Separate Telangana Movement: Territorial Versus Democratic

The paper deals with the Separate Telangana Movement: the issues and the concerns that

are involved in it. It concentrates on the brief history of Andhra Pradesh in general and

Telangana region in particular. It tries to analyze reasons for the movement and also deals

with the three phases of the movement that includes political, economical, cultural and

social scenario of the region starting from the 1940s till 2009. The study intends to study

societal activism, Dalit perspective and the political developments. It also deals with the

response of the government towards the Telangana movement. Study intended to

interview the scholars, academicians, artists, activists, students to comprehend and justify

the given objectives effectively. The study also tries to understand the Telangana

Movement and try asses either people of the Telangana need merely geographical or

territorial separate Telangana state or democratic Telangana state.

Indian political system is witnesses the complex, critical and complicated social system.

It also witnesses the different regions with varied cultures, geographical conditions and

developmental scenario. India is passing through the combination of both the traditional

and modernity. State is gradually withdrawing its responsibilities from the welfare

responsibilities. It resulted in the spurt in people’s movement since two decades. It is well

know fact that in Indian system there are many issues involved. For instance, the political

fragmentation and linguistic regional insulation; hierarchical social division

institutionalized inequality, cultural-ethnic diversity and social intolerance were the basic

characteristics of traditional India. These multiple dimensions had shaped the nature and

type of social movements. The nationalist ideology subsumed the divergent social

movements encompassing into Indian liberation movement. All the spiritual national

leaders participated in the national movement irrespective of their caste and culture

without selfishness and personal interests but it is argued that positive outlook is lacking

in post-independence India. The Nationalist spirit withered away very soon. Negative

aspects like the denial of access to productive resources, social discrimination, and

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patriarchal values became a common phenomenon. Hence it resulted in emergence of

social movements continued and revived. 1

It is well known fact that the outcomes of a movement could be seen in terms of social,

political and economic change, some times structural and non-structural. However, the

state has the power to formulate new public policies or to modify the existing public

policies within the constitutional framework in response to the demands of different

social movements. Thus, social movements through the state and its actions initiate and

determine public policy. Ultimately the social movements are the result of the failure of

policies. The movements also work against the discrimination on all the grounds i.e.

caste, creed, gender and untouchability. The movements also strive for the access of

decent earnings, education and health to all that are the main components of human

development. The emergence or recurrence of social movements can be explained in

terms of the failure of the state at different levels of the policy cycle.2

These movements emerged around the issues of caste, class, region, and language. The

different types of movements: women, Dalit, tribal, agrarian, farmers, regional

movement, identity and human rights movements exist based on the socio-economic

characteristics of the participants. All these are aimed at acquiring due spaces for

different sections of populations and the regions that had denied systematically in the

economy, political and in the development process. Andhra Pradesh political scenario is

not an exception to this phenomenon. The movements are an attempt to negotiate with

the state, market and civil society.3

Impact of the other people’s movements in Andhra Pradesh:

The state of Andhra Pradesh has a distinct place in the history of social movements in

India. Andhra Pradesh was almost a laboratory for international institutions or

experimenting with economic reforms. The State also witnessed the movements against

1 Ghanshyam Shah, Social Movements and The State, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 2002. 2 Ibid.3 Ibid.

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the reforms. Against the reforms, different social groups are participated/still

participating in the movements down the line ranging from the extreme left to

autonomous groups. It also witnessed anti liquor movement, movement against the

globalization, separate Telangana movement, Naxalite movement, and so on. Especially

Telangana now stands on the verge of another movement for liberation from aliens and

for participatory democracy. The demand for small states are considered as a demand for

the responsible and participatory politics. The Telangana movement of 1969 was the first

Indian struggle for economic and cultural autonomy. The movement going on now has

added a demand for social emancipation. This is as it should be. The whole world is

moving towards liberation from racism, sexism and casteism. The Telangana has stood in

the vanguard of such movements for the last fifty years and awaits correct leadership.

The Dalit and tribal movements in the state were the first in the country in demanding

reservation within reservation among Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes

(STs). The violation of civil rights ensured by the constitution especially in Andhra

Pradesh where the presence of radical left parties resulted in frequent infringement of

civil rights resulted in the civil rights movement. The recent resurgence of the movement

for land indicated the renewed demand for the distribution of land to the landless. The

long survival of the movement for a separate Telangana is an indicator of the many

regional identity movements in the country.4

Brief history and politics of Telangana Region:

To understand the relevance of Telangana movement study intends to emphasize its

historical background of the region. The Andhra Pradesh of today is a state of twenty-

three districts which corresponds fairly accurately to the area in which Telugu language

and culture are dominant. The state is divided into three well-defined sub-regions: the

Delta, Rayalaseema and Telangana. For most administrative purposes the Delta and

Rayalaseema are treated as one. The Delta, well irrigated and fertile, is the most

prosperous and wealthy of three sub regions; Telangana region relatively backward

4 Human Development Report-2007, Andhra Pradesh, Centre for Economic and Social Studies (CESS), Vidhya Graphics, Hyderabad, 2008, pp.19-21.

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economically. Rayalaseema is a dry, infertile area, subject to frequent droughts and

famine. Telangana is one among the three regions of Andhra Pradesh, which consist of

ten districts including Hyderabad which is the capital city of the State of AndraPradesh.

During the pre- independence period Telangana was part of the Hyderabad State. The

princely State of Hyderabad was under the control of Nizam rule, which consisted of

three linguistic regions Marathi, Kannada and Telugu. Telangana was the Telugu

speaking region of Hyderabad. Telangana region is located in the western part of Andhra

Pradesh. Earlier Asaf Jahis ruled the State of Hyderabad. It came out of the ruins of

Bahamani and Qutub Shahi kingdoms and formed a polygonal tract occupying the centre

of Deccan Plateau. The Nizam’s State comprised three linguistic regions, viz. Telangana,

Marathwada and Karnataka. For the purpose of Administration the entire State was

divided into four Subas i.e. Warangal and Medak (Telangana) Aurangabad (Marathwada)

and Gulbarga (Karnataka). The Telangana region that formed a part of the Nizam’s

Dominion represented the unique Deccan culture. Even though India got independence in

1947, the Hyderabad state did not get freedom at that time. They remained unfree till the

year 1948. After police action under the leadership of Sardar Vallabai Patel, the state was

merged with the Indian union. In the year 1956 the regions was merged with Andhra

region (it was a part of Madras presidency) based on language i.e. Telugu.5

The jagirdars system of landholdings seems to have stood in the way of agricultural

development: “ though endowed with fairly good rainfall averaging 35.2 inches annually,

the poor soil and the rugged country seem to present a handicap to intensive agricultural

development. Besides, the agrarian conditions under the Jagirdar system in the olden days

did not seem to have provided adequate incentives to the ryot to attempt any intensive

cultivation. In the early years of present century the Nizam’s government constructed a

major irrigation scheme based on the Nizamsagar dam, thereby making Nizamabad the

most prosperous district in Telangana district. The rule of the Nizams was autocratic and

the official language, both in politics and education, was Urdu. The people of Telangana

were effectively insulted from the Telugu renaissance and both their language and their

5 Tajuddin, Md, Role of State and NGOs in issues of Food Security: A Case Study Of DDS, Medak District, , unpublished Diassertation, Centre for Regional Studies, University of Hyderabad, 2004, pp.5-6.

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culture came under strong Islamic and Urdu influences. Popular participation in politics

was actively discouraged, and the Indian National Congress was cautious about extending

the national struggle to the princely states. It was not until 1938 that a Hyderabad state

was formed, only to banned shortly after by Hyderabad State Congress was formed, only

to banned shortly after by the Nizam, and until 1951 was the Hyderabad Congress

merged with the Indian Congress. Within the Hyderabad Congress there were three

provincial Congress Committees, one for each of the three lingistic areas of Karnataka,

Marthwada, and Telangana.

Telangana was part of Hyderabad state during this period, there was a serious dislocation

of power owing to the accession, by force, into the farme work of Indian bourgeois state

and the restruturisation Telangana countryside through methods of repressive domination

between 1948 – 52. Its rich peasantry, thwarted both by the landlords and the Nizam’s

State in the preceding years, more importantly by its separation from trading activity, its

initial participation in the peasant movement, its not so enthusiastic identification with

communist party had blunted its edge in the post-police action period. The collapse of

Nizam’s tiny but powerful bureaucracy and its replacement by the local bureaucracy in

the subsequent years had left with little scope for a coalition between itself, the weak

political elite and the not so expansive, not much surplus generating rural rich. The

legitimacy of the political elite of Telangana was very weak by all standards, especially

in comparison with Andhra elite.

The people of Telangana were late in becoming politically mobilized, and the neither the

masses nor the elite were involved in the movement for the setting up of Andhra Pradesh.

This had been ininitially led by Telugu Brahmins who were predominance in the

administration in the legal and educational system of the existing Madras Presidency. But

nevertheless Brahmin dominance was gradually challenged by the rising non-Brahmin

castes, particularly the Kammas and Reddis, who tended initially to support the Justice

Party and the Andhra Movement, finding themselves at loggerheads with each other only

after the setting up of Andhra Pradesh in 1953. None of these events seemed to attract or

involve the people of Telangana to any great extent, nor was any attempt made to

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mobilize them politically. They were only marginalized affected by the Telugu

renaissance, presumably because their rather Urduized and unliterary Telugu was

despised by the people of the Circars. Congress, was very slow to involve the people of

the Princely states in the national struggle; here again the people of Hyderabad acted

mainly as spectators. The non-Brahmin movement did not spread to Telangana or

politicize the people because Brahmins had never been as dominant under a Muslim

Nizam as they became in neighbouring parts of British India. They are not even the

horizontal political mobilized group based on the caste which has been so characteristic

of linguistic politics, cross the Hyderabad state. After the police action Hyderabad

remained as a separate political entity. Indeed, there was a certain amount of public

feeling against the division of the state on a linguistic basis: on June 16, 1952, a motion

in the Hyderabad Legislative Assembly for the dismemberment of the state was defeated

by 79 votes to 63. Aware of their backwardness, mulkis feared exploitation at the hands

of their fellows in Andhra. Telangana played no part in the agitation which resulted in the

setting up of the state of Andhra Pradesh in 1953, composed of Telugu districts formerly

in Madras. The national leadership of Congress seemed to flirt with the idea that

Hyderabad might be retained as a multilingual state, a kind of bastion against linguistic

feelings.

