o f Kerala was prepared by i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h an aim t o f i a u r e ou t a11 t h e resources o f t he s t a t e , and how can they be bes t u t i l i z e d and what i n s t i t u t i o n a l mechanisms e x i s t f o r t h e i r e f f i c i e n t u t i l i z a t i o n .

Workshops f o r about 200 vo lunteers were he ld , where t h e book was d i s - cussed thorough ly . Volunteers i n t u r n conducted workshops i n d i f f e r e n t d i s t r i c t s f o r more vo lunteers . W i th in s i x months, about 12,000 c lasses were conducted as t he f i r s t s tep i n p o p u l a r i z i n g t h e need f o r i n t e r a c - t i o n w i t h people on the problems o f t he s t a t e .

To spread throughout t o v i l l a g e r s t he message o f peop le 's movement, a l ong march c a l l e d Science Procession was undertaken by a team o f a c t i v i s t s towards the end o f 1977. S t a r t i n g f rom t h e North, t h i s t r a v - e l l i n g - e x h i b i t i o n t r a v e l l e d f o r 10,000 km and contac ted 500,000 people through 900 p u b l i c meetings. Book le ts on se lec ted themes were prepared and d i s t r i b u t e d . The procession l a s t e d 37 days and rece ived enthus ias- t i c welcome f rom the v i l l a g e r s . Apar t f rom spreading i t s message, t h e group was ab le t o e n l i s t new l o c a l a c t i v i s t s .

The mass educat ion cont inued i n 1978 - w i t h no t o n l y book le ts and meet- i ngs b u t a l s o w i t h an accompanied mobi le medical camp. Since then, i t has become an annual mult imedia-mobi le forum w i t h a r t , drama and v i s u a l , o r a l f o l k methods added t o i t . It t r i e s t o h i g h l i g h t peop le ' s concerns and t r i e s t o a c t i v e l y i nvo l ve people through educat iona l d ia logue w i t h question-answer sessions. I n Kerala, each October b r i n g s a surge o f exci tement; hundreds o f v i l l a g e r s w a i t f o r f o l k a r t i s t s t o per form s h o r t s k i t s on a wide range o f s o c i a l and s c i e n t i f i c issues.

I n o rde r t o m o b i l i z e people, j u s t teach ing and p o p u l a r i z a t i o n i s n o t enough, t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n has t o be channel i zed. These opportun- i t i e s had come when d i f f i c u l t y o f people w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t o r f a c t o r y were heard. Local people themselves have requested a c t i v i s t s t o come and conduct s tud ies . One o f t he f i r s t at tempts i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n was the socio-economic study o f water c o n t r o l p r o j e c t s implemented i n a water logged reg ion - Kuttand, i n South Kerala. The approach o f t he a c t i v i s t s i n such cases was t o prepare a r e p o r t w i t h peop le 's i n p u t , and popu la r i ze i t . The aim was t o b r i n g o u t t h e socio-economic drawback o f t he p r o j e c t and draw a s e t o f a l t e r n a t i v e proposals t o s u i t t h e env i ron- mental and economic requirements o f t h e area. The group has come up w i t h a program t h a t i nvo l ves common man i n t he p lann ing and ana l ys i s processes.

There were two o t h e r s i m i l a r cases where the i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n p u t o f ou t - s i d e a c t i v i s t helped h i g h l i g h t t h e problem and c rea te an environment f o r d i scuss ion and ac t i on . I n a rayon f a c t o r y near Che l i ye r R i ve r , workers went on s t r i k e u n t i l p o l l u t i o n c o n t r o l measures were taken, and compel- l e d t h e temporary c l osu re o f t h e f a c t o r y . I n another h i g h l y p u b l i c i z e d h y d r o - e l e c t r i c p r o j e c t c a l l e d S i l e n t Va l l ey P r o j e c t , t he f i g h t and d i s - cuss ion were d i f f i c u l t as t he re were d i ve rse i n t e r e s t s o f t he union, t he

s t a t e board and t h e p o l i t i c i a n s . The e f f o r t , however, proved t o be an o p p o r t u n i t y t o t h i n k about o t h e r development p r o j e c t s i n t he s t a t e .

Wi th t h e annual mul t imedia i ssue -o r i en ted science e x h i b i t i o n and proces- s ion , and i t s emphasis t o seek i n p u t f rom people, t he peop le 's movement o f Ke ra la i s unique. It demonstrates t he p o s s i b i l i t y o f a c t i v e p a r t i - c i p a t i o n by people when an adequate and app rop r i a te channels o f comnu- n i c a t i o n e x i s t s .

c. Centre f o r Science and Environment i n De lh i (CSE)

The Centre i s a recent vo lun ta ry communication group e f f o r t , which s t a r t e d two years back. It was s t a r t e d by a group o f s c i e n t i f i c a l l y l i b e r a t e d people who f e l t t h a t d e m y s t i f i c a t i o n o f science and reach ing t o t h e smal l town was v i t a l t o balance s o c i a l development. The a c t i o n o f t h i s Centre was based on t h e f o l l o w i n g two observat ions :

1. Development p lans and p r o j e c t s a re neg l i gen t about t h e h e a l t h and environment o f the people, and t h i s i n fo rma t i on i s n o t reach ing t o t he people.

2 . One o f t he reasons i t i s n o t reaching i s t h a t smal l sca le l o c a l and reg iona l newspapers (which a r e read by t h e m a j o r i t y o f smal l towns and v i l l a g e s ) do n o t have access t o development news o r n a t i o n a l env i ron- ment.

The Centre s t a r t e d t o p rov ide reg iona l and n a t i o n a l news (by t r a n s l a t i n g i n l o c a l languages) t o t h e smal l papers a t a minimum cost . I n c o l l e c t - i n g news, i t t r i e d t o g e t t he support o f g rass- root workers and reg iona l a c t i v i s t s (whose i n p u t was never sought). Some o f t h i s unique hidden news was a l s o s o l d t o b i g newspapers and few o f them s t i r r e d p u b l i c d i a - logue. When enough i n f o r m a t i o n g o t t oge the r l a s t year , t h e cen t re pub- l i s h e d w i t h i n s i x months a n a t i o n a l r e p o r t on ' I n d i a S ta te o f Environ- ment - 1982' 2/. I t i s a unique r e p o r t prepared by c i t i z e n ' s vo lun ta ry and p a r t i c i p a t o r y c o n t r i b u t i o n s f rom many p a r t s o f I n d i a . I t i s a de- monst ra t ion t h a t people have i n s i g h t , and i f asked and g iven a chance, they can suggest p l a u s i b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s .

The S t a t e o f t h e Environment Report i s planned t o be an annual pub l i ca - t i o n t o t a l l v funded bv t h e advanced s e l l i n a o f t he books. and Dreoared by vo lun ta ry e f f o r t . " For t h e f i r s t t ime, a r e p o r t a t n a t i o n a l l e v e l p rov ides a d e t a i l e d p i c t u r e o f what t he f i g u r e s on p o l l u t i o n , s o i l l oss , r educ t i on i n pasture lands, d e p l e t i o n o f f i rewood and the r e s t mean t o t h e l i v e s o f o r d i n a r y people. The Centre i s c u r r e n t l y engaging i n two p r o j e c t s :

. Exposing t h e i l l - e f f e c t s o f technology, e s p e c i a l l y i n medical and h e a l t h care. Modern science and technology i s be ing in t roduced i n t h e T h i r d World f a s t e r than l i t e r a c y and o t h e r aspects o f s o c i a l development, so t h a t i n towns and e s p e c i a l l y r u r a l areas, science and techno- l o g y a r e becoming t h e new s u p e r s t i t i o n . B l i n d acceptance o f "Western" science and technology over looks the va lue o f t r a d i t i o n a l ideas and methods; herba l remedies a re ignored.

. I n v e s t i g a t i n g t he probable e f f e c t o f f u t u r e advanced technology f o r a count ry l i k e I n d i a . Not a l l new technology i s appropr ia te . Before i t i s b l i n d l y borrowed, i t should be analyzed i n n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l con tex t .

The CSE i s n o t o n l y an i n fo rma t i on se rv i ce b u t a l s o an exper iment on peopl e-based p a r t i c i p a t o r y media. It encourages c i t i z e n ' s v01 un ta ry i n v e s t i g a t i o n and g ives them na t i ona l voice. I t does no t communicate on a r e g u l a r bas i s t o v i l l a g e r s as such, b u t i t generates a resource and r e l e v a n t pool o f i n fo rma t i on which cou ld be used by o t h e r l o c a l agencies. Thus, i t f i l l s a v o i d between na t i ona l and l o c a l media, and t r i e s t o c rea te a momentum f o r indigenous consciousness and m o b i l i z a t i o n .

111, EXPERIENCE OF EXPERIMENTS: TOWARDS L IBERATIVE COMMUNICATION

We s t a r t e d our d iscuss ion w i t h a need t o b u i l d t he capac i t y o f people and f o r a development process which i s guided and c a r r i e d o u t by people. I f a s t r a t e g y i s no t t o be dominated by a l i e n o r e l i t e ideology, t h e masses have t o own no t o n l y the means o f p roduc t i on b u t a l s o t he means o f t h i n k i n g - a very impor tan t fo rm o f c a p i t a l - and those who have not , have reached t h e dimension no l e s s fo rmidab le than the gap i n access t o economic assets. The process o f c l o s i n g these two gaps have t o be s i - mu1 taneous. Th is i s where a v igorous i n t e r a c t i o n between i n t e l l i g e n t s i a and people w i t h genuine d i a l o g i c a l and p a r t i c i p a t o r y approach has an impor tant r o l e t o p lay . Th i s i s where t h e communication e f f o r t s o f t h e t h ree experiments descr ibed i n t h i s paper p l a y a pathbreaker r o l e .

One o f t h e outcomes o f borrowed development models and the Western method o f educat ion and communication has been t h a t r u r a l poor a re nega- t i v e l y i n f l uenced by t h i s process. The endogenous development o f peop le ' s science has been s t u l t i f i e d by t he dominat ion and assumed glam- ou r o f formal science, which i s a l l i e d w i t h economic power; a l s o over t h e people. Th is unhappy r e l a t i o n cou ld be transformed i n t o a mu tua l l y e n r i c h i n g i n t e r a c t i o n by t h r e e means and ways shown by the vo lun ta ry e f f o r t s . F i r s t , by t he approach o f fo rmal science t o people v o l u n t a r i l y as i n Kerala. I t comes n o t t o teach o r t r a n s f e r knowledge b u t t o con- t r i b u t e t o t he organ ic development o f peop le 's knowledge by working w i t h t h e people r a t h e r than f o r them. Second, by f ocus ing on t h e pr imary r o l e o f science educat ion l i k e t h a t o f KB t o enable t h e people t o com- prehend the socio-p01 i t i c a l r e a l i t y o f t h e i r environment through t h e s c i e n t i f i c method, so t h a t t h e i r s t r u g g l e f o r j u s t i c e and development can be planned on the bas i s o f r e l i a b l e data and l o g i c a l t h i nk ing . Th i rd , by t h e process o f mass educat ion l i k e t h a t o f CSE, by spreading the news and method o f science among common people t o enable them t o understand the obstac les which prevent t h e i r development, and success- f u l l y vo i ce t h e i r concern t o p lan t h e i r s t r u g g l e f o r j u s t i c e .

How i s t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l understanding o f t he r o l e o f science and educa- t i o n process t o be created i n f i e l d s i t u a t i o n was demonstrated by these vo lun ta ry experiments where a l t e r n a t e modes o f communication t o remove t h e b iases o f the e x i s t i n g communication channels were t r i e d , and t h e success o f face- to- face on l o c a t i o n communication through f a m i l i a r terms and medium was demonstrated. The success o f these experiments

demonstrates t he u t i l i t y o f l o c a l media and c u l t u r a l con tex t o f conunu- n i c a t i o n .

I n a h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d s o c i e t y l i k e I nd ia , t he t r a d i t i o n a l and r i t u a l forms o f communication a re impor tant . Carn iva ls and f a i r s n o t on l y o f - f e r o p p o r t u n i t y t o renew community bond b u t a l so p rov ide oppo r tun i t y f o r communicating and l e a r n i n g exchange i n a pressure- f ree as w e l l as accep tab le environment. People p r e f e r t o have face- to- face, touch-and-feel communication r a t h e r than t h e impersonal and d i s j o i n t r h e t o r i c o f e l e c t r i c mass media. The contemporary c o m u n i c a t i o n system i n I n d i a , as was shown i n t h i s paper, by and la rge, i s a wo r l d a p a r t f rom t h e t r a d i t i o n a l system. It i s one-sided, a u t h o r i t a r i a n , u r - ban -pa te rna l i s t i c , assau l t i ng and f a r f rom t h e reach o f people. The CSE t r i e s t o c o r r e c t t h i s formal b i a s d i r e c t l y by s u b s t i t u t i n g and promot ing an a l t e r n a t e press. The Kerala experiment i n t e g r a t e s f o l k surrounding i n i t s science marches, w h i l e KB t r i e s t o prepare a long- term autonomous base o f s c i e n t i f i c t h i n k i n g through on-s ight app rop r i a te educat ion d i a - logue and face- to- face communication.

These experiments may l o o k l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t i n t h e i r r ep resen ta t i on b u t they share some common ideo logy and l i n e o f argument which cou ld be phrased as f o l l ows :

. i n f o r m a t i o n about u n d e r - u t i l i z e d o r m i s u t i l i z e d resources a re n o t a v a i l a b l e t o people;

. people a r e be ing kep t i gno ran t . Urban media and formal science per - pe tuate unequal s o c i a l r e l a t i o n ;

. s t r u c t u r e cou ld be changed by understanding them. So lu t i ons e x i s t w i t h i n t h e g i ven system;

. people possess power t o understand and change;

. science educat ion can equ ip them w i t h t o o l s t o analyze. Proper com- municat ion can he lp f a c i l i t a t e t h i s process.

Whi le some o f t he assumed asse r ta t i ons have come t rue , l i k e peop le 's a b i l i t y t o analyze and r u r a l teachers ' i n s i g h t f o r making b e t t e r t e x t - books, t he over-enthusiasm about s c i e n t i f i c method i s reach ing a p l a - teau; and groups l i k e KB have r e a l i z e d the l i m i t s o f s c i e n t i f i c methods i n s o c i a l ana l ys i s . There a r e two lessons from t h e KB's experiments:

1. Co r rec t observat ion and s c i e n t i f i c ana l ys i s a re he1 p f u l f o r compre- hending the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y . The p o t e n t i a l o f s c i e n t i f i c p ro- cess i s n o t conf ined t o t he educated e l i t e ; such p o t e n t i a l e x i s t s among t h e oppressed and the uneducated people, and can be f u r t h e r enr iched through proper communication and experience-based educat ion.