The four coastal districts, known as the Northern Circars, developed rapidly under British

administration and particularly from the Krishna and Godavari rivers for agriculture. The

Circars became the most prosperous part of the Telugu country and the rice-bowl of

Andhra enjoying the benefits of a stable and enlightened administration. Between

1946-1956, the Andhra region’s agrarian bourgeoisie with rural petty-bourgeoiseise is its

ally had very much come into their own as factors of decisive importance; especially

since 1953 when Andhra State was carved out as their exclusive zone of operation. The

combination of commercialized agri-produce and trading of the same had brought

realized surplus, which went into and were still going into same activity. The highly

commercialized rice, tobacco, sugarcane, its trade and industries based on these agro-

produce were not separate ventures but enterprises highly interconnected and owned and

operated by one and the same class of people. Centered in the coastal districts they were

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an ever-expanding rural rich and the political elite in the region that emerged during this

phase. The origins of this class were a highly self- conscious, activated group that forged

a regional ideological solidarity through Andhra and Visalandhra projects. The

bureaucratic elite had also forged a link with these political elite sharing the same

commitment to regional ideology. Separate Andhra state fitted not only with their

political ambition but also their psychological make-up. (35-36) Real strength of this

change however lay not just in the sphere of production alone but in intellectual

ideological wisdom, matured bourgeois mindset and politics of the Andhra political

intelligentsia. These new ideas of development versus backwardness were spread by this

generation of political class. To know more about the nature of political class, the initial

rise of individuals as leaders depended on the castes consciousness, numerical strength of

the caste and the degree of social hegemony.

Caste and Cultural Composition of three regions:

Telangana has been primarily a territory of adivasis and nomads, pastoral and service

castes, artisans and leather workers. It was because of their composition Telangana has

become, in popular perception, a symbol of people’s rebellion. Telangana movement

means the movement of service caste, artisans, nomads, and pastoral communities.

Telangana was made up of their history their life and their culture. Telangana

subsequently lost its identity and had to satisfy with history of their struggles, sacrifices

and even loss of lives and its past was attributed to suit political interests of those who

established their power over Vishalandhra. Their valor, sacrifices were appropriated by

the leaders of Andhra type.

The modernizing castes produced the individuals of their castes as leaders and they in

turn hegemonized the political parties. Political parties, in such scenario, came under the

control of the castes. The Kammas, Reddys and Brahmins as communities organized in

Telangana and Andhra regions promoted their leadership. The Reddy community in

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Hyderabad and homogenized Kamma peasant community in Andhra regions pushed

many of their caste men as their leaders. The castes, in fact, transformed as close knit

communities with harmonized characteristics identified themselves with regions of their

influence. The historical tragedy was the castes as organs of social/political entities were

strengthened, and further the regions came to be known in the name of castes – Andhra as

Kamma region and Telangana as Reddy region. Brahmins as protagonists of literary

culture occupied intellectual and cultural forums for Andhrisation of Telugus remained as

men of letters however their overriding intellectual positions were severely challenged by

the Kammas and Reddys. 6

When new power structure was constituted during 1947 to 1956 for the formation of

Hyderabad/Vishalandhra state the landed gentry of Telangana and peasant entrepreneurs

of Andhra vied each other with contempt but joined together against the lower castes.

They could turn the fighting communities into followers and carriers of their agendas.

Modern ideologies of linguistic state, land reforms and abolition of feudalism were

products of the modern educated intelligentsia that virtually brought the militant

communities under their control. Political parties that worked with such fashionable

programmes and agendas were resulted in organizations of the educated intelligentsia

who recruited people into it to obey their leadership.

There are no fundamental differences on the issue of caste between the three sub regions.

The same castes tend to have a horizontal spread throughout the state. Kamma

concentrated in the Delta districts sometimes known as Kamma Rastra, while the

Reddy’s are heavily centered in Rayalaseema. In Telangana the Reddy’s are

predominant. There is a tendency for traditional Reddy caste ties and factual conflicts to

disregard the sub regional boundaries. The principal castes in the three sub regions are

the same, although there are certainly interesting minor differences in caste configuration

between Telangana, Rayalaseema and Andhra. The socio-cultural space of Telangana is

different from that of Andhra. The presence of caste structures differs from Andhra as the

geography varies largely from one another. Hilly, forest, pastoral and feudal life shaped

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professional castes and consequent consciousness of the Telangana as against that of

Andhra whose peasant/caste ethic of exploitation was determined by the coastal plains

and colonial rule.

These two paradigmatically different structures (Telangana and Andhra) were brought

together in 1956, not as a solution to Telangana’s many problems but as a contribution to

the requirements of the Andhra rich and their allies. The merger that came about took

place at the level of political and administrative arrangements. The elite structures of

Andhra parties and lobbies proceeded to subordinate their Telangana counterparts taking

advantage of their weakness and inexperience in bourgeois mode of arrangements. It was

at the level of bureaucratic elite that the subordinate of Telangana’s officials at the apex

was carried out through change of rules of service. Nothing in the State Reorganization

Act nor in the Gentlemen’ s Agreement could present this. The mulki rules were not

applicable to upper strata. The politico-bureaucratic elite could immediately be seen to be

divided on two levels, the dominant Andhra segment and the subordinate Telangana

section. However, no bureaucracy functions without a hierarchically organized,

numerically bigger, lower administrative functionaries. After an initial hesitation, the

mulki rules were flouted to bring in more Andhra employees. A process so started does

not stop at that and acquires a momentum of its own, which in the case of Telangana

bypassed even the qualified Telangana people. Discrimination was abetted by a system of

spoils, which was practiced with impunity by the Andhra political elite with a lot more

audacity than in the initial stages. If sub regional distinctiveness cannot often be traced to

caste, cultural, or linguistic factors, it is clear that a history of division goes far to create

sub-regional feelings within a broad cultural region. Andhra has a long history of unity,

but in the middle of eighteenth century it was broken up. Most of it came under British

rule, but Telangana remained under India rule as part of the territories of the Nizam of

Hyderabad. Telangana therefore has a separate political history of two centuries. There is

a widespread feeling that aspirations of Telangana people were undermined in all

spheres, i.e. social, economic and political which resulted in demanding of a separate

Telangana state.7 Hence, it is historical necessary for the people of Telangana to demand

7 Demand for Telangana state took place when Andhra Pradesh has formed separate state in 1950s.

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for the separate statehood for the overall development that includes self-rule and self-

respect as Amartya Sen argued.

Separate Telangana Movement: The Issues:

In the separate Telangana movement, people from several walks of life are involved:

intellectuals, artists, women, Tribals, revolutionary groups, students and teacher

associations. All political parties have its own agenda and stand on the demand of

Telangana separate state. This movement has many dimensions- Social, economic,

political, cultural, linguistic, backwardness, industry, agriculture, the sentiment of People

of the region. Many scholars argue that it has been neglected by the government in

developmental activities. The people of Telangana also feel that they looked down their

culture and language by the Andhra region and reduced their status as second citizens in

the name of language in their own homeland. Hence it is argued, In fact, it is not just the

question of development, but it includes the self-respect of people.8

Historical Reasons for Separate Telangana Statehood Movement:

The newly-created State had more resources now. But the Andhra rich farmers who had

secured assurances from its coalitional partners, namely the politico-administrative elite,

would now want that it be provided with conditions to increase surplus. The period

ending with the mid-sixties, in which there was relative political stability, coincided with

the expansion of infrastructure for wider internal market and compulsory procurement of

food grains by the government. The expansion of education brought more qualified

people from Andhra into Telangana. Telangana’s qualified men and women were slow to

come in, the new educational institutions needed for the new system being opened only in

the late 1950s, Public works brought in contractors and transporters from Andhra. They

might have stopped coming Telangana if the government intervened to increase the rural

incomes and promote the potential rich. Tenancy reforms resulted in the increase small-

8 Jayashankar, Consensus on Telangana State: Facts, Mallepalli Rajyam Memorial Trust, Hyderabad, 2006.

10

scale production; very few agrarian rich could acquire meaningful surplus. Increased

irrigation facilities were the only way that could have brought prosperity to sections of

Telangana peasantry.9 37-38 Harinath argues the sustained pressure and combined

activity of Andhra ruling coalition concentrated its efforts to bring more water from

Telangana area for bigger surpluses. The Andhra agrarian rich did not, from the

beginning, want a competitive section from Telangana that would spoil its attempt to

perpheralise Telangana into small-commodity producing peasantry. The Andhra political

elites were instrumental in realizing this negative aspiration by scuttling all the attempts

of the Telangana subordinate elite through a tight network of lobby system. the peripheral

nature of Telangana’s economy was reinforced by the government’s cutting down of size

and outlay of Telangana irrigation projects and by increasing the supply of water from

Telangana to Andhra region by floating legal norms and arrangements( Nagarjunasagar,

Pochampadu). The irrigation and engineering bureaucracy, which dominated by Andhra

component was a crucial input in favour of Andhra rural rich. Andhra region as an

advantaged area began to take shape now. Disparities were created and protected by the

Andhra ruling elite that served as a mechanism in perpetuating this process. Telangana

was slowely but surely turned from a periphery into a colony by the middle of the sixties.

the systematic transfer of resources through the governmental net work had started,

water, coal and electriclty being the primary targets of such transfer. The monetary

siphoning continued to priority areas in coastal Andhra. Besides being converted into a

peripheral backward area, Telangana was paying more taxes in the form of higher

agricultural tax rates and excise tax.10 Author critically assess that the Andhra leadership

still continuing all the ill treatment meted out to them by the Tamil ruling class in the old

Madras Presidency and transferred the injury to the people of Telangana. But it was not

merely a collective psychological problem but was the lust for power and money of the

feudal classes of the Andhra area (Kammas, Reddys and Brahmins). Thus, Telangana

people were fooled and treated like subordinates, totally losing their self-respect. Soon

they lost most of their lands too as a result of Naxalite movement while Reddys of

9 Harinath P, Telangana: the Peripheralisation, Colonization and Marginalization of a region ( in edited) Simhadri P & Rao, Vishweshwer P.L, Telangana: Dimensions of Underdevelopment, Centre for Telangana Studies, 1997, pp. 38-39

10 Ibid. pp. 38-39

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Rayalaseema continued to hold on to their lands and despotic power inspite of land

reforms. They subjected Telangana feudals to every type of humiliation imaginable. Yet a

character from this class betrayed the great peoples’ movement for Telangana of

1968-1972. (7) Scholars argue the Naxalite movement itself was a product of the betrayal

of the 1968-1972 movement as also tardy implementation of land reforms by the Coastal

area –Rayalaseema feudal coalition. It is absurd to say that there is no feudalism in

Andhra area. It is a totally casteist system too. A marauding capitalism has been

superimposed on a casteist and feudal society. All the contradictions of the Andhra area

are sought to be resolved by involving oppressed sections into a wholesale exploitation of