2 . There a re i nhe ren t f a c t o r s i n the soc ia l sciences which l i m i t t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f s c i e n t i f i c methods; one's c u l t u r a l and economic background may c o l o u r one's ana l ys i s . S i m i l a r l y , t he a t tempt t o improve obse rva t i ona l s k i l l s and a n a l y t i c a l a b i l i t y o f t e n do no t succeed where the re i s a c l ash o f vested i n t e r e s t s . Th is i s where fo rmal educat ion and communication reaches one o f i t s l i m i t s .

Another l i m i t o f these exper iments i s t h a t they a re l o c a l i z e d , vo lun ta ry and smal l sca le . The success o f Kera la 's exper iment depends on the h igh

educat iona l and l i t e r a c y r a t e o f t he s ta te . It i s doub t fu l t h a t t h i s process cou ld be repeated i n o t h e r s ta tes . The school educat ion expe r i - ment o f KB i s a p i l o t p r o j e c t done i n a small number o f schools o f a d i s t r i c t i n MP. A t some stage, i t has t o be taken over by t h e government, and i t may become v i c t i m o f neg lec t and i n e f f i c i e n c y o f bureau- c r a t i c , p a t e r n a l i s t i c , top-down approach o f t h e s ta te . For them, new lessons o f a l t e r n a t e communication may o r may n o t mean much. The prospects o f a l t e r n a t e press media l i k e CSE a re hopefu l , b u t t h e demand o f unce r ta in fund ing and vo lun ta ry j ou rna l i sm o f h i g h q u a l i t y a r e enormous.

I n s p i t e o f these l i m i t a t i o n s and unce r ta in t y , t he impetus g iven t o l o c a l science and t o f o l k and decen t ra l i zed communication has a l ready begun t o p l a y many ro les . I t i s eas ing the tens ions between the d isad- vantaged and the e l i t e s , i t i s beg inn ing t o l e a d t o b e t t e r peop le-or ien ted s t r a t e g i e s , and s t a r t i n g t o evo lve a l i b e r a t i v e comnu- n i c a t i o n process which l i b e r a t e s people f rom reg ress i ve o l d t r a d i t i o n s and a l s o f rom the contemporary oppressive modern isa t ion o f b iased comnu- n i c a t i o n and development s t r a t e g y (Sa in t , 1981).

Communication can mediate a process o f change i n r u r a l s t r a t a , b u t t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e o f t h e contemporary s o c i e t y prevents a successful com- municat ion. So, vo lun ta ry e f f o r t s l i k e t h e th ree experiments descr ibed here a re needed t o organ ize and i n v o l v e people t o o b t a i n t he b e n e f i t o f communication resources. A t t h e moment, they a r e p l a y i n g a p i l o t demon- s t r a t i o n and a l l e v i a t i n g r o l e . T h e i r t r ans fo rma t i ve r o l e i s y e t t o be seen. They have however shown t h a t demand f o r e q u i t y i s e s s e n t i a l and communication should n o t o n l y b u i l d a c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e o f awareness b u t a l s o should promote such equ i t y , i n c l u d i n g those o f t h e r u r a l poor, women and youth. Vo luntary experiments a l s o b r i n g o u t t h e necess i t y o f d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and mul t imedia approach t o f a c i l i t a t e the l i b e r a t i v e communication. But t he success o f these experiments have been because o f t he constant presence and ou ts ide l i n k o f t h e a c t i v i s t . How f a r t h i s process i s s e l f - s u s t a i n i n g and s e l f - d u p l i c a t e d i s y e t t o be seen and analyzed.

l/ cf. also IFDA Dossier 4, February 1979. - 2 1 cf. IFDA Dossier 34, MarchIApril 1983. -

IFDA DOSSIER 39 JANUARY/FEBRUARY 1984 BUILDING BLOCKS

AN ESSAY ON THE NUCLEAR MUDDLE OF OUR TIME - OF F ISHES AND SCORPIONS

by Narindar Singh 146 New Campus Jawaharlal Nehru University New Mehrauli Road New Delhi 110067, India


For almost forty years now, the United States of [Capital- ist] America and the Union of Soviet [Socialist] Republics or, rather, their establishments, have forced the world to watch and to pay for an exceedingly expensive and dangerous farce, which is commonly but quite mistakenly referred to as the nuclear arms race between the two; and which by now has assumed proportions so monstrous as to have become the grim- mest menace that our race has ever had to face.

The point I am trying to make here is this: in order at all to be able to dispel this menace, we must never lose sight of the fact that what the superpowers are enacting is only a farce or, in Edward Thompson's phrase, a mere road show I/. Besides, the fact that it has grown bigger and bigger to the point that both have lost all control of it, clearly suggests that the key to genuine disarmament lies not in the talks' which the two coteries of nuclear thugs might ask their nominees to hold, but in E refusal to continue to watch this farce any more. In other words, in the peace movement.

But, we must first see that this indeed is a farce. To this end, it seems necessary to refer to an extremely suggestive, though not a very precise, analogy that Robert Oppenheimer proposed way back in 1953. According to him, the United States and the Soviet Union were like two scorpions in a bottle, each capable of killing the other but only at the risk of its own life 2/. But since each of them possesses immense stockpiles of extremely and indiscriminately destructive weapons, the two superpowers have by now become the most vicious and power-hungry scorpions that man has ever had to contend with. And, the most wily as well: for they feign bellicosity to conceal the fact that each of them actually needs the threat said to be posed by the other for purposes of domestic and bloc-internal legitimation.

But, a situation in which either can pretend to be threatened by the other and can thus expect to be able to enhance domestic credibility can only be maintained, if at all, by

each side ensuring the other's basic integrity. Therefore, it could not possibly be in the interests of either to prepare to mount an attack on the other with a view to elimin- ating it altogether as a military power. For where, then, would the threat to its own existence be which it needs in order to exist at all and the bogey of which only the other can provide?

I am persuaded, therefore, that the two establishments have in effect entered into a state of conjugal concord which they would very much like to last for ever. I am not suggesting that what they have become parties to is a formal or even an informal agreement designed to keep each firmly en- trenched in its own domain. What I am suggesting is that such arrangements as they have actually evolved over the years totally preclude even the desire or, rather, the need on either's part to go to war with the other. The reason simply is that the war constituencies in the two blocs, which also happen to be the dominant constituencies, must find the continuation of the tenuous peace of today to be an extremely lucrative business: contracts and cost over-runs in the United States; perks, power, and extra fat salaries in the Soviet Union. They would not want such peace to ter- minate either in a nuclear holocaust or in peace proper.

The powers that be on either side would therefore have a definite objective need to create an external enemy. But, frequently, while the fact of this need as such is recoq- nized, its objectivity is not. It may even be dismissed. On the American side, a recent example is a statement by George Kennan who is not so much of a dissident as a somewhat disturbed member of his country's establishment.

According to him, the intensified anti-soviet hysteria of the late seventies and early eighties would be impossible to explain in essentially objective terms. In fact, 'even after long hours of poring over the bulletins of the London Institute for Strategic Studies', he remained unconvinced that 'the development of the Soviet conventional armed forces, particularly in the European theatre, was nearly as drastic or as frightening as was suggested by the bits of statistical information regularly leaked by the Pentagon to the American press'. Therefore, 'finding so little objective reason' for the 'professed fear of and hostility to the Soviet Union', he 'could only suspect that its origins were primarily subjective'.

This suggested to him 'something much more sinister than mere intellectual error, namely, a subconscious need on the part of a great many people for an external enemy - an enemy against whom frustrations could be vented, an enemy who could serve as a convenient target for the externalization of evil, an enemy in whose inhuman wickedness one could see the reÂ lection of one's own exceptional virtue'. Little wonder that the politician, 'anxious to avoid involvement with the bitter internal issues of the day' such as

inflation and 'the growing and uncontrollable crime and per- vasive corruption and cynicism of every sort in our own country', and 'eager to reap, instead, the easy acclamations usually produced in our society by a vigorous ringing of the chauvinist bell' 3 / , took up the Soviet 'threat' in right earnest.

But, his glossy eloquence not withstanding, Kennan can be seen to have missed the real point. For, the objective basis of an hysteria internal to the United States ought not to be sought only in the Soviet Union, though it could well be there. But this is what Kennan seems to have done, and failing to see it there, he has decided to explain it as a purely subjective phenomenon. But the external enemy is primarily an objective need not of the ordinary people but of those who happen to be in power in each bloc and who stand to gain in the development, production and deployment of successive generations of weapons. It is for them to whip up mass hysteria so as to generate at the popular level a subjective need for an external enemy.

Nor is this a phenomenon exclusive to the twentieth century. Indeed, as Edward Thompson reminds us, the threat of an enemy, even recourse to war, has always afforded to uneasy rulers a means of internal ideological regulation and social discipline 4/. The idea was quite familiar to William Shakespeare himself, and he made the dying Henry IV, who knew that the succession would be beset with problems, ad- vise his son as follows:

Therefore, my Harry, Be i t thy course to busy giddy minds With foreign quarrels. ..

Accordingly, Henry V was led to Agincourt. Only, if he were to be persuaded to do such a thing today, the consequences could be calamitous in the extreme. He would be obliged to whip up hysteria, threaten to move towards the brink and also try to remain stalled if he ever moved too close to it.

In support of this view, one can do little better than to go to John Foster Dulles, a leading cold warrior of all time, and so notorious indeed that Albert Einstein himself was once forced to exclaim: 'This man Dulles is a real misfortune' 5/. But as real a misfortune as he was, Dulles did make some statements which, taken together, help us see a superpower's need for 'regulated hysteria': for going to the brink but, given the compulsions of the nuclear age, trying not to go over the brink. Thus, on one occasion, he said: 'In order to make the country bear the burden of arms ex- penditure, we have to create an emotional atmosphere akin to wartime psychology. We must create the idea of a threat from without' 6/. But even then, he had to make sure that this bogey of a threat from without did not get exaggerated beyond control. Therefore, he felt obliged to affirm that: 'I do not know any responsible official, military or

civilian in this government or any government who believes that the Soviet Government now plans conquest by open military means' 7 / . I am not sure if these statements were made in this order or even in quick succession. But it seems reasonable to presume that Dulles held the two positions simultaneously. It also seems necessary to submit that Kennan's subjective need is, of course, the same thing as Dulles' 'emotional atmosphere'. But while Kennan simply presumes it to be there already, Dulles knew that it has to be created.

It follows that the present hysteria also is a purely artificial phenomenon. It had to be created on both sides, though no Russian counterpart of George Kennan would dare to or be allowed to say this, at least in public. Be that as it may, the decisions leading to the current acceleration of the arms buildups were made evidently during the 'detente' itself. They were not in response to any crisis but actually stimulated one. They would therefore need some plausible excuse which in turn would necessitate the creation of a subjective need for an external enemy. Each got this excuse in the increased tempo of the others' buildup.

This might have been a coincidence. But, new generations of weapons on either side, having taken years on the drawing boards and in the laboratories, became ready for deployment in the late seventies. Excuses also had therefore to be manufactured. Thus, in 1977 when after years of development, the cruise missile became ready for introduction, its advocates managed to 'discover' a new Soviet weapon - a pro- ton beam said to be able to destroy all conventional US ballistic missiles and aircraft but not this new low-flying contraption S / .

It may well be that when the weapons now available have been deployed, though only after some horse-trading, the superpowers will decided to sanction another period of detente, though at a much higher level of nuclearization of the world. If the present is any guide, it will be followed by another crisis. For, then, weapons now being developed will have been perfected and will 'need' to be deployed. Such is the dire dialectic of the nuclear age that the establishments of the two super powers have no option but to go on producing weapons which they cannot and would not like to use. In the process, each has acquired the power to destroy the other many times over. But neither would like to use this power even if there were no risk whatsoever of self-destruction. But that risk is more of a certainty now.

However, since each is perfectly aware that it could inflict only unlimited damage on the other and also suffer similar damage in return, it seeks actively to ensure, as best it can, that the other's legitimacy at home and abroad remains largely undestroyed and, in fact, essentially unquestioned. Little wonder that as scorpions, the two have divided up the

bottle or, rather, the world into more or less well-defined domains that each takes care to respect as inviolable.

It follows that at least in so far as the behaviour of the two superpowers with respect to each other is concerned, it cannot be explained in terms of what the exponents of the art of diplomacy in ancient India designated as 'matsya-nyaya" or the fish-logic which entails that big fish eat small fish 9 / . But, in so far as their behaviour with regard to their respective client States is concerned, they continue to be nothing but very large and voracious fishes. Each has in effect managed to swallow numerous smaller powers so as to create its own power bloc. But since neither can manage or even afford to swallow the other, they can no longer relate to each other as fishes would.

Indeed, the sheer quantum and the kind of power which becomes available and has to be accumulated in the nuclear age obliges each to seek self-preservation not in trying to swallow, but in trying in effect to sustain the other. They have no option but to get metamorphosed into scorpions. I am not sure if two ordinary scorpions, caught in a bottle, would indeed behave like the superpowers: each pretending to threaten and yet needing the other. Some zoologist specializing in the psychology of scorpions perhaps would be able to enlighten us on this. But each superpower understood as a scorpion in Oppenheimer's sense must condone what the other has to do as a fish.

Thus, when in the late sixties the Soviet Union managed to crush dissent in Czechoslovakia and the United States succeeded in smothering the movement for freedom in Greece, each defended its own actions as bloc-defensive, and indir- ectly accused the other of expansionism. But, at the same time, both took care not to fall for their own propaganda. Rather, 'in a variety of ways they sanctioned each other's intervention' 10/. Indeed, the two have mastered the art of regulating their relations in such a way that they can use them for purposes of controlling the rest of the world.

Evidently, in order to explain the behaviour of the two fishcorpions', we would do well to make a sharp distinction between the way they deal with their respective client States and the way they relate to each other. In the former context, it is the fish-logic which continues to prevail and the mini-establishments in each bloc accord explicit recog- nition to the supremacy of the superpower concerned. But when it comes to State relations between the two blocs or, rather, between the two superpowers, it is the scorpion-logic which takes over. For, it is no longer a question of one swallowing, or being swallowed by the other, but of each pretending to threaten or be threatened by the other. In other words, some kind of tacit understanding must exist between the two which prevents them from taking each other too seriously.

It follows, then, that neither can claim to have any respect for political principles and proprieties. In fact, each fishcorpion in either role can have nothing but cynical con- tempt for moral decency as such. For, as a big fish dealing with its satellites, it can respect only the norms prevailing in the deep; and as a scorpion dealing with the other superpower, which is presumed to be its natural enemy with its distinct ideology and interests, it cannot but seek as lasting an accommodation as possible.