Telangana. Wholesale exploitation of Telangana resources for the benefit of the Andhra

area is accompanied by attacks on the way of life of Telangana people. In fact, the

insistence on the formation of Andhra Pradesh was itself with the intention of taking

control of Telangana resources.11 (7-8)

It is also argued that the root of the aspirations for (Sub) regional autonomy in India is the

fact of uneven development. Uneven development is multi-dimensional-economic, social,

political and cultural dimensions seen in their inter-relationship. Uneven development is

both historically determined and politically enforced process.(52) Large linguistic states,

as the experience of the last four decades shows, have strengthened the grip of dominant

caste/classes of the advanced regions over the economy, society and politics of the states,

including the backward regions, which by galvanizing the resources-mater and cultural –

ideological at their command have furthered their hegemony over the backward areas and

the increasingly impoverished subaltern castes/classes. The consequence of this is the

‘internal colonization’. Evidence of this is the dominant presence of the

‘outsiders’/settlers in all sectors of social life in the backward areas. It is a vindication of

their dominance that the upper caste/class leadership of the advanced regions and has for

this reason not only displayed indifference to the problems of the backward areas but in

fact actively professed ‘integration’. Further, the Left with economistic class

reductionism sought to reduce the question of uneven development almost exclusively

to the logic of capitalist development. Though the trajectory of capitalist transformation

11 Op.cit.

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forms the context, in which regional unevenness and injustice is structured yet it cannot

simply be equated with nor can it be understood solely in terms of nationality defined

principally in terms of language.12

A Demand for Separate State and Comparison of Different Phases:

The issue of separate State is not a new phenomenon. It has its own history since

independence, however if we look at the demand for a separate State of Telangana into

three distinct phases form 1948 to the present.

I Phase: 1948 – 1956

When India got independence in 1947, at the time Hyderabad State was under the control

of Nizam Ruler Meer Usman Ali Khan. On 13 September 1948 the Government of India

launched Police Action on Hyderabad. By 17 September 1948 Police Action was

completed and Union Government integrates Nizam State into Indian Union. After the

general election of 1952 the first popular ministry headed by B. Ramakrishna Rao took

charge of the Hyderabad State. Later it was integrate with the Telugu speaking Andhra

region, which was a part of Madras Presidency until 1953. After the Police Action,

officials were brought from costal district of Andhra to Hyderabad State for

“Administrative convenience”. But it led to agitation against non mulkis (outsiders) in

August, 1952. The agitation was popularly known as the Mulki Movement. The students

from the Telangana region actively participated in the movement which was suppressed

by the authorities. The 1952 agitation is significant because it shaped the attitude of the

people towards the issue of State Reorganization. The demand for separate Telangana

State had its roots from the Mulki Movement. Though this movement was not articulated

by political groups until the question of state Reorganization became a reality

Sate Reorganization Commission:

12 Srinivasulu. K, The Thesis on the Question of Small States, in Simhadri P & Rao, Vishweshwer P.L, Telangana: Dimensions of Underdevelopment, Centre for Telangana Studies, 1997, pp.53

13

After the formation of Andhra State in October 1953, the demand for the creation of other

linguistic states acquire prominent place. On Oct 22, 1953 the State Reorganization

Commission was set up by the Government of India, headed by Fazal Ali. This

Commission recommended that the Telugu speaking people of Hyderabad State should

have separate State by the name of Telangana. By February 1956, the idea of separate

State was dropped and formed a single State called- Andhra Pradesh comprising of

Andhra and Telangana by Gentlemen’s Agreement (20 Feb, 1956). It was subscribed to

by the leaders of both Andhra and Telangana, in a way underwritten by the Central

Government embodied certain safeguards to the people of Telangana with regard to

employment, economic development and educational facilities. This agreement cleared

the way for the formation of the single State of Andhra Pradesh on November 1956. One

of the conditions of the agreement was, if the Chief Minister is from Andhra, Deputy

Chief Minister should be from Telangana. But this agreement was violated in 1956 itself

when Neelam Sanjiva Reddy became the first C.M. of A.P. refused to name any

Telangana Minister as Deputy C.M. And also Telangana people felt that Gentlemen’s

Agreement violated all the safeguards of the Telangana region. All these leads to a

massive revolt of the people of the region in 1968 – 1969 demanding separate statehood

for Telangana region from the State of Andhra Pradesh.

II PHASE 1968 – 1973: Telangana Agitation

The failure of Gentlemen’s Agreement and some other reasons were made path towards

the rise of Telangana agitation. Telangana people thought that there was an imbalance

between the two regions had been neglected in many aspects. The employment problem

and the delaying in implementation of the Mulki rules were the main aspects that being

neglected by the governments since the formation of single state and only very little was

done to set right this imbalance. All these lead to the agitation called Telangana Agitation

within the region of Telangana. This agitation took a violent turn in certain areas of the

region because unfortunately on 20 January 1969 police opened fire on the agitating

students at Hyderabad leads to so many deaths. Several political parties in the state have

14

also been actively involved in the agitation. Later a separate organization known as

Telangana Praja Samiti was formed under the Chairmanship of Channa Reddy in 1969

later it was turned as a political party. In September 1971 Bramananda Reddy who was

the C.M. of Andhra Pradesh, resigned his position to make room for a Telanganite to

become the Chief Minister and few days later P.V.Narasimha Rao became first Chief

Minister from Telangana. The second half of 1960s brought in a change situation through

application of Green Revolution techniques, b) development of infrastructure, c)

expanding irrigation, d) building dams, e) providing seed farms and fertilizer and f)

giving greater access to credit and other material and financial inputs and f) giving

greater access to credit and other material and financial inputs. Every aspect of these

measures was rigorously developed and provided to the already commercialized rich

farmers, who as a result, turned into capitalist farmers and the most profit-oriented class.

All of them were in Andhra. It created new prosperity in the core area. Due to the

concentration of Green Revolution’s means of production taken from Telangana area, and

technology in the Andhra capitalist farms, the efficiency and labour productivity of these

farms was greater than backward ones in Telangana. Under these internal colonial

conditions, agricultural market price is determined by the price of production of capitalist

agriculture that accumulated by the Andhra region elites. Telangana agitation of 1968-69

comes in the background of these developments in Andhra Pradesh. The fall in

employment opportunities and flouting of mulki rules brought into sharp focus the

underdeveloped region’s plight. 13

During the Chief Ministership of P.V. Narasimha Rao, Andhra Pradesh witnessed another

agitation. This time in the Andhra region. The agitation was the outcome of the Supreme

Court’s judgment on what was known as the “Mulki Rules”. The people of the Andhra

region who wants the immediate abolition of the Mulki rules were taken back. People of

Andhra region felt that their dignity and honor could be safe guarded only in a separate

state of their own. In order to achieve a separate Andhra State they started an agitation

popularly known as the Jai Andhra movement. Sensing the changed mood of the people

the central Government held discussions with leaders of both regions and evolved what is

13 Ibid. p. 40

15

known as the Six Point Formula in 1973. Abolition of mulki rules and Telangana

Regional Committee and establishment of a Central University at Hyderabad were the

important points of the formula. With the result of Six Point Formula, the State was

divided into seven zones within the framework of three regions, namely Coastal Andhra,

Rayalaseema and Telangana, treating the capital city as a separate entity.

III PHASE: 1990 onwards

In the decade of 1990s once again separate Telangana movement had started by the few

individuals and organizations. There were many ups and downs in the movement but the

movement continued, undaunted by betrayals. Twice every year large numbers gathered

at the Martyrs Memorials in Secundrabad and Hyderabad and paid tributes to martyrs. In

January, 1986 some activists decided to form ‘Telangana Information Trust’. Soon “Ma

Telangana” was launched, which was closed down after sevn months due to financial

troubles. More than a thousand people had gathered at its inaugural function at Basant

Talkies, Kachiguda. Around 1991 two organizations, Telangana Students Front and

Telangana Liberation Students Organization were launched in Osmania University. In

1992 the Kakatiya Unit of Telangana Students Front was formed. A national seminar on

small states was held in landscape Gardens and Tagore Auditorium in August 1993.

Surendra Mohan inaugurated the conference and Justice Madava Reddy addressed the

gathering. George Fernandez addresses the concluding session. (12) Stirrings of a new

movement could be clearly seen in Warangal on 1st November 1996 at the Telangana

Praja Samithi convention attended by more than five thousand delegates from all parts of

Telangana. The Hyderabad convention was held on 1st December 1996 and after that a

series of conferences, group and public meetings have been held at Godavarikhani,

Karimnagar, Siddipet, Jangaon, Aler, Ghanpur, Nizamabad, Khamma, Nalgonda, the old

city of Hyderabad and Bhongir. The Bhongir conference and the public meeting proved

to be a turning point. The Bhongir conference was addressed among others by Kaloji

Naran Rao, Dr. Jayashankar, Prof. P. L. Vishweshwara Rao and others. (13) There was a

meeting on 29- 30 December 1997 at Waranagal, Gaddar and people’s poet Kaloji was

also participated. Before the movement was held, unknown persons threatened Gaddar

16

that if he participates in the movement, they will kill on the stage itself with the help of

bomb blast. But Gaddar participated and written a song called “nee Patanai

vastunnanammo maa ammalara- Nee padalaku vandalammo maa ammalara”. Kaloji

sad in his speech those who are threatened Gaddar, let them kill him and Gaddar if they

have dare enough to kill them. There were three lakh people were participated in the

meeting.14

The emotions and forces generate by the movement were not strong enough, however a

demand for separate statehood was continuing. But in 1990’s once again the issue of

separate state rises up when Bharathiya Janatha Party promised for separate Telangana

State if they came to power. But the BJP could not create separate Telangana State

because of the opposition from its coalition partners, Telugu Desam Party. These

developments brought new life into separate Telangana movement by the year 2000.

Congress party MLA’s from Telangana region, supported the separate Telangana State

and formed a Telangana Congress Legislators Forum. In another development, a new

party called Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) was formed by K. Chandra Shekar Rao in

2001 with the single agenda of a creating separate Telangana State with Hydarebad as its

capital. It argued that Telangana is excluded from all sorts of developments and

opportunities in political power that made them dream of Telangana as a separate state.