In the light of all this one cannot but reject the very idea of the nuclear arms race which the two superpowers are supposed to be engaged in. For, what each seems to be primarily concerned with is its own arms buildup. This is not to say that the policies and pursuits of one do not in any way influence the policies and pursuits of the other. For to insist on the primacy of the internal momentum of each one of the two arms buildups is not to deny the fact of the stimulus that they receive from each other. Even so, since each superpower must perforce consider the military conquest of the other as both impossible and undesirable and, therefore, inconceivable, the obsession of either with its own relentless rearmament could only be explained in terms other than those of military strategy.

This being so, one would have no option but to focus on the arms buildup of each superpower as a phenomenon essentially internal to itself. Indeed, the idea of an arms race would be patently absurd. Each superpower is interested in the continuation of its own power structure; and this it tries to ensure with the help of its own buildup, using the buildup of the other as an excuse.

Besides, the United States in particular, being the senior of the two partners in 'The Global Swindle Unlimited', does not even have to match its weapons with those of the Soviet Union which in any case are essentially imitations of its own. Instead, it tries to acquire whatever science can yield. This was affirmed as long ago as 1968 by John Fos- ter, the Pentagon's Director of Research and Engineering at the time. Testifying at a Senate hearing, he said: 'Now most of the action the United States takes in the area of research and development has to do with one or two types of activities. Either we see from the field of science and technology some new possibilities, which we think we ought to exploit, or we see threats on the horizon, possible threats, usually not something the enemy has done but something we have thought ourselves that he might do, we must therefore be prepared for' G/ .

This reaction to the response which the Soviet Union might make, but had not yet made, was designated by Lapp as 'pre-response' g/ and evidently, what this means is that the United States would be the first to engender most of the diabolical novelties. The Soviet Union with its relatively modest resources has to make do with 'response' rather than

pre-response'. Thus, while the United States has already produced the cruise missile and is trying to work out a basing pattern for the MX missile, Yuri Andropov has only been able, though right at the beginning of his reign, to promise to create no more than the Soviet imitations there- of. But whether a superpower is able only to respond to what the other has done or to 'pre-respond' to what the other might do in the future hardly matters. What matters is the fact that each is concerned primarily with its own buildup . Nevertheless, no arms buildup can be sustained unless the population is sufficiently docile and accommodating to accept the costs involved. A buildup of nuclear weapons is no different from one of conventional weapons, at least in this respect. But what is peculiar to the former is this: the individual missiles have to be pointed in directions in which they cannot even be fired. This means that they cannot but be aimed at targets other than those at which they are pointed. Therefore, the only people they can be aimed at are those who have been made to pay for their development, production and deployment. Phrased a little gra- phically, the SS-20s might be pointed at Bonn and Rome, but they are aimed at Moscow and Warsaw; and vice versa for the Pershing 11s which are now planned to be installed in large numbers in Europe.

What all this means is that the key to disarmament lies in people shedding the very docility which has permitted rearmament of such monstrous proportions in the first place. In other words, it lies in what Einstein once called the chain reaction of awareness; and therefore in mass agitation. In Olof Palme' S words, It is very unlikely that disarmament will ever take place if it must wait for the initiatives of governments and experts. It will only come about as the expression of the political will of people in many parts of the world' G/ .

It seems reasonable to argue, too that in view of the mount- ing costs of rearmament, manifested for example in an inexo- rable inflation, the political will of the people cannot remain dormant for long. This is to say that people may not remain indefinitely befuddled by the illusion of security in the grotesque technology of what Edward Thompson has called exterminism. And this means in turn that unilateralism, properly understood, may not be taken as an arms reduction which the establishment of one superpower may undertake in order to persuade and encourage its counterpart also to undertake a corresponding arms reduction. Rather, it may be taken as an arms reduction which the people of either bloc may force on their own masters.

The extreme urgency and immediacy of this task can hardly be over-emphasized. One reason of course is that 50,000 nuclear war-heads are not the best company for men to keep. They possess the explosive power of roughly 20 billion tons

of TNT which is one million and six hundred thousand times the destructive power of the Hiroshima bomb =/. In contrast, the total explosive power used during the Second World War amounted to 2.5 million tons of TNT or a bare l/8000th of the power now congealed in the nuclear warheads in existence. Moreover, as they poliferate, the sheer statistical probability of a purely accidental and unintended nuclear war increases and continues to get closer and closer to one.

Evidently, even a small fraction of the firepower available at present, no matter how it came to be used, would spell planetary disaster. Many have tried to visualize what the world would then look like if indeed it would still be a world of human beings. But to my mind, an excessive and, generally, an exclusive concern with the aftermath of the holocaust inevitably results in a distraction from the real issues involved. In any case, no account howsoever detailed, of the devastation which a nuclear war would cause, has so far been able to arrest, much less reverse, the in- tensifying nuclear madness of today.

As I see it, therefore, a focus on the consequences of a nuclear holocaust helps only to reduce the nuclear question to an unresolvable and in fact puerile debate between those who say that a good part of the world population will some- how manage to survive a nuclear war and those who contend that it will be eliminated altogether or, at least, reduced to a state of sub-human barbarism. Besides, among the former are those, though not many, who believe, or at least used to believe, that out of the ashes of the iniquitous world order of today, man will create and usher in a new millenmium and those who believe that he will just about manage to stay alive.

In this connection, it would be of some interest to refer to some of the thoughts of Mao who was born and even embalmed as Tse-tung but has now been re-named Zedong. Well, he had his own Law of Progress to propound which was that a nuclear war would devour imperialism, leave socialism intact and therefore would enable the surviving half of the world population 'very swiftly' to create a civilization thousands of times better than the capitalist system and thus 'a truly beautiful future' for itself.

On the other hand, Edward Teller is not so sanguine about the outcome of a nuclear war. Nor is he quite explicit as to which system will come out victorious. But he is absolutely certain that our race as a whole will not suffer ex- tinction. A nuclear war, he says, 'would have a great and dreadful effect on the lives of men and women - but they would stay alive' g/. After all, he reminds us, men did manage to survive the Black Death and even Genghis Khan.

Perhaps, there is some point in this. If our race could survive one curse called Genghis Khan in the thirteenth

century, it could well hope to survive another called Edward Teller in the twentieth. But is survival, when understood as the ability of the human race to avoid complete incineration, the real question? I do not think it is. The real question is the deprivation and suffering which vast numbers of people have to undergo E in order that the powers that be on either side might accumulate incredibly large amounts of destructive potential. For, caught up in the bottle are not just the two scorpions we have been talking about. There are people, billions of them in the more or less sealed bottle of the biosphere, who have to pay for the in- satiability of the power-hungry scorpions. In the circum- stances, a focus on what might happen after the two have accidentally or otherwise stung each other can only mean a distraction from what is happening right now: inflation, unemployment and poverty of various forms and manifestations.

This only means that an excessive concern with the aftermath of the nuclear holocaust must perforce entail a total uncon- cern with what I should like to call the foremath of it. But, as Mary Kaldor would say, we should not just be worry- ing about the ultimate catastrophe because some of the most insidious products of the military technology of today are proliferating and sapping the vitality of every society here and now 'In a sense the future of civilization may be threatened even without the launching of a missile or the dropping of a bomb' g/.

The moment we shift the focus from its common abode to where it belongs that is, from the potential and future consequences of a nuclear war to the actual and immediate consequences of nuclear buildups, we perceive the unsurpassably ugly and vicious pyramids of power. Therefore, a plea for the destruction of nuclear stockpiles is nothing if it is not also a plea for the destruction of these pyramids. It is a plea, in other words, for an effective and irreversible decentralization of the processes of decision-making.

But this is not always appreciated. By and large, nuclear weapons are seen as a product of the advancements of the science of physics alone. We are told that since the knowledge of nuclear physics once gained can never be lost, since, that is to say, it can never become zero, we can never again get back to a state of nuclear innocence. Therefore, if each single nuclear warhead could be disman- tled and even destroyed, we would not take very long to create it again. . The inevitable advice follows that since we have already managed to live with nuclear weapons for forty years, we should learn to live with them for another 40,000 years =/. That is to say, for ever. The sheer naivety of this suggestion would be difficult if not impossible to surpass. Having decided that nuclear weapons are a product of the knowledge of physics alone which once acquired cannot be lost; having decided therefore

that once produced they cannot be done away with; further, having completely ignored the role of the concentration of the process of political decision-making in their development; and, finally, having presumed that the only threat they pose is one of the physical incineration of our race and are not otherwise paralysing: Zacharias and his co-authors come to the amusing or rather bemusing conclusion that we should be able to look 'beyond disarmament' and thus to try to learn to live with these weapons for ever.

What this means in effect is that human and material resources would continue to be diverted towards the development and production of these weapons; that economically use- ful and socially satisfying pursuits would continue to languish; that unemployment, inflation and crime would continue to bedevil different societies. But, then, imagine the consequences of, say, a ten per cent per year inflation compounded not for the next 40,000 years but just 40 and see if any economy whatsoever could survive the experience. In fact, on this account alone, it should be impossible for men and missiles to live together.

Absolutely the most important condition for our existence as a civilized species, then, is the abolition of the missiles and of the lethal cargo they would carry. Else we would continue to be a miserable multitude paralysed by inflation, unemployment, poverty, illiteracy and homelessness on the one hand and by the threat of instant incineration on the other.

This decision to re-create a nuclear-free world has to be one in the making of which each one of us would have to participate. For, if there is any way at all in which the nuclear menace can be dispelled, it is mass agitation. We are told that the number of people who took part in the secret debate in the United States on the construction of the hydrogen bomb was less than one hundred S / . We have no idea of the number of people involved in the making of a similar decision by the Soviet Union. But it cannot have run into thousands. One of the most fateful decisions in history was thus made by an extremely exclusive coterie of elites. And elites it is that continue to dominate decision-making in this regard, even now.

It is to arrest and to reverse the consequences of this kind of decision-making that we need a full-blooded peace movement. If a handful of bomb-making physicists cannot lose the knowledge they have gained, hundreds of millions of people also ought to find it difficult to erase the lessons of Hiroshima from their minds and to ignore the pangs of persistent poverty. Creating the kind of awareness needed would of course be the greatest educational undertaking of all time, and the immediate goal of a well-formed and well-informed peace movement would have to be the denial of resources to the powers that be for successive waves of rearmament. In fact, if our race has any hope at all, it lies

in the peace movement being able to so influence the le- gislatures that effective budgetary brakes could be applied to the process of rearmament. Therefore, a motto of the peace movement could well be: 'Peoples of the World Unite, you have nothing to do but to starve the scorpions'.

(This article originally appeared in Seminar, Delhi, July 1983).

l/ E.P. Thompson, Beyond the Cold War (London: Merlin Press, 1982) p.17. - 21 J. Robert Oppenheimer, 'Atomic Weapons and Nuclear Policy', Foreign - Affairs, July 1953, p. 529.

31 George Kennan, The Nuclear Delusion (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982) - pp. xxii-xxiii.

4/ E.P. Thompson, op.cit., p.18. - 5 / Otto Nathan and Heinz Nordon, - Schuster, 1960) p.638.

61 Quoted in John Cox. Overkill - p.224.

Einstein on Peace (New York: Simon 6

(Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1981)

71 Quoted in Mary Kaldon, The Disintegrating West (London: Alien Lane, - 1978) p.17.

81 John Cox, op.cit. p.90. - 91 Heinrich Zinnner, Philosophies of India (Cleveland: Meridian Books, - 1964) p.119.

101 Andreas Papandreou, Paternalistic Capitalism (London: Oxford Univer- - sity Press, 1972) p.134.

111 Quoted in Ralph Lapp, Arms Beyond Doubt (New York: Cowles Book Com- - pany, 1970) p.4.

121 Ibid. p.19. - 131 Olof Palme 'Introduction' in Olof Palme and others, Coanon Security (London; Pan Books, 1982) pp.xii-xiii.

141 Johathan Schell, The Fate of the Earth (New York: Alfred Knopf, - 1982) p.3.

l51 Edward Teller, The Pursuit of Simplicity (Malibu: Pepperdine Univer- - sity Press, 1981) p.135.

161 Mary Kaldor, 'Technology and the Arms Race' The Nation (9 April - 1983) p.422.

17/ Jerrold Zacharias and others, 'Common Sense and Nuclear Peace' a - Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (April 1983) p.13 S.

181 Herbert York, The Advisors (San Francisco: W.H. Freeman. 1976) p.46. -

development dialogue A JÃ‘irni

~nienuu~ul dtvtiotmtnl

pubUshed by the OfHuMMnkJoM Fwadilion,

The Law of the Seed Another Development and Plant Genetic Resources

By Pal Roy Mooney

Editorial 1

Introduction 3 The Common Bowl 7 The Not-So-Renewable Renewable Resources

Only the Seeds in the Sea 24 The Road to Resolution 6181-Preparing the 'Elements' of the Convention-Only the Seeds in the Sea ... The Question of Common Heritage

The Keys to the Kingdom 65 The Emerging 'Global' Network

From Green Revolution to Gene Revolution 84

The Global Seedsmen 95 The Birth of the Genetic Supply Industry~Commerciogenic Erosion-The Connection between Chemicals and Seeds

Patenting the First Link in the Food Chain 134 From the Papal Garden to the Deacon's Masterpiece~the 'Neanderthal' of Intellectual Property~The Impact of Exclusive Monopoly Control-The Future of PER

Conclusions end Recommendations

From Procrusteus to the God Farmers 167 The Conservation of Plant Genetic Resources-The Related Issues

Dag Hamnarskjold Foundation, 2 Ovre Slottsgatan, 752 20 Uppsala, Sweden.

I FDA DOSS I ER 39 JANUARYIFEBRUARY 1984 MARKINGS

DEMOCRACY I S THE ALTERNATIVE

by Ernst Michanek Pettersbergvagen 76 2657 Hagersten. Stockholm. Sweden

We reproduce below the opening remarks by Ernst Michanek at the joint IFDA/Dag Hammarskj6ld seminar on communications for another development (Uppsala, 10-14 November 1983), (see also editorial p.2, above).

While we are warming up. getting acquainted to the surround-

ings, I should like to use the privilege of the Chairman of the host institution, the Dag Hamarskjold Foundation, to

make a few personal comments on the theme of this seminar.

They are not meant to set the tune of the meeting or in any

way direct the proceedings - just reflect a personal view, without much of conclusion - a credo.

I am sure we meet, all of us these days, exponents and examples of what we may call "development fatiguen. We hear

questions being put - with or without answers provided - like this: "What went wrong with development - and why? Was i t the wrong development that was preached - with growth, fair distribution, self-reliance and the like? Or

were the wrong means proposed - production, exports, technology, social reform, international cooperation and all the

rest?"