Hence, it is essential to pressurize the state through people’s movements. Through which

they are expecting inclusive, strengthen and deepen the democracy. Exclusion means not

merely social and economic marginalization of the sections but also the regions. The

Telangana movement once again became the essential phenomenon in Indian politics

after the formation of Telangana Rastra Samiti in 2001 by K. Chandrasekara Rao on the

issue of Telangana. He has taken up the protests and demonstrations against the TDP

government for the implementations of the 610 GO, employment to the Telangana youth,

construction of irrigation projects through which party demand separate Telangana state

with the support of the youth, employees, teacher, women, artists and intellectuals. He

campaigned all over the Telangana and explained the backwardness of Telangana and its

culture, importance of local gods and goddess and explained how their culture and

14 Varavara Rao, Veshala Aikya Sangatana, Andhra Jyothi, 16.12.08, p.4.

17

language being undermined by the leaders of Andhra from all the political parties. TRS

held training classes for the students and the youth to explain the reasons for separate

state. In these classes, they explained how their language, culture was undermined and

betrayed by the leaders of the Andhra region. TRS promised employment to the youth,

chief ministership for Dalits, Deputy Chief Minister for Minorities. Then, later A.

Narendra formed the party and named as Telangana Sadana Samti and participated in the

local body elections and Hyderabad municipal election –2001 but could not gain the

people’s support, hence he merged his party with the TRS. Then, later Ms. Vijayashanti,

film actress turned politician formed the Telangana Talli Party for the cause of separate

Telangana State. Along with the political parties, artists are active in the movement. But

in before the general elections, she joined the TRS and contested from the Medak Lok

Sabha and won the elections.

In 2004, for Assembly and Parliamentary Elections, Congress Party and TRS had an

electoral alliance in Telangana region with the promise of separate Telangana State.

Congress came to power in the State and formed Coalition government in the Centre.

TRS joined the Coalition government in 2004 and was successful in making separate

Telangana State as a part of the Common Minimum Programme (CMP) of the Coalition

government. In September 2006 TRS withdrew support for the Congress led coalition

government at the Centre on the grounds of indecision in the government and the delivery

of its electoral promise to create Telangana. In December 2006, TRS won the bye-

election to Karimnagar Parliamentary Constituency which is considered by many as a

referendum on Telengana State with a record margin. Once again, all the MPs and MPs

who were elected on TRS party symbol resigned to their membership and went for the

bye-elections but they lost the elections. After the bey-elections, there was a debate once

again on the Telangana. one section of the people argued, people of Telangana doesn’t

want separate statehood as TRS lost the half of their setting seats. The political

formulations have changed. Devenadar Goud along with Peddi Reddy were come out

from Telugu Desam Party and formed a new party i.e. Nava Telangana Party. With this

pressure, TDP also agreed to bifurcate the Andhra Pradesh and supported Telangana state

demand. With the result, there was a lot of pressure on congress High Command for

18

creating a separate State. During the time of campaign, K.C.R. addressed a seminar on

Small States held at University of Hyderabad by saying that TRS is not for repeat of 1969

violence and the party wants the State to be bifurcated peacefully. He said this is not a

fight between two races, they are demanding a restoration of Telangana State which

existed already once. On the other hand a section of Congress leaders are supporting

Telangana within the party those who are from Telangana region. CWC member and

senior M.P. G. VenkataSwamy lead the Telangana group said there would be no

compromise on their stand. We will continue the agitation till the UPA Government

concedes the demand for separate State.

From the Congress point of view, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh are two major States

which can make the party’s fortune to wrest or retain power at the Centre, since both U.P.

and Bihar have slipped out of hands of the party almost two decades ago. A.P. and

Maharashtra together have 90 LokSabha seats. If Maharashtra and A.P. too are bifurcate,

this may prove to be politically disastrous for the Congress. So bifurcation of A.P. would

reduce the capacity of the Congress to garner sizable number of seats because regional

and sub- regional parties may gain upper hand in the bifurcated portions. So Dr. Y.S.

Rajashekar Reddy is saying that it would not be possible for UPA government to concede

to the demand for separate Telengana before the next elections since there was no

consensus among the coalition constituents on the issue and that the congress could take a

decision only if it is able to secure a majority and form the government at the centre on its

own.

Comparison of different Phases:

If we compare the different phases, there were four important issues took place in first

two phases like Police Action, Mulki Moment, State Reorganization Commission and

Gentleman’s Agreement and in the second phase followed by Telangana Agitation later it

leads to Jai Telangana Moment, Formation of a political party called Telangana Praja

Samiti, Jai Andhra Moment and Six Point Formula. If we look at similarities between the

first two phases, first phase ended with “Gentleman’s Agreement” and formed A.P. State

19

and the latter one also ended with “Six Point Formula” and it avoided the bifurcation of

the State. If we look at three phases the second phase was turned so violent, however

there were two outcomes to the people of the two regions. One was P.V. Narasimha Rao

was elected as the first C.M. from Telangana Region and second was Andhra people got

satisfied by abolition of Mulki rules. And the establishment of a Central University in

Telangana Region was a greater achievement of this phase. In the first phase, only the

leaders from both regions within the Congress party represented Gentlemen’s Agreement

whereas in the second phase students from Hyderabad and all over the region participated

very actively, if look at in the third phase some national parties as well as regional parties

participating in Telangana moment. However from the last five decades since the

formation of A.P, a strong feeling has taken roots among the people of this region,

including the minorities that gross injustice has been done to them and their region

despite the assurances trotted out by the successive regimes to fully abide by the

Gentleman’s Agreement, Mulki rules and Six Point Formula etc.

Formation of Separate Telangana Movement: Political Developments:

Telangana is today a hot issue and something no party can ignore to address. It has

become imperative for every political party worth the name in A.P to acknowledge the

issue of separate Telangana. Congress-I, Telangana Rastra Samithi had a political

alliance and controversial understanding on the demand of separate state during the

recent (2004) elections that dethroned Telugu Desam does not require any additional

emphasis to point out the importance of the demand for separate state. All the politics are

about the “appropriate time and the art of its interpretation. It is necessary to accept these

facts to acknowledge that demand for the separate state has a history and people support.

Telangana movement is playing a vital role in Indian politics since 1960s. Once again the

movement got enormous support from all sections of the region when TRS emerged as a

strong political force. Initially TRS was not considered as a political party for sometime

but later it decided to work as a political group but later they converted it into a political

party. They contested in the local body elections and won majority seats-2002. This

response clearly reflected the aspirations of the people in favour of separate Telangana

20

state. All the political parties: Congress-I, BJP, BSP, RJD, etc. have taken a stand in

favour on the demand of Telangana but TDP is not in a favour of Telangana state initially

till 2008. It has its own reasons for not to support the smaller states but in before 2009

general elections, it supported the Telangana State demand. TRS emerged on the issue of

Telangana. BJP support the bifurcation of Andhra as it is in favour of smaller states.

Emergence of Telangana Rastra Samithi and Electoral Politics:

In 1999 Lok Sabha general elections, BJP promised the separate states by promising “one

vote-two states”. But it did not stand on its stand and say did not get full majority in Lok

Sabha. Since 1960s, the Congress party has been making use of the sentiment for

Telangana and getting political mileage out of the Telangana demand. 1960s, Dr. Marri

Chenna Reddy mobilized public support in favour of separate Telangana. His party won

eleven Lok Sabha seats. Smt Indira Gandhi tried her level best to cool down the

movement by offering minor development programmes. It is also very important to

understand the development that neglected in the Telangana region during the Telugu

Desam Party’s regime. People of Telangana region thought that Andhra educated youth

robbing the employment opportunities of local youth. The leadership in Andhra Pradesh

also has been pursuing policies detrimental to the interest of the region. The Telugu

Desam leadership made Telangana a laboratory for the policies prescribed by the World

Bank which resulted in neglect of agriculture in the region and caused migration of

Telangana people from villages to towns, cities and in many cases to places outside the

country. Illegal diversion of water resources has reached it peak during the present

Congress regime. The pet projects of present regime namely Pothireddypadu, Pulichintala

will turn Telangana into desert. This once again made the people of Telangana region

demand for the separate statehood. The process of globalization also added to that

additional. This development gave the rise movement for separate state and new political

party that Telangana Rastra Samithi formed by K. Chandrasekhar Rao in the year of 2001

and won good number of seats in local body elections that made the Congress party to

have an alliance with the TRS in the year of 2004 general elections.

21

Separate Telangana Movement: Second Phase:

After a gap of more than 30 years, the issue of statehood for Telangana has come to

occupy the centre stage of electoral politics in Andhra Pradesh and is likely to have a

significant impact on the prospects of major political parties in the Assembly elections. It

was in 1971 that the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) had bagged 11 of the 14 Lok Sabha

seats in the region in the wake of a prolonged agitation led by Marri Channa Reddy

during 1969-70 for a separate State. The MPs who were elected on the plank of separate

Telangana at that time joined the Congress later and the movement eventually petered

out. With the fledgling Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) emerging as a strong force in

some of the Telangana districts this time. Ironically, the BJP, which revived the issue of

smaller States and brought back the Telangana factor into focus by adopting the `one

vote, two States' resolution at Kakinada in 1998, has now kept the issue in cold storage

due to electoral compulsions as its ally and the ruling party, the TDP, has rejected the

demand for bifurcating the State and has decided to seek the mandate for a united Andhra

Pradesh. The fact that the Congress high command has now agreed to appoint a

Telangana Regional Coordination Committee after persistently rejecting the demand of

the Congress Forum for Telangana (CFT) for a separate Pradesh Congress Committee

(PCC) for Telangana could be seen as a clear acknowledgement of its importance in the

ensuing elections. Senior Congress leader and CWC member, Ghulam Nabi Azad, during

the "Prajahita'' bus tour of Telangana has sought to assure people by saying that the

Congress respected their sentiments. Political observers feel that the Congress is not

coming out openly in support of a separate State as it might affect its chances in Andhra.

Agreeing that the Telangana issue would have some impact in the elections, The

sentiment might remain stronger if TRS went alone and might get diluted if an accord

was reached between the TRS and the Congress, he observed.

TRS Politics:

In 2004 general elections-Congress party had a coalition with TRS whose main objective

was separate statehood for the Telangana. Both the political parties campaigned together

22

in Telangana region in favour of their candidates. One of the public meetings, Ms Sonia

Gandhi, President, Congress party said, “Her party was for separate Telangana state and

respects the sentiments of people”. The people believed, as there was no other party

which was supporting the Telangana state. They reached thumping majority in both the

Lok Sabha and the Assembly elections and formed the governments at both the state and

the central levels. The Telugu Desam Party clearly said in their election manifesto that

they do not support the smaller states as it leads to disintegration of the state. It believed

that smaller states would enhance the power of the anti-social and anti state activities.

After the formation of the Union government, Ms. Sonia Gandhi invited K. Chandrasekar

Rao and A. Narendra to join the union cabinet without assuring Telangana separate state

on the pressure from the TRS, UPE agreed to include the issue in Telangana in the UPE

Common Minimum Programme. Both the leaders of TRS joined the union cabinet. Even

in the presidential address Dr. Abdul Kalam, President of India mentioned about the

Telangana separate statehood. UPE has constituted a committee with Pranab Mukargee as

a chairman to arrive at the consensus on separate Telangana State. Many parties in UPE

and non UPE believe that smaller states meet people’s aspirations in terms of access to

the administrative apparatus as well as developmental needs.

It may be recalled that the Congress party in Andhra Pradesh had an electoral understand

with Telangana Rastra Samithi (TRS) and won the 2004 Assembly and Lok sabha

elections. 2004 elections reaffirm the historic mandate of 1971 elections given by the

Telangana people to Telanagna Praja Samithi (TPS), which won 11 seats out of 14

parliament seats. As part of the electoral understanding the Congress party promised

statehood for Telangana. This was also reiterated by the President of India in his joint

address to parliament and it was also included in the Common Minimum Programme of

the UPA Government. However, strangely the Congress Party chose to appoint Pranab

Mukarjee committee which has become synonymous with delay and indecision. The

committee despite receiving letters of support from many political parties favouring

statehood for Telangana has not submitted its report to the government as on today for

the reasons best known to it. The Congress Party however has been saying that CPM is

opposed to formation of Telangana State and that UPA government survives on the

23

support extended by the CPM. However having survived the no-confidence motion in

Parliament recently without the support of CPM there are no hurdles for introduce a bill

in the ensuing parliament session. Telangana people are of the view that Congress has

exploited the democratic aspirations of people of Telangana for mere electoral gains and

that it has no respect for the overwhelming expression of people articulated through

electoral process. People of Telangana strongly feel that an end to the plunder of

resources, denial and deprivation of Telangana of their legitimate share in resources and

political process is possible only when Telangana people have a state of their own. It is

only by having political power in their hands the people of Telangana will be able to

script their destiny. There, time has come for the UPA government and its major

constituent, the congress party, to introduce a bill in Lok Sabha for creating State of

Telangana. Major political parties in the State except Congress have acknowledged the

democratic desire of the Telangana people and have passed resolutions to this effect.

Besides, many civil society organizations have been actively participating in the

movement towards creating separate Telangana and have been working with commitment

to spread awareness about the injustices meted out to the people of Telangana about the

violations of Constitutional guarantees, unjust exploitation of Telangana resources for the

development of coastal Andhra and denial of legitimate share of political power.15

K.C.R tried to convince the academicians from all over the country. He attended the

round table discussion on smaller states organized by the Academic Staff College-

University of Hyderabad on 4th Feb 2008. He emphasized that TRS party has a political

agenda to solve the problem of Naxalism after the formation of separate Telangana state.

He emphasized that separatist movement was not an ethnic struggle targeted at people of

coastal districts. People demanding the separate state had no right to disturb the lives of

people hailing from the coastal districts who had settled down in the region, particularly,

Hyderabad. The movement would lose the human angle if the migrants were targeted, he

said. Moreover, development of the region would be effected by the mutual acrimony. He

emphasized development is the civic right of people and separate state is their birthright.

15 Memorandum submitted to UPA Chair Person, , To demand formation of Telanagna State,, Nava Telangana Praja Party and other Civil Society Associations on 22-10-2008.

24

Development was no substitute for self-respect and self-administration. Development in

real terms mean’t increase in purchasing power of people. That had not happened in the

last decades. K. Chandrasekhar Rao also promised, If Telangana state comes in true, his

government would take the steps to develop on all grounds. His party will setup the idols

of Sevalal maharaj and Komaram Bhim who are the spiritual and political leaderers of

Tribals, twelve percentage of reservations for them, all tandas will be recognized as

panchayats, distribute the three acres of land with irrigation facilities and loan will be

given for a year without any interest and birth and death anniversary of tribal leaders will

celebrate officially.16

On 7th Feb 2008, Telangana Rastra Samithi gave a call for one-day relay hunger strike all

over the region of Telangana. Thousands of people were participated in the strike. KCR

participated in relay hunger strike at Indira Park, Hyderabad. He demanded for

resignation of congress M.L.As, MPs and MLCs of the region. He claimed YSR is the

main constraint to separate Telangana. He suggested Congress leaders not to praise him

for their political interests, as people of Telangana wound not forgive them. He also said

it would not take one day to whip up the tensions and repeat the turbulent period at the

peak of the separate Telangana agitation in 1969. But the leaders of the movement did not

have a negative approach. He emphasized, if congress party delay the issue, people would

not keep silence, agitation may go beyond their hands. If this takes place, Congress party

would be the responsible for that. K. Jayasankar requested the people of Telangana not to

involve any kind of violent activities as YSR, Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh trying to

provoke the people to involve in violent activities. He whispered Y. S. Rajasekara Reddy

as the violent. As a form of protest, MLAs, MPs and MLCs from the Telangana Rastra

Samithi resigned to their posts and went for the elections. During the elections campaign

all political parties except CPI (M) directly or indirectly supported the cause of

Telangana state. Y.S, Rajasekara Reddy said in his public meetings his party i.e.

Congress Party would respect the sentiment of the people for the separate Telangana state

and the formation of separate state is possible only with Congress Party.

16 Vaartha, 12.12. 2008

25

On the Other hand with the resignations of its Four M.Ps, Sixteen M.L.A’s and Three

M.L.C’s, Telangana Rashtra Samiti is strengthening up for the big battle ahead for

separate statehood for the Telangana region. The party is trying to launch campaigns in

all over the region to protest the delay in the formation of Telangana state by the U.P.A

government. However, the Congress making sounds in its own way that, it is in no mood

to take a decision on the controversial statehood issue in the near future. Now T.R.S is

banking on the Telangana Sentiment and Sympathy over “sacrifice” to stage a comeback,

on the other hand the Chief Minister Dr.Y.S. Rajashekar Reddy is relying on the

development plank to resolve the situation. B.J.P and C.P.I. also making sounds on this

issue of separate statehood. Telugu Desam Party also faced the trouble with Mr.T.

Devender Goud and Mr. Kadiyam Srihari pressurized Mr.Chandrababu Naidu not to

ignore the Telangana Sentiment. However, the demand for separate statehood for

Telangana has been dominating the State’s Politics for over 50 years.

Chiranjeevi said his party was for a ’social’ Telangana where the social justice would be

rendered to the under-privileged castes. He said Telangana was not a backward region,

but it was pushed into backwardness by canny politicians. He, however, made it clear that

his party would not ‘exploit’ the Telangana sentiment for political gains. Mr. Chiranjeevi

announced his support for the formation of a separate State, there would be no stopping

for him in Telangana as well as in all other regions of the State.

2009- General elections and electoral Politics:

During the election campaign, Sonia Gandhi has said in the public meeting that Congress

Party is not opposed to Separate Telangana State in principle but she argues that

Congress Party thinks there is a need to consider the sentiments of other regions, settlers

in Hyderabad and the problems of Hyderabad Muslims, in case Telangana state is

formed. During the last Assembly sessions and Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh

announced in the Assembly that government is not opposed to separate Telangana state.

26

His party could respect the sentiments of the people of Telangana, but it is required to

study the problems of several sections of the state and the regions while forming the

separate Telangana State before the elections. During the election campaign, Chief

Minister has constituted the Cabinet Sub Committee to study the problems of other

regions and the security of Muslims in Hyderabad city. No opposition party joined the

committee as they argued that government constituted the committee only for the

political opportunism. In contrast to his commitment that announced in the Assembly,

said that the settlers from coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema in Telangana will become

foreigners if a separate Telangana state is formed as Telangana Rastra Samithi is part of

the Maha Kootami (Grand Alliance) in a public meeting at Nandyal in Kurnool district of

Rayalaseema region. But the same Congress party, and Y. Rajasekhar Rao during the

election campaign in Telangana, had said that it had no reservations on the formation of

separate Telangana state and in principle they are not opposed to Separate Telangana

State. A vote for the Telugu Desam Party would mean that people of Rayalaseema and

coastal Andhra regions will have to live like foreigners in Hyderabad because the party

has aligned with the Telangana Rashtra Samithi which is wedded to the creation of a

separate state. The Congress, in its election manifesto, has said that it has no objection to

formation of a Telangana state. Congress president Sonia Gandhi had promised to accord

top priority to the issue. The TDP, which reversed its traditional stand to support

Telangana demand last year, has pledged that if voted to power, it will initiate measures

for carving out a separate state. The second, and perhaps more important task, is to drive

home the point that the two major irrigation projects – Polavaram and Pulichintala- taken

up in coastal Andhra would be stopped in the event of the TDP coming to power because

of TRS objection to both the schemes on the ground that Telangana would be starved of

water if the gigantic projects come up. Compare this with what the Chief Minister had

said in a written statement in the Assembly in its last session of Assembly: “Telangana

issue is close to my heart and we are committed to addressing the demand.” Or, for that

matter, what Sonia Gandhi said at an election rally at Bhongir in Telangana: “If at all

there is a party which can deliver Telangana, it is the Congress. People should not trust

the TDP- TRS alliance.” Further, YSR, also says that the erstwhile Telugu Desam Party

(TDP) Government completely neglected irrigation projects in the region that were

27

witnessing severe drought, triggering the demand for a separate state. His government

undertook irrigation projects and other rural developmental activities in a focused

manner. In the last three-and-a-half years, over Rs 10,000 crore has been spent on

irrigation projects in the region. While some of these projects have been completed,

others are nearing completion. Thus, the situation is different now then earlier.17

he also cautioned the people of Andhra and Rayalaseema that supporting the TDP meant

endorsing the demand for a separate state of Telangana at the expense of the interests of

the people in Andhra and Rayalaseema regions.. 18

The Telugu Desam Party's (TDP) decision to support the demand for separate statehood

for Andhra Pradesh's Telangana region has brought the issue back to the centrestage and

is likely to put pressure on the ruling Congress party to take a similar stand ahead of the

elections scheduled to be held in five months. The fact that the TDP was forced to reverse

its 26-year-old ideological plank of unified Andhra Pradesh proves how significant the

issue has become in the run up to the simultaneous polls to state assembly and Lok

Sabha. The TDP is the first major political party with state-wide presence to take a clear

stand in favour of the six-decade old demand for separate Telangana state. The TDP had

fought the 2004 elections on the plank of united Andhra Pradesh. The party not only lost

power to the Congress party but was nearly wiped out from Telangana. The party's

strength in the assembly came down drastically to 45. The Congress had then fought

elections in alliance with Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS), fighting for separate

Telangana, and two Communist parties. The electoral understanding with TRS was based

on the Congress' assurance to help achieve the separate state.