In the thinking and talking there is, like in the economy, a

recession or even depression. Not seldom - both in the North and in the South - there are people who jump to conclusions just as flaccid as such questions: "No use con-

tinuing these experiments, nationally or internationally ... Let us rather, each for himself, put his own house in order

and let others put theirs.. . After all, the pure

self-interest is the best engine of development, or isn't

it?"

The visibility and audibility of the mass manifestations is

so enormously increased by the technological conmunication

explosion of the last decade - and this, I presume, is not only changing the geography rather literally, i t is also

making i t impossible to prevent national conflicts from

becoming international concerns in a way and within a

timespan never experienced before. To "put one's own house

in ordern in isolation is no more a splendid idea, i t is

passed and passd.

This being so, we have to be more concerned with each other,

concerned participants in each other's situation, because we

cannot help ourselves otherwise. Whatever we think of the

development that was proposed and the one that took place,

we simply have to try again; all sides together in a comnu-

nal effort because self-sufficiency does not work.

What is i t that the demonstrating masses demand, primarily?

As I see it, it is 3 bread and jobs from an ~mipotent government that come first on the banners - because too many have seen above all the impotence of governments in

providing material goods; too many ruling generals have

provided first of all tanks and guns, which eventually are

turned against their own people.

The craving of today is primarily for democracy - for a leadership of the people that is listening, and learning

from people - for another development F* people (if I may allude to the theme of "another development with women" and

include also the other half).

An important part in my own background for saying this is the following. A few decades ago this country of Sweden was seen by some as a kind of model democracy (at least we felt

happy to think so). There were many delegations coming to

see what was being tried and achieved here, and there were

invitations to Swedish personalities to travel abroad to

tell about their methods of building a welfare society with

full employment and a high degree of social harmony. I took part myself in some of these missions, as a third wheel of

the cart. as i t were, representing the government, with the

chairman of the trade unions and the director of the employ-

ers federation as the most important - and indeed impressive ones, as they demonstrated in person how labour market peace

could be reached and on the whole maintained in a system of

free collective bargaining without government intervention

except for voluntary mediation. The trade union leader, Mr. Geijer (not of the family that gave the name to this house)

who was also the President of the International Confedera-

tion of Free Trade Unions, had a standing memento at the

after-meetings: we must show, he said to the audiences, that

the democracy that we represent is the most efficient kind

of society in solving the problems that people are up

against. Of course, i t was felt at that time that Sweden

was successful to a large extent because of our democratic

institutions and associations - and now that we are less successful, I , for one, am among those who feel that part of the reason for this is that the quality of our democracy is

not as high as i t used to be; a self-searching exercise is

going on.

When this country began to think of development of the outer

world, i t is not surprising that "a development towards a

democratic form of society" was one of the four main goals

of Swedish participation in international cooperation.

However, in my opinion, this country has not been active

enough in building up a democratic system into the dialogue

with partner countries. While in our own national policies

individual freedoms and democratic institutions come first.

i t may be said that in development cooperation we have acted

as if these values were a kind of self-fulfilling conse-

quence of economic growth and a fair income distribution.

Our experience tells us that the democratic institutions - free and open debate, free associations in an open wrestle

of interests,

educa t ion and

economic grow

round.

supported by a basic level of general

welfare - is much more a prerequisite for

th and fair distribution than the other way

It is no consolation to see that the Brandt Commission in

its "programme for survivalw of 1980 and in its "crisis pro-

granniew of 1983 speaks so quietly of the national political

dimensions of economic development that i t is hardly dis-

cernible - and this at a time when the world is resounding of demands for political reforms in individual countries.

Of course, one can offer explanations for this prudence. I don't need to mention them, even. But I think there is time for a more vigorous attitude, not least in order to present

alternatives to political demands of the kind that certain

countries raise towards neighbours and underline by sending

invasion armies - to Grenada and Afghanistan.

Democracy is the alternatk that the massive demonstrations

propose in so many countries today - and I feel that there are democratic alternatives that can be offered. We shall

hear of many examples at this seminar of what I mean, as we go along. (One thing I feel particularly strongly: there are few who believe, that the absence of democracy is good for

economic development).

The alternative is democracy; democracy means alternatives.

In a textbook on democracy that my generation has read again

and again, the Danish political scientist Alf Boss says the

following - and certainly on the basis not least of expe-

riences of foreign occupation and colonisation of his own

country by the nazis. I quote: wDemocracy does not guarantee to the individual a particular freedom of action. But a

series of freedoms are inextricably tied to democracy.

These are first of all freedom of speech and freedom of as-

sociation, freedom for the individual to express orally and

in writing his or her opinions in political matters,

form associations in order to work for the realizat

these opinionsn.

This in my opinion expresses what the oppressed peop

and to

on of

es de-

mand most of all today - and indeed they are entitled to try this method of searching and finding solutions and of deci-

sion-making.

Comnunication for comunal s o l u t i ~ is my tentative formu-

lation of an adequate motto for what is often referred to as

*people's participationn, which is a phrase mostly used for

the often hopeless effort of politicians and bureaucracies

to convince ordinary people by exhortation to join pro-

grannies that the government has devised for them - not seldom on the basis of memoranda from some external consultant.

Comnunication for community action (another wording for the

same thing) means manifoldness in the opinion-making and

solution-searching process, many voices in many directions

in the exercise of the freedom of ideas and expression. And

i t means indeed that the government is not allowed to re-

strict the press or to censor the radio message, but that

the right to inform and be informed is a part of the demo-

cratic society, organized and supported in such a way that

the voices can be heard and the arguments discussed.

The third system is another expression for the

organizational side of what I am after - and what I think the mass demonstrators are after as they turn against the

ruling first system of the government bureaucracy and

against the secondsystem of the conxnercial power structure,

neither of which has succeeded in solving the problem of a

development worthy of man.

I have not said a word of the solutions that we are all seeking to the many specific problems of development facing

the world today - I just felt the need to underline that there is no better - or probably no other - way to find these solutions and to carry them out, than that people make

use of their creative capabilities and join hands in a sys-

tem of their own to do the job. In this endeavour, a free

association like the one we now form around this table, can

play a role, and the evolving communication technique is an

important tool to support our effort.

IFDA DOSSIER 39 JANUARY/FEBRUARY 1984 INTERACTIONS

AUSTRALIA'S FUTURE by Keith D. Suter P.O.Box 84 Camperdown, N.S.W. 2050, Australia

Keith D. Suter, Dean of Students at Wesley College (University of Sydney, Australia) is also the Secretary General of the Commission for Social Responsibilities of the Uniting Church of Australia. In this interview, he talks about Australia's future and the church's response to it.

What sort of society are we likely to face in Australia in the future?

One which is increasingly divided and conflict-ridden. It will be divided between those with jobs and those who face long-term or permanent unemployment. Already it's taking longer and longer for people to find work - it now takes on average three months. With the micro-processor revolution proceeding at staggering speed, more and more people will face unemployment.

There's going to be new divisions between those who live in compara- tively affluent parts of Australia - the Northern Territory, Western Australia, Queensland - and those who live in the declining states - Tasmania, South Australia and Victoria, with New South Wales straddling the gulf between those that are booming because of mineral resources and those declining because of their reliance on decaying manufacturing industries.

There will be problems maintaining civil order. We have a large number of people (and now their children) who were brought to Australia after the Second World War as cheap labour to fuel our manufacturing boom. That boom is now ending, and increasingly these people will be unemployed. This will provoke racial tensions within our community.

Today we're facing the phenomenon of second-generation unemployment - children of unemployed people who leave school with no hope of getting a job. In this kind of situation it requires only a handful of articulate people to create all sorts of rabble-rousing which in turn will lead to political tensions. The police you can count on to overreact; my study of guerilla warfare has convinced me that the best way to create a radi- cal is to hit a conservative over the head with a police truncheon.

On the international scene, unless there are some major breakthroughs, I see increasing problems. One of the worst will be the possible collapse of the international financial system owing to the over-commitment of the major banks and problems within transnational corporations. Australia's trading partners will be increasingly affected.

So the picture is one of increasing gloom. Since the war Australian society has been characterised by a sense of optimism, by a genuine air of progress. Now people are beginning to believe that the best times are behind them.

Do you t h i n k t h e A u s t r a l i a n people a r e prepared f o r these s o r t o f changes?

No, they're not prepared - on the contrary, there's been no political debate at all as to where this country is going. There's a growing range of publications available on the type of society we're heading towards - such as Alvin Toffler's The Third Wave - but these are cir- culating within a narrow range of people. The discussion of the future in the mass media is largely limited to sensational reports about the impact of the micro-processor. And there's no political leadership in this area - the politicians are focussed only on the narrow day-to-day games of point-scoring.

I would argue that this is a task for the church. The church has its own mass media outlets, its own scholars and it has a way of reaching a large number of people in small groups on Sundays. The church should be encouraging the debate about how we can move towards an Australia which is socially just and which has a respect for the environment.

Do you t h i n k t h e church i s prepared t o m i n i s t e r t o t h e s o c i e t y t h a t ' s go ing t o emerge?

Again, no. There have been attempts to think ahead - for example, the Queensland Synod of the Uniting Church held a seminar on the problem in early 1980. But generally we're very much an unprepared society, and we are an unprepared church.

What would you advocate as t h e way f o r t h e church t o prepare?

The most significant task the church could perform would be, as I've indicated, to foster discussion about the future of Australia.

I don't think it's possible to plan in detail now to cope with the future, simply because conditions change so much from year to year. The really important thing is to get people speculating about the type of future they want. Nothing is definite. There's no guarantee that the type of society which people like Toffler have been predicting will ne- cessarily come.

Getting people to think about the future (a) gives them an opportunity to help change society; and (b) prepares them for the new ideas and factors which will inevitably sweep over them. It's much better to be alerted to the waves that are coming to hit you than to be suddenly caught unawares.

K e i t h , a r e you hopeful f o r t h e f u t u r e o f t h e church o v e r t h e n e x t 30 o r 40 y e a r s ?

Yes, I am. The church has great reserves: the problem has been not a lack of reserves or potential, but mobilising those reserves and that

potential. It may well be that the crisis which is sweeping over us will at long last release those reserves.

The 1980s and 1990s will be the most exciting time in which to live since the 1750s in Britain, which saw the introduction of the Industrial Revolution. The new era into which we're moving is part of a similar sort of revolution. It may be due to the micro-processor, or to a change in cultural values, or to a breakthrough in disarmament negotia- tions, or to the creation of a new international economic order.

Whatever the reason, we're on the edge of a series of major upheavals.

Now, it's really like passing around a bottle of whisky with the whisky at the half-way level. An optimist will say it's half full, a pessimist that it's half empty. I remain a fairly positive, optimistic sort of person, which is one of the advantages of being a Christian.

Let me give an example of the excitement of these times in which we live. Each minute, the world spends one million dollars on the arms race. The cost of eradicating smallpox around the world - which took 30 years - was the equivalent of what we spend on arms in one afternoon. Imagine what could be done by syphoning off just half of that million dollars a minute to other areas. Solar energy could be introduced around the world and basic health education and welfare facilities could be established throughout the Third World, both in a matter of months. In this powerful situation we really could create a fantastic new world, and make the 1980s and beyond one of the most exciting times in which to live for the past 10,000 years.

On the other hand, of course, we could have a miscalculation and World War 111 could begin at any minute.

I n a d d i t i o n t o what you 've s a i d , how can t h e church prepare f o r the T h i r d Mi l len ium?

First, it can look Cowards the future and create visions of alternative societies. There's nothing written that the destiny of Australia must be economic decline, unemployment, social tension and violence. There are ways to make a better society.

Second, it must offer a message of hope. If the church looks back it will discover times in the past when gloomy periods have ended in significant breakthroughs and very pleasant eras were created. It can happen in our time.

The church also must offer the hope of ultimate salvation which is available for every human being. The present era, although one of great problems, is also potentially one of great evangelism. We can change society; and the church - if it gets mobilised - will find for itself a tremendous evangelistic role.

C H I L E A N WOMEN FOR 'DEMOCRACY I N THE COUNTRY AND AT HOME'

by Ana M a r i a Fox ley I LET Prov idenc ia 175 Apt0 42 Sant iago, C h i l e

Sometime last Fall, some 80 women met in Santiago to lay the groundwork for a feminist movement organised around the struggle for democracy and women's rights in Chile. All left the meeting convinced that women must take part in the Chilean social movement's 'national days of protest' against 10 years of military rule, but they are not stopping with that.

The new group has already shown its vitality and political bent with public speeches and pamphlets on 'democracy in the country and at home' and 'women give life, the dictatorship exterminates it' distributed on the street. in supermarkets and elsewhere.

The women, feminist activists from various walks of life and existing institutions, have not yet established a formal organisation. These women are not building their movement around theories, intellectual study groups or traditional ideologies, they began with each woman's experiences and real anxieties, seeds of discontent which have lain latent until now.

The meeting did not begin with a lengthy plenary session and opening statements. The women divided up into working groups in which sugges- tions and questions were formulated which came up for discussion by the full assembly afterwards. This inductive and democratic method, little used by traditional organisations or parties, began by posing two questions prompting reflection: 'who am I as a woman?' and 'what do I want to be?'

'I am a person whose rights are not respected' said one. 'A person discriminated against who is permanently struggling to continue on', said another. 'I am strong and weak, courageous and fearful, woman and child, emotional and rational, contradictory', argued a third. 'I want to be, I'm very angry, I am unfinished' a fourth said, expressing the individual aspect of the conflict. As a collective, many said they felt committed to their gender. 'I have discovered I am not alone, that I have sisters in the same struggle' said one woman.

The struggle touches all life Issues, including those in the social and political realms. 'I believe in democracy and I am a pacifist', declared another. 'I want a democracy that makes not only institutional or juridicial changes, but creates a system for living in which values, feelings and the practice of personal and social relationships are re- newed' said yet another.

In the realm of 'wanting to be', the possibilities expressed were more intimate than collective: 'I want to assume my contradictions and to be recognised in society with them', said one participant. 'I want to be a person that need not defend herself but express herself, a female friend of man, not dependent, not subjected, nor do I want to be his mother', declared one woman. 'A person who demands from a man that he recognise her duality of strength and weakness, tenderness and force, rationality

and emotionality' said another. 'I want to have the right to be equal, I do not want guilt or authority to become a hidden tyrant inside me', said one. 'I want to have solidarity and be non-competitive with women: to fight for the rights of all, intellectuals, professionals, workers,- slum dwellers, peasants ...' said a woman participating from another group.