However, with the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government failing

to take any concrete step for formation of Telangana, the TRS pulled out of the coalition

and accused Congress of once again betraying the people of Telangana. It termed the

formation of a three-member committee led by Pranab Mukherjee to look into the

17 Separate Telangana will be safe haven for Naxals: YSR

18 YSR shocks Telangana 17 April 2009, Express News Service

28

demand as a delaying tactic. The Congress state unit left the issue to party president

Sonia Gandhi for a final decision. With TDP reversing its stand, pressure is likely to

mount on the Congress to take a clear stand on the issue. The party was under attack for

holding talks with TDP for electoral alliance without the latter supporting a separate state.

As the Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) floated recently by Chiranjeevi has also hinted at a pro-

Telangana stand, it is only the Congress party whose stand on the issue remains

ambiguous. Interestingly, it was TDP leader K Chandrasekhara Rao who quit the party in

2001 to form TRS and revive the Telangana movement. The TDP also witnessed

desertions on the issue more recently. Its senior leader T Devender Goud, seen as number

two in the party, quit to float Nava Telangana Praja Party (NTPP) to bolster the

movement for a separate state.19

Political Activism in Separate Telangana Movement:

There are two kinds of participation in democratic states that plays a vital role in

democratic countries: representative politics and civil societal activism. In Telangana

movement, one could see civil society organizations and political parties working for the

cause irrespective of their identities and ideologies. They strongly believe that effective

weapon to mobilize the people with cultural activities. There are many civil society

associations are direct or indirectly supporting the Telangana movement. Many

intellectuals, academicians and human rights activists have been raising their voice in

favour of separate statehood for Telangana. APCLC and Human Rights Forum and

revolutionary groups all support the cause. They argue that the statehood for the

Telangana region was also a democratic solution to the problems of the region as the

region was pushed down in all spheres in spite of rich natural resources.

One among these organizations was Committee of Concerned Citizens (CCC). It consists

of intellectuals, administrators, writers and human rights activists. The revolutionary

parties are also support the cause. CCC has taken the initiation to bring the revolutionary

19 Telangana back in centrestage of AP politics, Fri-Oct 10, 2008, Hyderabad / Indo-

Asian News Service

29

groups for the peace talks with Government of Andhra Pradesh and succeeded to

bringing them for the peace talks. In the process of peace talks, the revolutionary groups

demanded the distribution of land and the separate Telangana state in the first phase of

talks. In their agenda there was separate Telangana state. But the peace talks were failed.

There were no second round talks between the government and Maoists. Many

associations are demand the construction of irrigation projects that can cater the needs of

Telangana and a comprehensive land distribution programme should be undertaken in the

state with special focus on Telangana. Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika (Forum for

Telangana Educationists) under the leadership of G. Kodandaram, working for the cause

of Telangana. Telangana History Forum also argues that the history of Telangana is

undermined and interpreted it as in favour of Andhra. Hence, they started rewriting of

their culture, political developments etc. Though the concept of Telangana Talli (mother

of Telangana) was earlier but once again all the organizations, artists, political parties

from the Telangana region are started talking about the Telangana Talli and argues in the

name of Telugu Talli (mother of Andhra Pradesh) leaders from Andhra neglected the

region of Telangana in all the development activities. In supporting the concept of

Telangana Talli, TRS installed the idols of Telangana Talli (mother of Telangana) all the

over the region.

G. Haragopal argues that in the region of Telangana, common people are not living with

peaceful as daily the encounters are taking place between the common people, police and

Maoist groups. It resulted in migration from this region to Arab countries and main cities

of India. Hence he argues peace in region is possible only in the separate Telangana

separate state. The Union and State governments claim that if separate Telangana State

would form, there is a possibility of strengthen the Naxalite problem in the state and

Telangana will become a tool of the Naxalites is stale, obviously it will impact on

national security. This one of the reasons, they are delaying the issue. But the scholars

who are working on democracy and movements argue that it is not at all impact on the

national integrity but they say by formulating the separate statehood, it would fulfill the

aspirations of the people. Moreover, it is democratic demand and in fact it has been

articulated by the general people itself but not by the leaders though it is fact that political

30

leaders from the same region hijacked the movement and made use of the movement for

their self interests and try to fulfill their political opportunities. They also argue this

argument has no credence as the Naxalite problem is not confined to Telangana alone in

the State or in the country. Naxalites are also in the coastal region of Vishakapatnam,

Srikakulam, East and West Godavari districts (Andhra Pradesh), Orissa, Chhattisgarh,

Bihar and almost everywhere. It is also argue that Naxalism did not take birth in

Telangana and Naxalism of the Telangana region was led and guided by the Andhra

comrades for a long time. Naxalism came from West Bengal and is very much part of our

contemporary national ethos. It is strange that we find people suddenly becoming

shortsighted to associate Naxalism with only Telangana. This is an ill informed alibi if

not an irresponsible allegation.

Separate Telangana Movement: Dalit Perspective:

Dr. Ambedkar argued for the separate electorates for Dalits. The formation of smaller

states could be seen from the Ambedkarite perspectives, the formation of separate

Telangana state would weaken the monopoly of the dominant castes and pave the way for

the majority sections of the population to take over the state power that was long denied

to them. By participating in the separate Telangana movement, excluded sections are

striving to get justice in separate state and they believe it leads to inclusive politics. As all

these groups believe that after the formation Andhra Pradesh, region of Telangana is

undermined in all the spheres and argue that only separate Telangana state is the solution

as they rule their state by their own.

There is also demand come from backward classes that what kind of Telangana they

require, either geographical or democratic Telangana. If Telangana gets separate state,

which section would enjoy the political power? The question of rights is involved in it.

Dalit scholars and human rights activists argue that as few elite classes who are socially

dominated, they are enjoying the privileges remained privileges i.e. economy and

political spheres. Hence, it argues feudal social legacy dominancy will continue, in the

post-Telangana Dalits will continue to suffer. It is not enough to get the political power.

31

They are demanding distribution of land, financial support to the dalits to cultivate the

land. They argue that demanding merely the irrigation projects to Telangana is not

enough, as it benefits the elite farmers. It is held that Dalits should get mobilize, unite and

lead a Dalit movement parallel to the Telangana movement. It would encourage new

leadership from Dalit community. Then, dalits would also grow strong like other elite

sections to be able to bargain the political power in post Telangana. Hence, the Dalits

started asserting their rights and demand the share in political power. Another section of

Dalit scholars also argue that they don’t want Telangana to be a separate state but they

want to live with self-respect and dignity and rights should be protected and respected. A

third section of Dalit group support and actively participate in Telangana movement.

They argue, if separate state forms, dominant castes may get weaken in terms of political,

moral and economic and they may lose the support from the same communities from the

others regions of Andhra pradesh. These complexities have to be understood in the

context of democracy, rights and people’s movements. Tribals groups argue that they live

in the forest and they depend for their livelihood on the forest and its products but

governments are engaged in degradation of forest and selling of the lands to the

industrialists and mafia groups, instead of securing and giving the land rights to the

tribals. In politics of Andhra pradesh-2007, the concepts like Dalit Bahujan and Sarva

Samaj, Sarvjana Sammelan under the leadership of Ramachandra Rao (senior Advocate)

K. Madava Rao (former IAS office). Though the concept of Dalit Bahujan was there

from 1990s, but all these groups tried to strengthen the unity among them against the few

elite classes. Since Ms. Mayavati (BSP) became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in

2007 Uttar Pradesh Assembly general elections based on the concept of Sarvajan Samaj,

it had an impact on the politics of other parts of the country including Andhra Pradesh

partially. Sarwajan Samaj means unity of SC, ST, BC and Brahmins who are

economically and politically weak. These political developments obviously impact on

Telangana movement as Dalit activists are mobilizing the Dalit youth in support of BSP.

It is supporting Telangana movement and agreed to support in the formation of

Telangana state if they could come to power in Central.

32

To take his views to the people, Gaddar began a 400-km ‘padayatra’ or walkathon or

cultural peace march from Manuguru in Khammam district for the cause of separate

Telangana. During his peace march he advocated for a separate state through peaceful

movement. His main slogan was “the people’s Telangana and democratic Telangana”.

Given the caste-ridden and unrepresentative character of the Indian society, he argued

that only a few sections are enjoying all sorts of rights. Unless the majority sections of

population find representation at all levels of power structures, India cannot be termed as

a democratic state. During the peace march, he tried to create awareness among the

people on the need of separate state, secure right over their land and water. Under the

leadership of Gaddar, all artists especially from ST/ST/OBC communities formed an

Aikya Cultural front and Bellaiah Naik formed a Telangana Sangarshana Samiti and

started pada yatra. All these groups are critical about the tactics and power politics of K.

Chandrasekar Rao (TRS) and they are campaigning for the cause of Telangana state by

their own way.

These recent developments indicate that there are contradictions and complexities in the

movements. There are disparities arousing between the elite class and Dalit and OBCs in

Telangana movement. It could weaken the movements. These developments have to be

understood in the context of new politics and rights perspective. Ms. Vijayashanthi

demanded a crash Programme to be adopted to improve educational facilities in the

identified backward mandals in region. She also argued for special measures to be

adopted to improve the economic and social position of the dalits, girijans (tribal people)

and minorities.20 A high-powered committee should be formed to undertake a

comprehensive study of the imbalanced development among different regions and

districts. A development index for each mandal should be developed on this basis and

comprehensive plans to be prepared. There should be strict implementation of GO No.

610 and rectification of past distortions and special funds to be earmarked for the

development of backward areas in every budget and a separate mechanism to be created

to oversee the implementation of the special plans for the backward areas.21 Apart from

these demands she demand for the Separate Telangana State. These developments

20 Vijayashanti, No personal agenda, http://www.hindu.com/2007/01/22/stories/2007012212000400.htm21 Press release by Prakash Karat, Genera; Secretary- CPI (M) Stand on Telangana Issue.

33

indicate that the movement of Telangana taking new shape in Indian politics to pressurize

the governments: Union and State.

It also in juncture, it is an important to understand the political scenario of Muslims in

region of Telangana. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh, the dominance of Andhra

elite and propertied class got increased in Hyderabad in particular and in the region of

Telangana in general. Most of them have migrated from the Andhra and gradually

owned the land for their survival and existence in Hyderabad city. Thereafter all the

professions of Muslims in Hyderabad systematically have shifted to Andhraits. Over a

period of time Small business, industries, employment, land, etc., shifted to Andhra

migrants. Result was Muslims in Hyderabad lost their livelihood and became helpless.