In the political realm, visions of utopia were at the forefront: 'I want a society capable of expressing itself, a society of equals where we women are able to freely decide our work, our sexuality, and whether or not to live with a man without being discriminated against because of (the decision)'. 'I want to struggle for social change, justice and democracy, beginning from the home. I want to participate in political life, in organisations, In political parties, without losing my feminine identity nor following the logic of patriarchal power', said one.

These ideas will go into a public manifesto the women plan to issue, calling together all Chilean women wanting to fight for their individual and social rights. It will publicise actions and campaigns aimed at demanding respect for these rights.

One idea the movement will likely put into practice is establishing a centre where women can come and talk about the abuse and discrimination they face in the home, the workplace or on the streets based on power relationships, sex, problems of health, housing, education and the like. The women's work through the media, informal talks, round-table discussions and public demonstrations will follow the demands set out in the United Nations Agreement 'Against Discrimination Against Women' which most governments in the world have signed. Chile is not among those nations.

(Oficina internacional de la mujerIIPS)

230 M I L L I O N WOMEN I N T H I R D WORLD SUFFER FROM N U T R I T I O N A L ANAEMIA - PREVALENCE HIGHEST IN THOSE PREGNANT by Peter Ozorio Information office World Health Organization 1211 Geneva 27, Switzerland

Some 230 million women in the Third World, aged from 15 to 4 9 , are estimated to be suffering from iron-deficiency anaemia, 'one of the most frequently observed diseases in the world today'.

This is a finding of a recent review, published in the statistical quarterly I / of the World Health Organization/WIiO) that brings together information on the prevalence of anaemia in a total population of 464 million women.

Essentially what the report shows is that about half of all women in the Third World - that is 230 out of 464 million - are anaemic, suffering from a deficiency of one or more essential nutrients, chiefly of iron, and less frequently of folate.

'Because of its deleterious consequences, and because it is so widespread, nutritional anaemia in women is one of the nutritionaldeficiency diseases that must be given high priority', the report states. 'Most nutritional anaemia can be prevented'.

The report, by WHO statistician Erica Royston, also shows that the per- centage of anaemia is higher among pregnant women than in non-pregnant ones. 'From the information collated' she says 'it would seem that about half the non-pregnant women and nearly two-thirds of the pregnant women have haemoglobin concentrations below those laid down by WHO as being indicative of anaemia'.

This is due to the 'dramatic increase in nutrient requirements' of pregnancy that is needed not only to replace body losses, but also to provide for the needs of the foetus and placenta and the increased blood volume of the mother.

'The need cannot be met by diet alone, but is derived at least partly from maternal reserves' the report says. 'When these reserves are already low - from malnutrition or frequent pregnancies - anaemia results'. Women in the Third World have 'on average twice as many children' as women in the industrialized world. At any point in time, every sixth woman, aged 15 to 49 years, in a Third World country is pregnant, compared with 1 in 17 in industrialized countries, the report states.

This is the situation region by region:

. In Africa, 63 per cent are anaemic out of 15.1 million pregnant women, as against 40 per cent anaemic out of 77.1 million non pregnant women.

. In U, the figures are 65 per cent anaemic out of 43.2 million pregnant, and 57 per cent anaemic out of 253.2 million non-pregnant women (no information was available for China).

. In Latin America, figures are 30 per cent anaemic out of 9.6 million pregnant, and 15 per cent anaemic out of 65 million non-pregnant women.

Maternal Mortality

Severe anaemia in pregnancy has been shown to be associated with an increased risk of maternal mortality. While the maternal death rate for non-anaemic women is 3.5 per 1,000 births in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, the report notes by way of examples, the rate is higher by five-fold for those with severe anaemia, or 15.5 per 1,000 births.

Mild or moderate, anaemia may 'impair well-being, reduce maximal work capacity and adversely affect work performance' the report says, even though it is 'more or less well tolerated'. Few, if any, however, can function normally with severe anaemia.

Singularly at Risk

The report cites two major reasons why women in the reproductive ages are singularly at risk of anaemia.

Firstly, 'regular menstrual blood losses constitute a continuing drain of nutrients which have to be replaced'. About 40 m1 of blood'equivalent to an average daily iron loss of 0.6 mg' is lost each month by a healthy woman and a small proportion often lose even more iron through their menses.

Secondly, 'pregnancy increases the requirements of the woman's body to meet the needs of the growing foetus'. Yet more often than not, diets in the developing world are inadequate for the needs of pregnancy, or to replace menstrual blood losses.

According to calculations of a WHO expert group, for women to 'remain in iron balance' they need 'three times as much iron as is required by an adult man'.

Although women have higher requirements than men, in many countries their diets are 'frequently more deficient than men's'. And in certain societies food taboos, 'specially those that apply during pregnancy, aggravate malnutrition'.

Anaemia can also be caused by parasitic diseases, the report adds, with the 'two chief culprits being intestinal parasites and malaria'.

Among highlights of the report:

Africa

. 'In Algeria, three-quarters of all hospitalized women were anaemic '

. In Egypt, data show a 'high prevalence of anaemia, specially in pregnancy'.

. In Tunisia, '31 per cent of non-pregnant, 46 per cent of lactating (breast-feeding) and 38 per cent of pregnant women had haemoglobin concentrations below the norms'.

. In Tanzania and Zambia, the prevalence of anaemia is 'high among both pregnant and non-pregnant women, especially in the rural coastal areas. Anaemia is associated with hookworm infection, and low dietary iron intake'.

. In South Africa, many Bantu families use iron pots for cooking. Their iron intake is very high and, among such people, anaemia is rare.

America

. In Costa Rica and Honduras, 40 per cent of pregnant women surveyed were found anaemic; in Nicaragua, 20 per cent were; and in El Salvador, 15 per cent were. 'The prevalence of anaemia was said to be highest at altitudes below 750 m.'.

. In Trinidad and Tobago 'over half the pregnant women had levels below the norm'.

. In Argentina, Guatemala and Mexico, studies showed iron-deficiency anaemia widespread 'not only in low but also in high socio-economic classes'.

. In Venezuela, about '18 per cent of non-pregnant women had haemoglobin concentrations below the norms; in hook-worm infes- ted areas the proportion was double'.

Asia

. In Turkey a quarter of pregnant women had haemoglobin concentrations below the norm.

. In India, between 60 per cent and 80 per cent of pregnant women in the south are anaemic. Of all countries of the world for which information is available, 'India has probably one of the highest prevalence6 of nutritional anaemia in women'.

. In Burma, about 40 per cent of non-pregnant women in villages were anaemic, as were over 50 per cent of pregnant women.

. In Indonesia, 70 per cent of women delivering in a Jakarta hospital were found to be anaemic.

. In Thailand, studies show that 'the prevalence of anaemia in pregnant women doubled after the third pregnancy, and increased five-fold after the fifth pregnancy'.

Oceania

. In Fiji, the prevalence of anaemia among Indian women was 'somewhat higher than among the Fijians'.

. In Papua New Guinea, 'anaemia is widespread, especially in coastal areas. In the lowlands, between 50 and 100 per cent of women were found with haemoglobin concentrations below the norm'.

l / Erica Royston. 'The Prevalence of Nutritional Anaemia in Women in - Developing Countries: A Critical Review, World Health Statistics Quar-

(Vol. 35, No.2, 1982).

POVERTY LINE

by M.K. T ikku B-22 Press Enclave Sa k e t New D e l h i 110017, I n d i a

The official Planning Commission in New Delhi is currently engaged in hammering out a new definition of the controversial Poverty Line. This will then be used to determine the actual spread and nature of poverty across the country.

The concept of the Poverty Line was formulated for the first time in 1978 when the Task Force on Minimum Needs estimated that nearly 40 (forty) per cent of India's population were living below the level of minimum subsistance, defined as the Poverty Line. Before that, the poverty

estimates had been variously arrived at by different economists and were neither comprehensive nor comparable.

The Task Force had used the nutritional norm of 2,100 calories per capita per day for the rural population and 2,400 per capita per day for the urban inhabitants as the mark off point to define the line. The calorie intake norm applied here was on lines similar to that used by the FAO in its global estimates.

But, the Commission Economists now argue that the calorie criterion alone is too gross a measure to go by. For example, it does not take into account the regional or sectoral variations which are ever-present in a country of India's size and diversity. In many cases, the incomes have risen without in any way changing the dietary habits, which remain more or less tradition bound. Again, the impact of the welfare programmes such as the mid-day meals for children in some places or of the primary health services are not reflected where a family's food-intake is treated as the norm. Moreover, the nutritional norm does not tell the planners anything about the micro-level profiles to enable them to evolve area-specific strategies. For example, the per capita calorie intake is higher in Punjab, but it is Kerala that is leading in literacy rates, primary health and social welfare.

The Commission has now evolved a set of 190 different criteria that give adequate weightage to official inputs, such as the investments made on welfare programmes, in estimating the effective levels of poverty in different parts of the country. The Commission's Working Group currently engaged on the subject is expected to take a year to collect and process the data that, it is claimed, will for the first tine give a detailed profile of the local level socio-economic conditions of the various strata of the poor. And, the findings will be extensively used in the formulation of the Seventh Plan (1986-90).

Some Opposition leaders have however charged that the exercise could be used to blur the Poverty Line, which, having neatly put the figure of those living below the level of minimum subsistence at over 40 per cent of the population, causes some embarrassment to the government every time it is mentioned. Further, it is pointed out that the emphasis on welfare spending in the new computation may lend a cosmetic effect to the results. A bio-gas plant that was set up but is no longer in working condition, or a tube well that is monopolised by the rich or the high caste members of a village community when taken into account as averages may yield a rosier picture than the reality affords.

The Commission economists do not totally deny such biases. But they insist that the overall picture will still be a great improvement on the existing data position, which is very poor. The Central Statistical Organisation, the survey and data computation wing of the Planning Com- mission, has remained a slow moving establishment all these years. Its

' survey techniques are antiquated and tabulation of the nation-wide data alone takes years - which makes nonsense of its feed-back functions. 'Till now' one Commission economist said, 'there has not been sufficient motivation for the CS0 to do a prompt job. Now, there is plenty. More- over, we are proceeding on the assumption that some data, howsoever imperfect, is better than no data'.

PERU : INDIAN COMMUNITIES AND COOPERATIVES THREATENED

by Abraham Lama I .P.S. E d i f i c i o Lord Dal four AV. de Arenales 371 Lima, Peru

Former Prime Minister and likely governing party presidential candidate, Manuel Ulloa, has revealed government plans to alter traditional forms of collective land ownership in Indian communities.

These communities represent the survival of the socialist spirit of institutions that date back to the Inca Empire - a spirit that has remained intact during three centuries of Spanish domination and some 150 years of republican independence. All republican constitutions including the present one, effective since 1979, have acknowledged the right of Indian communities to autonomously maintain their cultural forms and traditions. But the former Prime Minister, on returning from a three day visit to Peru's central mountain region, near the area most affected by guerrillas, outlined a government plan for the immediate modification of land ownership systems in Indian Communities.

According to Ulloa, this is necessary in order to 'depoliticize' land ownership. He maintained that political groups have infiltrated these communities disrupting their agricultural organization. In his opinion, the existing type of land ownership association in Indian communities 'prevents individuals from being the true owners of their lands'.

Land is owned collectively in most Indian communities, even in areas where communal lands have been divided into individual plots they continue to function according to Inca norms which include collective labour methods and the prohibition against selling communal lands to any- one outside the community. However, some indication can be gleaned from precedents set by government action taken with respect to agricultural cooperatives.

The country's cooperatives were created by the agrarian reform of the military government of former President Juan Velasco Alvarado. In 1980, when the present centre-right government of the 'popular action' party took office it inherited an agricultural sector dominated by cooperatives and collective land ownership. Cooperative leaders have complained that these organizations are purposely being destroyed by credit restrictions and the artificial provocation of marketing problems.

Sugar cooperatives have accused the former Minister of Agriculture of causing the sector's financial collapse, forcing them to sell to transnational corporations or their intermediaries. Maize producers, tired of having to fight for better prices for their products, protested last year by blockading highways. In Canete, a province close to Lima, leaders of a dairy cooperative complained that the agrarian bank was using credit manipulation to break up communal lands.

Peruvian Indian communities have a centuries' old tradition of struggle to preserve their culture. In this sense agrarian cooperatives represent a politically unifying movement in defense of the conquests made by agrarian reform.

UN MAN I FESTE POUR L'EMANC I PATION (AMBROS LUETHI: MANIFEST DER HERRSCHAFTSFREIHEIT HERRSCHAFTSFREIHEIT ALS BEDINGUNG FUR EIN UEBERLEBEN IN MENSCHENWUERDE (Basel: Z-Verlag, 1981, 80pp.)

par Markus Scharli

Arnbros Liithi voit la lutte pour l'emancipation se derouler simultanement dans cinq dimensions qu'il presents chacune en deux volets, d'abord une analyse critique de la situation actuelle, ensuite l'esquisse de scena- rios pour une situation souhaitable. Ainsi apparalt peu 3 peu la nature de la lutte pour l'emancipation: elle est le mouvement vers une soclet6 plus libre, fond6 sur 1e reperage des situations de domination, toujours renaissantes, et l'effort incessant pour les depasser. C'est une revolution a la fois non violente et permanence.

1. L'homme et la nature. Dans le passe, l'homme (blanc) n'a pas cherche sa place les animaux, les plantes et les eaux. 11 a essay6 de dominer la nature, il a detruit et abuse de l'espace vital des ztres vivants qui l'entouraient. Pour depasser cette situation de domination, 11 faut remplacer des processus lin6aires (exploitation - utilisation - dechets) par des processus circulaires, qui garantissent le recyclage des ressources.

2. L'homme et 1'6conomie. Les cons6quences de la technologie actuelle se manifestent sur deux plans:

. les hierarchies 5 l'interieur de l'entreprise font de l'homme un rouage mineur dans un m6canisme complexe. I1 n'est plus capable de con- trgler et de diriger ses actions;

. dans notre systsme economique, la concentration des entreprises ne connalt pas de limite. I1 en resulte un pouvoir economlque transnational et la domination de l'economie du Tiers Monde par celle des pays industriels.

Le scenario envisage l'abolition des liens de subordination dans les entreprises par l'autogestion. Ni savoir, ni sexe, ni race n'apportent des privileges. La direction fonctionnelle d'une entreprise n'implique pas forcement des "directeurs". La gestion d'une entreprise n'est pas une tzche plus exigeante ni plus importante que la recherche et Ie developpement. C'est pourquoi Liithi propose une separation des pouvoirs ainsi qu'une rotation des delegu6s d'autogestion. L'unite de production est un petit, groupe relativement autonome. La rotation regullere des fonctions freine la renaissance de structures de domination et de subordination.

Un tel modzle ne peut pas etre applique aux structures d'une entreprise transnationale. La concentration economique doit done Gtre supprimee, la decentralisation etant une condition necessaire 5 une economie plus humaine. Ce modsle n'exclut pas la technologie avancee, 12 oG elle a un sens, mats 11 ne la favorise pas non plus au detriment d'un travail humain.

3. L'homme et les besoins materiels. L'analyse de cette dimension montre l'importance de la consommation, etroitement liee au statut d'une personne. Notre societe impose un mode de vie qui est marque par l'avoir et non pas par l'stre. Le scenario est fond6 sur le droit ina- lienable de chaque ztre humain de satisfaire ses besoins fondamentaux; mats son moyen n'est pas la croissance economique, mats une reduction des differences de revenu et de fortune. De plus, Ie terme de propriete appelle une nouvelle definition, en fonction de l'utilisation (Nutzungseigentum) etablie selon les besoins de chacun et Gvitant la subordination.

4. L'homme et la politique. On constate aussi, dans la dimension politique, une concentration du pouvoir au niveau des relations entre les etats, come entre les citoyens d'un meme etat. Luthi prevoit une decentralisation dans laquelle les etats en vigueur seraient remplaces par des unites federees, dans lesquelles chacun pourrait participer aux decisions. Les communautes les plus petites auraient la possibilite de s'autogerer. Une rotation des positions de prestige empzcherait une concentration du pouvoir. Liithi souligne egalement que les structures democratiques sont sans valeur lorsque les minorites n'ont ni le droit ni la possibilite de s'exprimer et de defendre leurs int6rSts face i ceux de la majorite.

5. L'homme et la societe. Cette cinquizme partie analyse les structures de domination dans lt6ducation et la formation. La critique et le juge- ment permanent de ceux qui apprennent favorisent la competition et empG- chent souvent le developpement de la personnalite. La distinction entre ceux qui "r6ussissentt' et ceux qui "echouent" provoque privileges et discrimination. Dans Ie scenario, ces mecanismes de triage sont remplaces par une education basee sur la tolerance et le travail en groupe. L'institution de la famille moderne isolee fait place 3 une institution qui regroupe plusieurs generations; une famille rend une place aux vieux et aux handicapes.

En comparant Ie modzle de Liithi avec celui dtAndre Gorz (Adieu au prole- tariat - au-deli du socialisme) on constate que Luthi ne propose pas une augmentation du temps disponible pour les loisirs pour compenser la peine que procure Ie travail, mais qu'il propose de rendre meilleures les conditions memes du travail. Cette analyse multidimensionnelle s'adresse surtout aux groupes de base, en espgrant qu'ils ne se perdront pas dans des luttes contre des symptSmes, mats au contraire s'occuperont d'analyser les causes profondes des prob1Sme.s et de discuter les valeurs fondamentales de socletE.

THE LAW OF THE SEED - A N INTRODUCTION by P a t Roy Mooney

In 1982, the OECD Observer reported that the South contributes US $500 million a year to the value of the United States wheat crop. If anything, this is a serious underestimate of the real contribution. Were it to be calculated for all major American crops, the economic impact of the Third World contribution would reach into several billions of dollars. And what the Third World does for the Americans, it also does for the Australians and the Europeans. What is the nature of this contribution? Germplasm: the genetic charac- ters added into new varieties of all the world's crops. Almost totally overlooked in the political and economic debate over the form and need for agricultural development and food security, germplasm is the absolute underpinning of the global food system. Without imports of the right genes, a wheat field might wilt from summer heat, a maize crop might succumb to mildew, potatoes might not process acceptably and tomatoes might bruise too easily. It is a simple but profoundly important fact of our biological and agricultural history that the substantial majority of this germplasm lies in the Third World. The North may be 'grain-rich' but the South is 'gene-rich'. This fact points to our tremendous food inter-dependence. It has a number of immediate implications.

First of all, while most of the world's breeding material (germplasm) for all its major crops rests in the South, most of the plant breeding and plant breeders are located in the North. For some years now, a kind of gene drain has been underway, siphoning off the Third World's germplasm to 'gene banks' and breeding programmes in the North. The South has been donating this material in the belief that its botanical treasures form part of the 'Common Heritage' of all humanity. Meanwhile, the North has been patenting the offshoots of this common heritage and is now marketing its new varieties, at great profit, around the world.

A debate on the efficacy of all this is now underway at FAO in Rome in the form of a resolution passed in 1981 calling for a legally binding International Convention on the exchange of plant genetic resources (germplasm) and the creation of a system of internationally controlled gene banks.

Secondly, the new bio-technologies (recombinant DNA et. al.) highlight the funduinenttil importance of access to Third World genes. To date, the South has been an unwitting 'raw materials' supplier to this high-tech

industry. UNIDO and other agencies have dcvotcd their energies to advising Third World governments on how they might accommodate themselves to receive the new technologies. At stake, however, is a prize that may-in its agricultural applications alone-be valued at US $100 million by the end of the century. Genetically and climatically, the South has no need to be a bit player in this new technology. There are compelling practical as well as political reasons why much of this new technology should be based in the South. Thirdly, the scientific community has become aware that the introduction of new plant varieties via the Green Revolution or commercial companies leads to the elimination of older varieties and the loss of often invaluable germplasm. Once gone, this germplasm cannot be recovered. 'Genetic erosion' is now seen as a profound threat to long-term world food security. The pace of genetic erosion in our crops almost defies exaggeration. Most of the crop germplasm in the Third World will be gone before this century is over. Left behind are a comparative 'handful' of modern High Yielding Varieties (HYV's) and hybrids bred from an ever narrowing genetic base. The risk of widespread crop 'wipe-outs' because of our vulnerability to plant disease attack is already alarmingly high. An urgent international effort is needed to preserve our crop genetic diversity. Existing international efforts appear to serve the needs of the North, are poorly financed and tragically myopic in approach. Finally, this 'germplasm' poses for the South a political problem (germplasm exchange and control); an environmental crisis (genetic erosion); and an economic opportunity (increased breeding and work in new technologies). The scene is very much clouded, however, by dramatic changes in what has become known as the Generic Supply Industry. A small number of very large transnationals-led by Royal Dutch/Shell, Ciba- Geigy and Sandoz-have acquired hundreds of seed companies over the last twelve years and are aggressively moving into the South. Most distur- bingly, they have an opportunity to combine their leadership in plant breeding with their dominant position in pesticides manufacturing. At stake is the future of agricultural development in the South. 'Germplasm' gene banks and genetic engineering can seem a long way from the struggles of peasant farmers to find food and justice. They seem esoteric compared to the painful burning issues of land reform and rural credit or even national self-reliance. But germplasm is the raw material of seeds-and seeds are the first link in the food chain. Some governments and some chemical companies recognize this and a grab is being made for the control of germplasm. There can be no true land reform-no true agrarian justice of any kind-and certainly no national self-reliance, if our seeds are subject to exclusive monopoly patents and our plants are bred as part of a high-input chemicals package in genetically uniform and vulner- able crops.

IFDA DOSSIER 39 NEWS FROM THE THIRD SYSTEM

HABITAT INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL PLANS TO SURVEY

THE ROLE OF PEOPLE'S ASSOCIATIONS IN HOUSING IMPROVEMENT

One of the contributions which Habitat International Council plans to make to the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless is a survey of the role of community groups and other non-governmental organisations in improving housing and living conditions. At present this role is largely unappreciated, ill-understood and poorly documented.

If one looks at the work both of groups formed by the inhabitants of low-income communities (voluntary associations, squatter organisation committees, co-operatives and community organisations of all kinds) and N W s ' who work with such communities (church groups, non-profit foun- dations, trade unions, co-operatives, charities like OXFAM and, on occasion, political parties and professional associations) their contribution to improving poorer people's housing and living conditions is enormous. Indeed, it is greater than both Government and private formal sector operations in most third world countries and substantial in most high-income countries. But the way in which such groups work is very rarely documented. Where it is documented it is often not well-known and not easily accessible to those who could benefit from the experience. Few governments or professionals recognise the scale and range of formal and informal 'NW' activities. Even fewer have much idea of how they operate, or indeed understand why their relatively modest projects often have greater success with more modest costs than official government projects. The potential role of such associations is even less appreciated. Yet the right kind of support for their work could solve two of the most pressing problems facing government housing, building and planning agencies: the implementation of shelter and basic service projects (a) on a scale which has a major impact and (b) a way which reaches lower income groups.

The project

The purpose of the project is to highlight the role that people's associations of all kinds play in shelter construction, improvement and management (as distinct from the role of governments or international agencies) and to describe their role as intermediaries between people and government in projects which reach lower income groups with improved housing and living conditions. The work will document how such groups operate in a number of detailed case studies drawn from around the world. It will demonstrate the great diversity in the kind of associations active in this area. It will also try to make governments recognise and better understand the role of such groups and show the ways in which governments can depend on them to carry out government housing policies. And finally, it will include a major effort to publicize the present and potential role of associations through the media worldwide. Thus, the project will aim to produce:

(a) A series of detailed, well-documented case studies of how specific associations operated in shelter improvement, construction and

management (or related areas). Clearly, these should be drawn from a very diverse group of nations. And full use should be made of existing studies and those now being carried out.

The project will aim at producing three different levels of detail:

1 several detailed case studies selected so as to show a wide range of people's associations activity and to cover different aspects (mobilisation of local savings and labour; good use of local rnate- rials; innovative cost recovery techniques...);

ii a number of shorter "profiles;

iii a bibliography of relevant references.

(b) A series of seminars through which senior government officials can be presented with case studies and become involved in a discussion as to the present and potential role of people's associations.

(c) A programme to get the world media to five considerable coverage to "NGO's" work in this field.

(d) Preparation of material for exhibitions building up to the Inter- national Year of Shelter for the Homeless, and afterwards.

Implementation

Habitat International Council has within its members just the kinds of groups which could actually undertake this work. For these members have contacts with groups of many kinds working in shelter projects and programmes throughout the world.

The Institute for Housing Studies (IHSIBIE) has groups in Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Colombia, among others, with whom it undertakes collaborative work.

The German Development Assistance Association for Social Housing (DESWOS) and the International Co-operative Alliance which DESWOS represents in Habitat International Council have close links with housing co-operatives throughout the world.

The Groupe de Recherches et d'Echanges Technologiques (GRET) has strong links with many Third World associations and perhaps has a better knowledge and better links with active groups in francophone Africa than any other HIC member.

John F.C. Turner and his associates ( M S ) have an enormous range of contacts with groups active in the housing field, and long and varied experience in this particular subject.

The International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) has collaborative housing and settlement research programmes with institutions in India, the Sudan, Nigeria and in many Latin American countries, and an office in Buenos Aires already working with other Latin American groups on this subject.

The Mazingira Institute acts as the Secretariat of the Settlements Information Network Africa.

Initial Action

A working group consisting of representatives of these institutions met on 3 June in Rotterdam. It defined the terms of reference of the project, made outlines of the working programme and a division of tasks between the co-operating institutions, drafted a budget and drew up a list of potential sponsors. The working group intends to approach other associations besides those taking part in the initial meeting, with an invitation to contribute to the project.

(Habitat International Council is the major umbrella for third system associations concerned with housing. 45 Wassenaarseweg, 2596 CG The Hague, The Netherlands).

AHAS : ENABLING PEOPLE

5 , Dryden Street London WC2E, 9NW, UK

John Turner's name is very much connected with the idea of self-built and self-managed housing. The books he wrote and CO-authored Freedom to Build and Housing People have been translated into many languages and have a place on the bookshelf of those concerned with human settlement development.

John Turner, his wife Bertha and Peter Stead are the Directors of Asso- ciated Housing Advisory Services for Alternatives in Housing for Another Society, AHAS. Last year, John gave up his permanent occupation with the Development Planning Unit of London University for that of a Senior Associate so that he could devote most of his time to AHAS.

In the course of the past 20 years John Turner has built up a network of like-minded people, mainly in Asia and Latin America, with whom AHAS has a continuous exchange of information. As the principles of AHAS are of universal application. its field of action is not limited to Third World countries, however, in the United Kingdom for instance, AHAS is involved in several activities concerning self-managed housing and local development. Generally speaking, the programme of AHAS consists of any one or a combination of:

. Information: AHAS has a library of thousands of references accumulated over the past 10 years, including documents (published and unpublished), organisations and individuals, and case studies of actual projects where the people themselves are involved in the planning and management of their own homes and neighbourhoods, local development and participation.

. Consultations: By informing and advising decision makers, government agencies or non-governmental organisations serving locally self-managed action. In some cases AHAS acts as an intermediary between local groups. Government and non-government agencies.

. Monitoring and Evaluation: Acting as participant observer AHAS can record and evaluate the development of local programmes and make recommendations for subsequent action.

. Raising Awareness: AHAS helps to find wider public support for its aims by raising awareness of alternatives open to all concerned with improving housing conditions, through teaching and lecturing, writting and broadcasting.

I N D I A : THE AVARD FOUNDATION FOR RURAL DEVELOPMENT (AFFORD)

5 (FF) Institutional Area Deen Dayal Upadhya Marg New Delhi 110002, India

AVABD Foundation for Rural Development (AFFORD) is a voluntary, non-profit, secular, non-political- public charitable Trust dedicated to rural development through voluntary action.

AFFORD came into being in 1973, to meet the felt need of voluntary organisations engaged in rural development to undertake a promotional role, provide need-based training support, technical help in respect of programme planning, implementation, resource mobilisation, monitoring and evaluation; and undertake action-oriented research to stimulate, catalyse, promote and strengthen voluntary action and participatory rural development.

The main objacts of AFFORD are as follows:

. Prepare, plan and implement area development programmes, particularly with a view to providing gainful employment to landless agricultural labourers, small and marginal fanners, rural artisans, and such other poorer sections of the community.

. Help farmers, artisans, labourers, educated youth, entrepreneurs, etc. in obtaining all such supplies and facilities as are required by them.

. Promote rural industries.

. Establish training centres; research, evaluation, education, planning and extension in various fields, including advancement of education, art, science and health.

. Provide consultancy services including expert advice and guidance;

. Prepare, print andlor publish books, periodicals, pamphlets, papers and other educative or publicity material, or have them prepared, printed andlor published.

. Strengthen existing development agencies and foster development of new agencies wherever necessary and possible.

. Act as a channel for inter-change of experience and ideas through seminars and conferences, group meetings and discussions, demonstrations and exhibitions.