After 2001 attacks on World Bank at Washington highly had an impact on Hyderabad

Muslims particular and Muslims in Telangana region in general. They were highly

scrutinized and their activities got extremely suspicious by the governments. Even they

are politically marginalized, culturally apprehensive. In this regard, M.D. Waheed, argue

that Muslims shall be realize their problems could be solved in the separate Telangana

state. It is the responsibility of political parties and civil society organizations to give

moral support and confident to Muslims that they will live the separate Telangana state

peacefully and they would develop economically, politically, socially and culturally

respected.22 They should get their share in political power based their population in

separate Telangana state. They shall be encouraged and mobilized to participate in the

Telangana movement in particular and social movement in general.

Pradeep Haglave, argues in the history of movements, political leaders and political

parties make use of the movements for their self interest. Out of the movement, they get

rewards, awards and political power. After getting all the benefits, they forget the

movement. This experience, he says, could be seen in separate Telangana state

movement. Like many political leaders, Chenna Reddy, Narendra, K. Chandrasekhar

Rao, etc. majority of the leaders enjoyed the political power, hence he argues, it is the

22 M.D. Wheed, ‘Telanganaloo Tellavarani Muslimla Batukulum’, Pooru Telanagan , Hyderabad, Dec 2007, p. 21

34

responsibility of the artists, poets, intellectuals, students and youth to lead the movement

till they get separate statehood.23

The separate Telangana Movement: Response of the Government:

The demand for separation is far more widespread now than in 1969 when the agitation

for a separate Telangana was first launched. It has now engulfed farmers, youth, and

women on a much lager scale. The movement of the late 1960s petered out not just

because of the opportunism displayed by the leaders of the movement or due to the

repressive measures of the state, as is often made out. It was in the early 1970s that Indira

Gandhi's slogan of `Garibi Hatao' caught the imagination of the poor throughout the

country. N.T. Rama Rao was another charismatic leader with a pro-poor and gender-

sensitive agenda who virtually took the place of Indira Gandhi in Andhra Pradesh during

1980s. Their credibility with the common people of Telangana was primarily responsible

for sweeping the statehood issue under the carpet of development for quite some time.

However, the policies initiated by the charismatic leaders could not be sustained for long

as the absence of commitment among their successors. The period following the demise

of these leaders witnessed a major shift in socio-economic policies. This phase also

witnessed the negligence of agriculture, rural development, and the social sectors. The

post-liberalization also witnessed the rural distress that brought into sharp focus the rise

in regional disparities in development. A disquieting feature of the current political scene

in Andhra Pradesh is that those still interested in the integrated State refuse to learn the

lessons from the since the agitation for a separate Telangana in the decade of 1960s.

Otherwise, they would not have initiated a diversionary move like the constitution of the

Second States' Reorganization Commission (SRC). Fifty years ago, the first SRC had

recommended the formation of Telangana as a separate State in response to the

simmering discontent in the region. The new SRC, in the present circumstances of

widespread discontent, is most likely to endorse the recommendation of the first SRC.24

23 Head of the department, Centre for Ambedkar Studues, Mumbai University, delivered a lecture in 4th

state meetings at Karimnagar, Telanganaloo Samskruthoodyhamam Modalaindi, Poru Telangana p. 72. 24 C.H. Hanumantha Rao, Chairman, Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad; source: http://www.hindu.com/2007/01/08/stories/2007010801931000.htm new imperatives

35

The merger of Telangana with Andhra became possible because of a series of promises

made and guarantees given. But none of them has been honoured. The Gentlemen’s

agreement that was an assurance of fair play given to the people of Telangana was

scuttled the very same day on which the state was born. The result was a massive revolt

of the people of the region in 1968-1969. Subsequent assurances given in the form of an

All Party Accord, Eight Point Formula, Five Point Formula and Six Point Formula met

with the same fate. Even a judgment given by the Supreme Court of India in favour of

employees of Telangana region was void by an Act of Parliament. As a cumulative effect

of all these developments, the Telangana region continues to remain backward in every

sphere of activity inspite of the fact that the region is rich in resource endowment. Even

the minimum and legitimate aspirations of the people of the region have not been

fulfilled; the natural, mineral and human resources of the region have been exploited for

the benefit of outsiders. The balance sheet of development in the region has left a legacy

of horrible spectrum of pain, poverty, penury, suffering, starvation, stigma and struggle.

There has been extensive scale of emigration from the region. The conspicuous isolation

and neglect of Telangana can be evidenced by the fact that so far in the history of Andhra

Pradesh not even a single person from the region could adorn the office the Advocate

General of the High Court of the Andhra Pradesh. The people of Telangana are once

again restive, reiterating their demand for a separate state. The demand of the people of

this region for a separate state is not a new development. It was voiced much before the

formation of Andhra Pradesh and continues to be raised even thereafter. The reason for

the opposition of people of Telangana to join Visalandhra (metamorphosed to Andhra

Pradesh) was fear of neglect and injustice in the enlarged state and the reason for their

refusal to continue in the present state is the actual experience of becoming victims of

neglect and injustice.

The people of Telangana have been demanding a State of their own from the days of

State’s Re-Organization following independence in the year 1947. The region has a

distinct geo-cultural identity and its merger with Andhra State in the year 1956 was in

utter disregard of recommendations of Fazal Ali commission which went into the issue of

36

States Reorganization set up under the State Re-Organization Act. The commission

toured extensively in the State and received representations in lakhs and interviewed

thousands of people and finally recommended that language alone cannot be basis for

formation of a state. In the considered opinion of the Commission the Telangana region

has a distinct geo-cultural identity and the merger with Andhra State will be to the

disadvantage of the Telangana people. However brushing aside these recommendations

the then leaders of Congress with grandiose designs and imperialistic outlook merged the

state of Hyderabad with the State of Andhra. The Congress leadership was guided by

language criterion as basis for re-organizing States in India. It is pertinent to recall the

famous statement of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru at the Nizamabad meeting soon after a

decision was taken to merge the state of Hyderabad with the State of Andhra. He said that

the merger of two regions was like a marriage between an innocent girl (Telangana) and a

naughty boy that it was a marriage on trial and if it does not last they could part ways.

The co-existence has never been based on trust, equality and respect as the history of

relationship between the two regions since 1956 shows. The apprehensions expressed and

cautions issued by Fazal Ali proved prophetic.

The merger was conditional inasmuch as the people of Telangana were offered many

safeguards such as local jobs for local people; revenue generated in the region to be spent

for the development of the region and equitable share in the political power and so on.

However it is a historical fact that these safeguards were observed in breach. History is

also witness to the unbridled exploitation of resources of the region such as river waters

and coal for the development of coastal Andhra region. Denial of employment and

educational opportunities to the youth of Telangana resulted in the famous 1969

Telangana agitation which took away lives of 370 young men and women. The formula

divided the State irrationally into six zones fore purposes of education and employment

and a new concept of ‘local candidate’ was invented in place of ‘mulki’. This is once

again a gross dilution of guarantees that were given at the time merger in the year 1956.

The story of deception did not end here. Many perverted interpretations were given to the

definition of local candidate. As a result many local youth were deprived of employment

opportunities. When these injustices were snowballing into a potential discontent and

37

were threatening to take the shape of an agitation the Andhra leadership once again

doused the ire of the people and blunted the discontent by issuing G.O.610 directing that

the six point formula shall be implemented in letter and spirit. However this was not to

happen. It took many more years for the State leadership to get the matter examined and a

committee headed by Mr. Girglani, a retired Civil servant was appointed. The committee

in its voluminous report exposed the violations in job appointments and transfer of

employees. The report is in fact an indictment and censure of the government. However

the report has not stirred the conscience of the Government. The government tried to hide

its embarrassment by issuing more G.Os to implement G.O.610 but withdrew them in the

wake of strong protest by the Employees Association. These were all happened just

because of pressure by the people’s movements and demanding for the separate

statehood.25

Perceptions of Respondents on People’s Movements:

As the study focuses on people’s movements to asses the democracy in general and

Indian democracy in particular, the study intended to interview the artists, academicians,

singers, human rights activists, students and youth to asses the people’s movement in

general and separate Telangana movement in particular.

Epuri Somanna argue the people of Telangana have the long history of Peasants struggle,

Telangana militant struggle and Naxalite movement that had an impact on them. Hence

this prepared the artists to participate in the Telangana movement actively and with lot of

commitment towards the movement. During 1990s, Telangana movement aroused once

again as the global market, privatization, liberalization and globalization effected Indian

economy in general Andhra Pradesh, especially Telangana in particular. The handicrafts

got marginalized, ruptured and lakhs of people lost their employment as most of the

private institutions, companies/industries gained the momentum enormously. Both the

governments behaving like facilitators between the people and the multinational

companies instead of taking the initiative for the welfare of people. The sections which

25 K. Jayasankar, Telangana Movement: The Demand for a State- A Historical Perspective: Source: http://www.telangana.org/Papers/Article10.pdf

38

are effected from the process of globalization, protested against the global institutions

and against the governments. Andhra Pradesh is not exemption from this phenomenon.

Individuals, institutions, political parties and political society had resisted the

privatization. This phenomenon had an indirect impact on Telangana people. The people

of believe that separate Telangana state is only the solution for all these problems. He

argues that Telangana State should be formed and it has to be socially responsible,

politically effective, and economically helpful. The common people must feel that they

would be secure in the separate state. He assumed most of the artists and activists who

are working at the grassroots level are from the Dalit, Tribal, Backward classes and hail

from the rural background and few of them are from elite classes. Most of them are

ideologically strong, committed to the Telangana movement. They could able to

propagate the issue of Telangana to the people effectively. Generally artists take the

issues and articulate it, write the songs in local language which people speak and sing

those songs in a simple language and try to send the message to the people effectively.

As he comes from the humble and Dalit background, he has got attracted towards the

Telangana movement as he feels that it is democratic movement which is widely

supported by the civil and political society. He also argued that, all the political parties

are trying to use the traditional symbols like idols of Telangana Talli, Samakka and

Sarakka deities, Moharam (Peerulu), martyrs of Telangana movement and the symbol of

Komaram Bhim, etc., to create the feeling of Telangana sentiment, so that they could

explain effectively about the history of Telanagna, its culture, socio-economic conditions

of Dalits, adivasis and minorities. This is the way through which they mobilize people to

pressurize the governments: state and central to formulate separate statehood for the

Telangana sub-region. Hence, setting up of idols of Telangana Talli became the strategy

of Telanagna Rastra Samithi.26

Khasim said in terms geography, culture, awareness, political administration and the

history, the Telangana region are completely dissimilar from that of Andhra region. In the

history of Telangana from the beginning, folk culture, songs and writings had played a 26 Eppuri Somanna, artist and activist in Telangana Separate State movement, interviewed on 12.12.2008

39

major role and the ideology of Communism influenced the people enormously. The

personalities like Sarvail Papanna, Meera Saheb fought against the fraud, feudal system

and struggled for the welfare of people. Apart from that they took active part in the

welfare of common people like construction of streams like Panagallu stream in

Mahaboob Nagar district. Though these movements were apolitical but had an impact on

the people. Though they were all treated as the dacoits by the rulers, but they struggled on

behalf of the poor and marginalized. The poor people treated them as their own leaders.