In furtherance of its objectives, AFFORD has taken up the following activities:

1. Strengthening Grass-root Agencies

AFFORD'S experience has shown that a number of small grass-root agencies with sound ideas and good potentials, needing relatively small outlay, face stagnation and frustration due to paucity of funds. With a view to helping such agencies implement small programmes and thereby instill and strengthen self-confidence to enable them take up larger integrated development programmes in their areas, AFFORD has so far identified and supported 41 agencies in different parts of the country and provided necessary financial and other kinds of support.

2. Training

With the increasing emphasis on micro/block level planning and multi-disciplinary approach to integrated rural development, AFFORD is ideally equipped to take up training of personnel for rural development work. In this regard was the launching of a 9-month course for training in BlockIMicro Level Planning for functionaries/nominees of voluntary agencies. The emphasis in the training programme is on the practical field aspect of rural development.

The trained persons have been absorbed by various voluntary agencies; it would equip them to plan and initiate integrated rural development programmes in their areas. Thus, AFFORD has been promoting decentralised planning and implementation of rural development programmes.

AFFORD proposes to continue the training programme for block/micro level planning. Based on its experience and on the expressed demands of various voluntary agencies, short-term courses in project formulation and project management including monitoring and evaluation, are proposed to be added. Some of these project formulation courses would be for women exclusively.

3. Specialised Services to Voluntary Agencies

AFFORD being committed to promote and strengthen voluntary action, also provides specialised services to needy voluntary agencies.

THE AG SPAK

K i s t l e r s t r a s s e 1 8000 Miinchen 90, FRG

The AG SPAK is a union of many groups working for positive changes in the different branches of sociopolitical problems: criminal politics, mental health and disabled rehabilitation, homeless people and community organization, alternatives to youth welfare and protection, alternative pedagogics and economy.

The problems all these initiatives have in common are their regional isolation and different theoretical and practical levels.

So the AG SPAK first has the duty to organize the exchange of all kinds of informations in relation to the specific needs of various action- and working-groups. Then there has to be guaranteed an exchange of the different experiences and methods or work on special training meetings. The third scope of duties is the production of theoretical readers or practical manuals according to the work of sociopolitical action- and working-groups.

Unlike the way of other organizations of this kind AG SPAK seriously tries to rely on the ability of its member-groups for self-determination of the association's program. Decisions are not delegated to the leading collective or the manager of the association's office. The concerned groups or persons are always invited to take part in the decisive procedure and it is practice to make unanimous decisions as often as possible.

Best the association may be compared with a network activating itself according to the specific situation.

Many members of the local groups are students. Thus the AG SPAK is involved in the main problem of higher education, the mutual transfer of theory and practice. After over ten years dialogue and experiences with action- and working-groups the association pleads for self-determinated practical study projects not only to improve scientific learning, but even more important as a way to humanize the living together of various social classes.

LOVINS, PALAU CHIEF, CHILEAN SHARE 'ALTERNATIVE NOBEL PRIZE' 2 , Cambridge Gate, Regents Park London NW1 4JN, UK

Renewable energy pioneers Amory and Hunter Lovins, the traditional High Chief of the Pacific Palau Islands and a Chilean economist share the 1983 Right Livelihood Prize of 350,000 Swedish Kroner.

The annual prize was introduced four years ago by a Swedish-German, Jakob von Uexkull, who sold his valuable postage stamps to fund it. It was presented in Stockholm on 9 December, the day before the Nobel Prize ceremony, to "honour and support those working on practical solutions to the real problems facing us today".

The winners of this year's Award are:

. Amory and Hunter Lovins (USA) who have shown that energy conservation and the use of soft renewable and decentralised energy resources is not only ecologically desirable but also makes economic sense;

. High Chief Ibedul of Palau (Belau), a small pacific nation under US Trusteeship, struggling to uphold their constitution declaring Palau nuclear-free despite massive US opposition;

. Manfred Max-Neef, a "barefoot economist", working in Latin America to show that positive changes can be brought about at the local level with meagre resources and very little outside support.

A special Honorary Award was presented to Professor Leopold Kohr from Austria, whose writings on the effectiveness of small autonomous units in the solution of human problems inspired the "small is beautiful" movement.

PEACE NEWS FOR NONVIOLENT REVOLUTION

What Peace News is about.

The nuclear arms race poses the greatest ever threat to our survival. But it is only an extreme part of the violence that is inherent in our society. Militarism, economic exploitation, sexism, racism and the devastation of the environment are fundamentally related.

We must work to remove the causes of violence that are rooted in the structure of our society. Peace News believes that to reach our vision of a nonviolent, co-operative society we must use nonviolent methods, and thus break the pattern of violence and oppression.

Peace News declares itself for nonviolent revolution, and concerns itself not only with struggles against oppression but also with the construction of nonviolent alternatives in all areas of our lives. It draws on a wide range of traditions - socialist, libertarian, "ecologi- cal", and the ideas and practice of feminism.

Peace News is produced by an independent collective who are responsible for content, type-settling, layout and office work. All tasks are shared. Part of PN's philosophy is to break down the barriers between producers and consumers: we welcome your news and your thoughts.

8 Elm Avenue, Nottingham 3, UK.

MATERIALS RECEIVED FOR PUBLICATION

LOCAL SPACE

. Mark Mosio and Wenche Barth Eide, Educating about food and nutrition problems and their solutions: towards a global reconsideration of scope and objective (University 1, PO Box 1046, Oslo 3, Norway) 15pp.

NATIONAL SPACE

. John E. Udo Ndebbio, Technological transfer and the growth process in the less-developed countries - a myth or a reality? (University of Calabar, Dpt. of Economics, PMB 1115, Calabar, Nigeria) 8pp.

. A.K. Ventura, Technological inconsistencies in promoting development (University of Miami, 4600 Rickenbacker Causeway, Miami Florida 33149, USA) 25pp.

. Juan Carlos Bossio, Les technologies avanc6es et leur enjeu pour les PSA (Centre de Dsveloppement de l'OCDE, 94 rue Chardon Lagache, 75016 Paris, France) 32pp.

THIRD WORLD SPACE

. Juan Carlos Bossio, Amgrique Latine: d6sindustrialisation prscoce et r6primarisation larvse?, 46pp.

. Reza Najafbagy,The quality of life in Third World countries (Foundation for Business Administration, Poortweg 6 2612 PA, Delft, The Netherlands) llpp.

GLOBAL SPACE

. C. Ford, Wages, hours and working conditions in Asian free trade zones (International Textile, Garment and Leather Workers' Federation, 8 rue Joseph Stevens, 1000 Brussels, Belgium) 19pp.

. Harlan Cleveland, Mere might is least 'national security' factor (Humbert Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs, 909 Social Sciences, 267 19th Avenue South, Minneapolis, MA 55455, USA) lp.

INNER SPACE

. Ici Terre - Manifests mythologique (Paris: J.C. Godefroy, 1983) (30, rue Bonaparte, 75006 Paris, France). Pour supprimer Ie mal du monde, transmutons celui que nous portons en nous. Changeons-nous et le monde changera.

. Gerald G. Jampollsky, Teach only Love (New York: Bantam Books, 1983) 244pp. The techniques of attaining inner peace and serenity, even when confronted with catastrophic life situations are detailed in this book by the author, a psychiatrist who has received international recog- nition for his work in helping desperately ill children cope with their diseases. This new book is an extension of the principles and philosophies the author discusses in an earlier one, Love is Letting Go of Fear, which has 470,000 copies in Bantam print. - LOCAL SPACE

. Fernando Reyes Matta, (comp.), Comunicacion alternativa y busquedas democraticas (Santiago: ILET, 1983) 260pp. (Casilla 16637, Correo 9, Santiago, Chile). Documentos y conclusiones del Seminario 'Comunicacion y pluralismo: alternativas para la decada' organizado por ILET y la Fundacion Friedrich Ebert en la ciudad de Mexico, Noviembre 1982.

. IUED, Les nouvelles chalnes, techniques modernes de la tel6communi- cation et le Tiers Monde: pieces et processes, (Paris: PUF & Gensve: IUED, 1983) 270pp. (24 rue Rotschild, 1211 Gensve 21, Suisse). En placant ce cahier sous Ie titre des "nouvelles chalnes", 1'6quipe des Cahiers de 1'IUED n'a pas seulement voulu jouer sur les mots. I1 s'agissait surtout de manifester ii quel point Ie terme est lie ii la culture contemporaine: encourage par Ie systsme 5 faire un usage toujours plus grand de sa libert6 de consommateur, l'homme modeme ne peut bientct plus satisfaire ses desirs qu'en les abandonnant a des chalnes: chalnes de restaurants, chalnes de supermarches, chalnes d'hotels, chalnes de haute-fidglite... De ce point de vue, les chalnes de television ne constituent qu'un cas particulier, et la fortune du mot devrait nous inciter ii m6diter sur la missre 3 laquelle il pourrait bien nous condamner.

. The Vanishing Earth, a 30 minute video documentary in English shot amongst the colourful T'boli tribe of Southern Philippines. The theme is universal - can mankind survive if it continues to plunder the earth's resources beyond its capacity to renew itself. The tribes are mankind in closest harmony with its environment - if the T'boli culture is lost we lose another voice, on behalf of a renewable world - few such voices remain. (Interim Media Productions, PO Box 177, Ozamiz City, Mindanao, Philippines).

. Nelcya Delanoe, L'entaille rouge, terres indiennes et democratic americaine, 1776-1980 (Paris: Maspero, 1982) 418pp.

. Martin Scurrah/Bruno Podesta, Experiencias autogestionarias urbanas en Peru y Chile (Lima: CEDEP, 1983) 95pp. (Apto 11701, Lima 11, Peru).

. Elmer Arce Espinoza, La reforma agraria en Piura: 1969-1977 (Lima: CEDEP, 1983) 226pp.

. H. Dupriez/P. De Leener, Agriculture tropicale en milieu paysan africain (Nivelles: Terres et Vie, 1983) 120pp. (13, rue Laurent Delvaux, 1400 Nivelles, Belgique). Avec une preface du Cheikh Hamidou Kane . . I.S.A. Baud, Women's Labor in the Indian Textile Industry, The influence of technology and organization on the gender division of labour. (Tilburg: IRIS, 1983) (PO Box 90153, 5000 LE Tilburg, The Netherlands).

. Abuse of Women in the Media (Penang: Consumers Association of Penang, 1982) 85pp. (27, Kelawei Road, Penang, Malaysia).

. Nawal El Saadawi, The Hidden Face of Eve - Women in the Arab World (London: Zed Press, 1980) 212pp. (57, Caledonian Road, London N1 9DN, U.K.).

. Ignacy Sachs, "Le potentiel de developpement endogSne" Cahiers de llISMEA, Serie F. No 29, fevrier 1983), pp.405-426.

. Ignacy Sachs, Ecodesarrollo - Desarrollo sin destrucci6n (Mexico: El Colegio de Mexico, 1982) 201pp (Camino a1 Ajusco 20, 10740 Mexico DF)

. Jorge Werthein e Juan Diaz Bordenave, (org.) Educacao rural - no terceiro mundo (Rio de Janeiro: Ed. Paz e Terra, 1981) 370pp.

. Medicinas blandas - antimedicina (Madrid: Las Mil y Una Ediciones, 1983) 284pp. (Hermosilla 101, Madrid 6, Espana).

. Regional Seminar on Financing of Low-Income Housin , a summary report f i . Technologie et realisations populaires 2 Madagascar (Antananarivo: Cooperation Technique Suisse, 1983), 144pp. (Cooperation Suisse, B.P. 4052, Antananarivo ou Etablissement d'enseignement superieur polytech- nique, B.P. 1200, Antananarivo, Madagascar).

. Nicolas JiZquier and G6rard Blanc, The World of Appropriate Techno- U, A quantitative analysis (Paris: OECD, 1983) 2lOpp. Egalenent dls- ponible en francais sous Ie titre: La technologie appropriee dans Ie monde - Une analyse quantitative (2, rue Andre-Pascal, 75775 Paris Cedex 16, France).

. William U. Chandler, Materials Recycling: The Virtue of Necessity, (Washington: Worldwatch Institute, 1983) 52pp. (1776 Massachussetts Avenue NW, Washington, D.C.20036, USA).

. Solar, viento, metano, (Barcelona: Ecotopia) 114pp. (32151 Apto Correos, Barcelona, Espana).

NATIONAL SPACE

. Jan Metzger, Martin Orth, Christian Sterzing, This Land is our Land, The West Bank under Israeli Occupation, (London: Zed Press, 1980) 272pp. (57, Caledonian Road, London N1 9DN, UK).

. Q.N. Parsons, A Consolidated Checklist of Theses and Dissertations on Botswana, (Gaborone: National Institute of Development, 1982) 75pp. (Private Bag 0022, Gaborone, Botswana).

. Paul Germain/Abou Thiam, Les pesticides au Senegal: une menace? (Dakar: ENDA, 1983) 57pp. (BP 3370, Dakar, Senegal).

. Khor Kok Peng, Recession and the Malaysian Economy (Pulau Pinang: Institut Masyarakat, 1983) 90pp. (9, Lorong Kucing, Pulau Tikus, Pulau Pinang, Malaysia).

. Khor Kok Peng, The Malaysian Economy - Structures and Dependence (Kuala Lumpur: Marican & Sons, 1983) 286pp. (321, Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman, Kuala Lumpur, Singapore).

. Towards Greater Environmental Awareness, The State of Malaysian Environment 1983/1984 (Penang: Sahabat Alam Malaysia, 1983) 97pp. (37. Lorong Birch, Penang, Malaysia).

. Ricardo Ffrench-Davis, "El experiment0 monetaristic en Chile: una sintesis unitica", y

. Alejandro Foxley, "Algunas condiciones pera una democratization estable: el caso de Chile", Estudios CIEPLAN (N09, Diciembre 1982) pp.5-40 y 139-170 (Casilla 16496, Correo 9, Santiago, Chile).

THIRD WORLD SPACE

. Enrique Oteiza (comp.) Autoafirmacion colectiva - una estrategia alternativa de desarrollo (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economics. 1983) 327pp. (975, AV. de la Universidad. 03100 Mexico D.F.).

. Alejandro Foxley, Experimentos neoliberales en America Latina (Santiago: Estudios Cieplan 7, 1982) 166pp. (Casilla 16496, Correo 9, Santiago, Chile).

. Armand MattelartIHector Schmucler, America Latina en la encrucijada telematica (Santiago: ILET, 1983) 131pp. (Casilla 16637, Correo 9, Santiago, Chile).

. Julio Godio, Sindicalismo y politica en America Latina, (Caracas: ILDIS, 1983) 315pp. (Apto 61.712-Chacao, Caracas, Venezuela).

. Gaston Same N'Gosso et Catherine Ruelle, Cinema et television en Afrique - de la dependance l'interdgpendance, Communication & soci6tE NO8 (Paris: UNESCO, 1983) 84pp.

. Ibrahim F.I.Shihata, The Unique Experience of the OPEC Fund (Vienna: OPEC Fund, 1983) 15pp. (PO Box 995, 1011 Vienna, ~ustria).

8 9

GLOBAL SPACE

. Sverre Lodgaard and Marek Thee (eds.), Nuclear Disengagement in Europe, a SIPRI Publication (London: Taylor & Francis, 1983) 271pp. With the upsurge of public concern over the nuclear threat to Europe, the idea of nuclear weapon-free zones has captured the popular imagination and become a political issue. Not only would such zones build confidence and raise the nuclear threshold, but they might be first steps towards a more comprehensive elimination of nuclear weapons. Proposals for a Nord- ic nuclear weapon-free zone were explored in a symposium which Pugwash convened in Oslo in May 1983. This book contains revised versions of the papers submitted to that symposium, as well as specially commissioned papers. The work was co-ordinated at SIPRI. "Nuclear Disengagement in Europe" probes the question of nuclear weapon-free zones in the region. An international team of lawyers, scientists, politicians and military experts gives backgroung information and provides an appraisal of problems regarding athe zone initiatives as well as benefits that would accrue. Possible elements in a European zone arrangement are elaborated on and procedures towards the establishment of such a zone are suggested.

. Allan McKnight and Keith Suter, The Forgotten Treaties - A practical Plan for World Disarmament (Sydney: Law Council of Australia, 1983) 152pp. (Law Society of NSW, 170 Phillip Street, Sydney 2000, Australia).

. Gamani Corea, Need for Change, Towards the New International Economic Order (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1980) 278pp. A selection from major speeches of the UNCTAD Secretary General.

. Khadij Haq (ed.), Global Development: Issues and Choices (Washington: North-South Roundtable, 1983) 230pp. (1717 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, Suite 501, Washington DC 20036, USA). Papers presented at the Tokyo/Oiso meeting cf the North-South Roundtable, October 1982, including contributions by Mahbub ul Haq, Shridath S.Rampha1 and Inga Thorsson.

. Werner Olle, Strukturveranderungen der internationalen Direkt- investitionen und inlandischer Arbeitsmarkt, (Munchen: Minverva Publi- kation, 1983) 418pp. (Postfach 710640, 8000 Miinchen 71, FRG).

. Pierre Harrisson, L'empire Nestle - Faits et mefaits d'une transnationale en Amerique latine (Lausanne: Ed. P.M. Favre, 1982) 493pp. (29, rue de Bourg, CH-1200 Lausanne, Suisse). Nestle obtient des benefi- ces dgpassant 1 milliard de francs suisses en 1982. Geant de l'agro- alimentaire au niveau mondial, la transnationale d'origine suisse etend ses ramifications dans tous les continents, connalt un taux de croissance et une rentabilit6 eleves, en particulier dans les pays du Tiers Monde. L'organisation des activites 5 partir d'une strategic globale et l'insertion dans les structures economiques et politiques des pays d'imp- lantation, grace aux collusions avec la bourgeoisie locale, placent Nestle en position dominante dans plusieurs pays. L'auteur confronte le discours ideologique de Nestle aux faits, aux pratiques de l'entreprise au Perou, au Mexique, en Republique Dominicaine, en Colombie, au Bresil, en Equateur. Non seulement il indique des mefaits de la presence de Nestle pour les producteurs, les travailleurs et les consommateurs, mais 11 fait aussi ressortir des effets structurels devenant des contraintes

pour Ie pays h6te. Nestle, 2 l'instar des autres transnationales, est porteuse non seulement d'une technologie mats encore d'une vision du monde, de modSles de consommation, d'une logique propre de developpement et de domination qui mettent en danger l'autonomie collective et la securite alimentaire des populations de ces pays du Tiers Monde.

. Measures Strengthening the Negotiating Capacity of Governments in their Relations with Transnational Corporations, Joint Ventures among Firms in Latin America (New York: United Nations, 1983) 97pp. (Doc. ST/CTC/47, Sales noE.83.11.A.19).

. J.C. Lavigne, Impasses 6nerg6tiques - d6fis au d6veloppement (Paris: Les editions ouvriSres, 1983) 157pp. (12, AV. Soeur-Rosalie, 75621 Paris Cedex 13, France).

. OPEC Seminar 1981, Energy and Development: Options for Global Stra- tegies (Vienne: OPEC, 1982) 336pp. (93 Obere Donaustrasse, 1020 Vienna, Austria).

. Acid Rain - A review of the phenomenon in the EEC & Europe (London: Graham 6 Trotman Ltd., 1983) (Sterling House, 66 Wilton Road, London SW1V IDE, UK).

. Alois G. Englander, (ed.) Lectures and Proceedings of the World Congress, Alternatives and Environment (Vienna: United Nations World, 1980) (27128 Graben, A-1010 Vienna. Austria).

. P. Guidicini e G. Scida (a cura di), Tecnologie, culture e nuove ipotesi di sviluppo (Milano: Franco Angeli Editore, 1983), 252pp. con 7 articoli tradotti del IFDA Dossier (da Rajni Kothari, Ignacy Sachs, Gunnar Aaler-Karlsson, Michel Schiray e Silvia Sigal, Anne Charreyron-Perchet, Rita KashopZ Dixon-Fyle, Vandana Shiva e Jaganto Bandyopadhyay) e un articulo de Roy Preiswerk.

. Julio Godio, Dialogo sindical Norte-Sur, bases para la cooperation, (Caracas: ILDIS, 1982) 471pp.

PERIODICALS

ALA (Arrica, Latin America, Asia) (N09-1981182): "The economic performance of military and civilian governments in independant countries of Sub-Sahara Africa" by Dindembolo-Zaya Kuyena (pp.17-32). (52, A. Goemaerelei, 2000 Antwerpen, Belgium).

. Alternatives (Volume VIII, N04, 1983): "The Mirage of NIEO: Reflections on a Third World Dystopia" by Jimoh Omo-Fadaka (pp.543-550) and "Social Policies in Latin America in the Eighties: New Options" by F.H. Cardoso (pp.553-571). (29 Rajpur Road, Delhi 110054, India).

. Alternatives non violentes (N049, 1973-1983): num6ro special anniversaire (Craintilleux, 42210 Montrond, France).

. Alternatives 6conomiques (N018, 15 sept-15 nov. 1983): Enquste sur une puissance meconnue: la Caisse des Depots (pp.7-9). (57 Bd. de la Motte, 21800 Quetigny, France).

. Am6rique Latine (N015, jui1.-sept. 1983): Dossier, Quo vadis Mexico (pp.26-83). (35 rue des Jeuneurs, 75002 Paris, France).

. The Arab Alternative Futures Dossier (NOIO, oct. 1983): on-~li~nrnent and beyond" by Soedjatmoko (pp.15-18). (PO Box 43 Oman, Cairo, Egypt).

. CEPAL Review (N019, April 1983): "Reflections on the Latin American economy in 1982" by Enrique V. Iglesias (pp.7-50). (ECLA, Casilla 179-D, Santiago, Chile).

. Changing Villages (Vol. 5, N03, May-June 1983): "Better use of red clay to suit professional potters". (Consortium on Rural Technology, A-89 Madhuvan, New Delhi 110092, India).

. CIS Report (N033, Autumn 1983): "Banking on the city" (CIS, 9 Poland Street, London Wl, UK).

. CoEvolution (N013, 6t6 1983): "La mutation ou la mort" (75 rue Perncty, 75014 Paris, France).

. Contemporary Marxism (N07, Fall 1983): "Revolution in Southern Africa" (Synthesis Publications, 2703 Folsom Street, San Francisco, CA 94110, USA).

. Development and Peace (Vol.4, NO1, Spring 1983):"Economic effects of global militarization" by Tomas Szentes (pp.5-34); "Representing the collective economic interest of the Third World: The Group of 77" by Karl P. Sauvant (pp.101); "Irish aid: performance and policies" by Helen O'Neill (pp. 130-147). (PO Box 149, 1389 Budapest, Hungary).

. Economic Analysis (N02, Vol. XVII, 1983): "Workers' participation in the management of enterprises and the ownership and financing of the means of production: a strategy for the transition" by Juan Guillermo-Espinosa (pp. 99-121). (Prosveta Publishing House, 16 Terazije, 11001 Beograd, Yugoslavia).

. Economie et humanisme (N0273, sept.-oct. 1983): Dossier: la mer, 1.37 milliard de kilometres-cubes... et quelques enjeux (14 rue Antoine Dumont, 69372 Lyon Cedex 08, France).

. Economie and Political Weekly (Vol. XVIII, No 19, 20 & 21, 1983): "Malnutrition of rural children and the sex bias" by Amartya Sen and Sunil Sengupta (pp.855-864). (284 Shahid Bhagatsingh Road, Bombay 400 038, India).

. Futuribles (N068, juillet-aoGt 1983): "Une issue pour 1'Etat-providence: le revenu minimum pour tous?" par Keith Roberts (pp.27-57) et (N070, octobre 1983) "Crise 6conomique mondiale et redeploiement des industries" par Christian Com6liau (pp.71-89). (55 rue de Varenne, 75007 Paris, France).

. Gaceta Internacional (Vol.1, NO1, Julio-Septiembre 1983): Une nueva revista trimestral venezolana. Su proposito es servir de foro para el debate, el analisis y el estudio de 10s problemas politicos y economicos internacionales. En el NO1, colaboraciones de Carlos Massad, Aldo Ferrer

y otros sobre el terma "America Latina: crisis economica y endeudamiento extemo" (Apartado 62156, Caracas 1060-A, Venezuela).

. Gensve-Afrique (Vol. XXI, NO1, 1983): "L1esprit de l'education au Rwanda" par Pierre Erny (pp.25-54). (24 rue Rothschild, 1211, Gensve 21, Suisse) . . Habitat International (Vol. 7, No1/2, 1983): "The impact of research on human settlements - the communication factor" by David Aradeon and Susan Aradeon (pp.71-77). (Pergamon Press, Headington Hill Hall, Oxford OX3 OBW, UK).

, La lettre de Solagral (N019, octobre 1983): "Semences, un patrimoine en danger" (5 rue Francois Bizette, 35000 Rennes, France).

. Multinational Monitor (Vol. 4, Noll, November 1983): "Merchants of firewater" by John Cavanagh and Frederick Clairmonte. Excerpts from the suppressed WHO study of the transnational alcohol producers reveal how the brewers are flooding the world with booze (pp.12-16). (PO Box 19405, Washington DC 20036, USA).

. Peuples & liberations (N067, Sept. 1983) : "Pacifisme independant 5 l'Estl' (pp.11-15). (CID-ITECO, 31 rue du Boulet, 1000 Bruxelles, Belgique).

. Public Enterprise (Vol. 3, N04, 1983): "Corporate planning, technology and the role of public enterprises in promoting technological self-reliance in developing countries" by Frank Long (pp.17-28). (PO Box 92, 61109 Ljublijana, Yugoslavia).

. Third World Quarterly (Vol. 5, ~'3, July 1983): "The retreat of multi-lateralism: the international trading system in crisis" by Reinaldo Figueredo (pp.610-617) and (Vol. 5, N04, October 1983): "Energy and international security in the 1980s: realities or misperceptions?" by Miguel Wionczek (pp.839-847) and "Australia and the Third World" by Keith Suter (pp.861-873). (New Zealand House, 80 Haymarket, London SWlY 4TS. UK).

. The Tribune (N022, 1st quarter 1983): "The decade for women 1985 and beyond" (disponible aussi en franeais, NO1, juin 1983) and (N023. 2nd quarter 1983): "Women and media 2". (International Women's Tribune Centre, 305 East 46th Street, New York, N.Y. 10017, USA).

. Women's International Bulletin (N028): "International women and new technology conference" (BP 50, 1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland).

, Women at Work (?l, 1983): "The right to work: is it equal for women?" by Krishna Ahooja-Pate1 (ILO, 1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland).

TO OUR READERS

The IFDA Dossier mailing list is approaching 12,000 addresses all over

the world. So as to make its management a bit easier, we have

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THEY HAD THIS TO SAY

OLAF PALME: J'AIME LES FACI F1 STES - Que pensez-vous des mouvements pacifistes? - Je les aime bien. Je trouve qu'ils incarnent l'un des rares senti- ments absolument sains. Ces gens ont compris qu'une guerre atomique n'gtait pas quelque chose d'abstrait, mais au contraire de trGs concret, que tout sera detruit et que cela se passera en Europe. Voila ce qu'ils ont decouvert et voila ce dont U s ne veulent pas. On dit que ce sont des extremistes, mais ce n'est pas vrai, ce sont des pretres, des jeunes, des femes, des travaillistes. I1 n'y a pas deux cent mille extr6mistes aux Pays-Bas. N'oubliez pas qu'il y avait un million de manifestants 5 Central Park. Non, ce ne sont pas des extremistes, mais des gens qui ont decouvert que la guerre nucleaire enlsverait tout sens a leur metier, 5 leur vocation. Come 1'a dit Gunther Grass, s'il y a une guerre nuclgaire, meme la poesie, pas seulement les postes, dispa- raltra. Mais le mouvement pacifiste en arrive maintenant a sa deuxisme etape, et c'est alors qu'on va savoir s'il se d6veloppera en une secte extriimiste fanatique, violence, ou s'il debouchera sur une discussion approfondie bade sur les faits. (Le Monde, 20 mai 1983)

WILL IAM COLBY: BACKING THE NUCLEAR FREEZE (The former head of the CIA has joined the public debate on nuclear arms control on the side of the Catholic bishops and the nuclear freeze movement).

"I felt his way long before the bishop's letter came out and, in fact, I helped to some degree in explaining the issue to Catholic groups, I figure the priests can take care of the moral aspects and I'll talk about the practical aspects" (. ..) "It is clear to me that the arms race has us on the verge of another one of these terrible destabilizing steps that is moving us toward a hair-trigger world with all this talk of launch under attack. My God, we're talking about the fate of the world". (International Herald Tribune, 18 June 1983)

BENIGNO AQUINO: NO LIFE IS WORTH A LIE After five years in jail, Benigno Aquino wrote to his sister, Lupita: "I even went on a 40-day hunger strike... There were times when my des- peration was so deep. But I believe no life is worth a lie. Things are either right or wrong, and life is worth living only if one acted with some consistency. To submit, to yield and to surrender to the forces of oppression is to give ourselves to despair. But to act, to resist, no matter how puny the resistance, still preserves for us a hope that we stand erect". (International Herald Tribune, 23 August 1983)

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