The writers, activists and artists are influenced not merely by political, identity and

gender movements, but by the revolutionary movements, communists, militant farmer’s

movement and armed struggle. Farmers of Telangana were more active and aware of the

political issues, and exploitation. They participated in the movement even before Russian

revolution-1917. All these historical factors made present generation to take part in the

movement.27

In the decade 1960s, separate Telangana Movement has created the political awareness

among the people in the region. Many revolutionary leaders like M.L. Seetarama Murthy

and Kondapally Seetaramaiah and K.G. Satya Murthy had supported the movement. The

revolutionary parties during the same decade supported the movement indirectly. They

fought against the social, political, economical, cultural exploitation. This leadership was

politically strong, ideologically committed and had come forward and taken part in the

movement. They had even created the political consciousness. Their continuous struggle,

he says, gave scope for the in formation of political parties. For instance Telanagna

Sadana Samithi. There are organizations called Raitu Kooli Seva Sangam, Peasants

struggle, Naxalite movement, writers and youth associations, Revolutionary Writers

Association, Chaitanya Samaykya, and other mass movements gave the scope for the

emergence of political organizations. The cultural organization called Jana Natya

Mandali went to the villages and explained the unlawful acts of Smt. Indira Gandi in the

decade of 1970s. There were people’s movements like Naxalite movement though started

at Naxalbari and Srikakulam district but was successfully worked in the Telangana

27 Khasim, Lecturer in Telugu at Telugu Sahitya Academy, Oriented College, Abids-Hyderabad, interviewed on 16th December 2008.

40

region. They conducted the surveys on political issues and policies and explained the

people about the exploitation, fraud, land issues, atrocities on Dalits and emergency i.e.,

the inhuman step imposed by Smt. Indira Gandhi. They campaigned against the anti

people policies that effected the common people’s daily livelihood. He also mentioned

clearly regarding social justice in separate Telangana state, getting merely state will not

give benefits to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward classes, but

state should provide all the facilities to live comfortable and meaningful life. Separate

state should make the people as the responsible citizens. It is the responsibility of the

State to distribute the land to the landless along with the irrigation facilitates and fertilizes

to the farmers and develops the state industrially. Irrigation projects and the employment

opportunities have to be provided; the free education has to be given until the higher

education, handicrafts have to be encouraged and provide the employment opportunities

to the qualified youth, to implement these Programmes, government sector has to play the

major role. In separate Telangana state, government could not give the opportunity to the

private agencies like health, education and other employment aspects as he feels that it

may again cheat the Telangana people. To provide all these welfare facilities, he argues,

people need democratic Telangana but not merely a territorial Telangana state.28

In separate Telangana State movement initially the activists and the leaders from the elite

class were participated but there was no much leadership or activists from Dalits and

tribes and Adivasis, as they were not much motivated politically. But after 1980s leaders

and activists, artists from Telangana have started participating in the movements as they

were motivated particularly by the writers and the people’s movements. He also argues

that Dalits are more aware politically in the region of Telangana as there were not many

atrocities on Dalits in the region, unlike in Andhra region where atrocities like Psundur

massacre, Karamched incident where Dalits were being killed, their women being raped.

That indicates that in Telangana, though there was feudalism and vetti (forced labour)

there was not much killings and atrocities on Dalits. It was possible because of Naxalite,

Peasant, Marxist and other revolutionary movements in the region. In terms of economy,

culture and education, people from Telangana were not much developed and awareness

28 Ibid.

41

was lesser than those other regions in the state of Andhra Pradesh. Because of these

reasons, the rulers from Andhra region dominated Telangana, ever since the formation of

Andhra Pradesh, politically, linguistically, culturally and economically. Regarding the

cultural awareness in Telangana region, he said in the first phase (1960s) of Telangana

movement, there were not many artists and writers in the movement. The movement was

also not much ideologically sound and also without proper political strategy and lot of

violence involved in it. Many activists were being killed unlike the second phase of

movement, there are many artists participating with the clear ideology and in a

democratic way. Hundreds of artists, writers have emerged and creative writings have

come up and inspired songs are written by the artists. Because of this movement, the

cultural movement also became the part of Telangana movement. History of Telangana

also produced the artists like Goreti Venkanna and Dr. Andesree. It is important to

explain that Dr. Andesree is illiterate and he belongs to bonded labour family but he has

written many songs. One of the songs is “Jai Telangana…. Jai Jai Telangana” which

considered as a prayer song in Telangana movement. Hence, Kakatiya University

recognized and felicitated him with the doctorate award in the year of 2007. another

reputed writer and singer Goreti Venkanna wrote many songs which created enormous

awareness among the people and had an impact on their lives. Songs like Palle Kannru

Karchindoo Kanipinchani Kotraloo… Talli Bandhiai Pooendo.. And Eddaram

Veedipoote Boomibaddalaitunda….. Pommante Poovendera Pora Voo Valasa Dora.. and

many songs that have been playing a major role in the movement. And there are also

other prominent writers and singers like Maa Bhoomi Sandhya, Vimal- Arunodaya

Kalakaroola Samakhya, Rasamai Balakrishna etc. This indicates that people’s

movements not merely creates awareness among the people and struggle for the justice

but also movement creates the people who are ideologically strong, mentally prepare for

the sacrifice and maximum extent try to live with meaningful life. People who are part of

the movement are generally democrats and hence they struggle against the inhuman and

anti democratic activities in the state and society. They also try to create the democratic

culture. 29

29 Ibid.

42

Based on these findings, it is argued that people’s movements always strive for the

deepening of democracy. He also mentioned that Telangana movement was not started by

the political parties like Telangana Rastra Samiti but it was started by the intellectuals,

writers, students and those who are ideologically committed, democratically strong from

Telangana region. But the twice, the movement was hijacked by the political parties like

Telangana Sadana Samithi (1970s) and Telangana Rastra Simiti (2001). In the year of

1998, Telangana Jana Sabha argued that the issue of Telanagana demand is a democratic

demand and represent the spirit of democracy. They also demanded for the

implementation 610 G.O., establishment of corporate colleges have to be stopped in the

region, history of Telanagna has to be protected, employment opportunities have to be

provided to the Telangana youth. With these demands, Telanagna Jana Sabaha started its

campaign from village to village. Name of the programme was “Rachha Banda”. All

these cultural and political developments made the separate Telangana movement more

active but not the political parties.

Gaddar agues that people of Telangana don’t want the geographical Telangana but they

want people’s Telangana and democratic Telangana. In separate Telangana state, surplus

land has to be distributed to the landless, the system of landlordism should be eliminated

and feudalistic nature of the rulers should be blocked. There are factories, natural

resources, investment industries which have to be taken back from the ruling class and

feudal lords. The property should be distributed to the poor and disadvantaged people.

When these problems would get solved, poor people could be developed. All these

sections together should fight for the separate Telangana state which is possible only by

the people’s movements. Then only the majority people will get all advantages including

the political power. In separate Telanagna state, land should be given to the landless

people, equal distribution of wages to the both men and women, people should also fight

against the social evils like untouchability, caste oppresstion and humiliation, the

problem of irrigation water and drinking water has to be solved. Social justice to Dalit,

minority, based on their population should be done, Muslims should be given

reservations. The other demands like oppose the globalization and stop barrowing the

money from international agencies and technology from foreign countries. Small scale

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industries have to be started, right to work should be respected, and self employment has

to be provided to the educated youth.30

Muthaiah argues constitution does not act on its own. Government may not know all the

problems that the people are facing. Hence the people’s movement plays a vital role in

articulating the problems. To pressurize and to represent the problems of the people to

government, few individuals/ associations those who are capable, have a humane

concern, mobilize the people and hold a protest movements. Some times the movements

in democratic manner and some times beyond the democratic way. He also mentioned the

Ambedkar’s words. It says “unless one: he or she democratizes, one cannot democratize

the society”. Based on this statement he argues that in the separate Telangana state, first

of all one has to create the awareness among the people especially among Dalits, Tribals

and Adivasis. There should a strong movement against the landlordism, feudalism and

also against the caste suppression, untouchability. He argues before attaining the separate

Telangana state, Dalits in the region should feel that their concerns are respected.

Government should prepare a common agenda for Dalit empowerment. He argues that

upper caste people came forward first and took Dalits with them to strengthen the

movement, but they never struggled for the upliftment of Dalits. Most of the leaders from

the upper strata participate in the movement from the region only for the self-interest and

their political survival. Thereafter, he argues that separate Telangana is necessary and it

should be formed as a separate statehood but only with the social justice.31

G. Haragopal says that, why the aspirations of people for separate Telangana are not

fulfilled, he argues, the cause and consequences have to be analyzed. The demand only

gets fulfilled when the common people participate in the movement. As the people of

Telangana argue they are fighting against Andhra dominance on Telangana resources,

culture, language, polity and economy. Then, after the formation of the state, if the same

dominance continues from own leadership and own governments, then, what is the

alternative. Hence, he cautioned that it is people that have to watch all sorts of

developments: whether negative and positive. If your own leader becomes corrupt, one

30 Gaddar, Lecture at Telangana Diary-2009 inauguration meeting at Ravindra Bharati, Hyderabad.31 Professor, in the Department of Political Science, Osmania University, interviewed on

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has to question. In the history of Andhra Pradesh, lot of corruption and nepotism, feudal

character of leadership and atrocities on Dalits have taken place, therefore it is the

responsibility of the people; students, youth, employees and civil and political society to

see that it should not happened in separate Telangana state. If once again it happens,

people should respond through people’s movements. He emphasized that in a society like

India, peoples movements could play a vital role in strengthening of democracy and fight

against the dominance of all forms.32

Devender Goud argued that every movement should run with the people’s active

participation without which it cannot succeed. Now a days, movements are lacking the

humane grounds as the leaders who are leading the movement becoming selfish and they

also work for their own political benefits. Hence, he argues that the students, youth and

employees and poor people’ participation is required in the movement to protect and

promote the democratic spirit. He believes that these sections work with enormous

commitment and also without any political motives. He said that Telangana movement

since 2001 has not much participation of above mentioned sections; rather only political

parties played a vital role. As they always think about alliances and coalitions only to

capture the power: like how many seats that they demand for their party. He also argues

that Telangana Rastra Samithi as a part of its strategy, has mostly depended on lobbying,

alliances, requests, coalitions and joined UPA Government and enjoyed the power for

two years and later resigned for their minister positions both at the Union and State

cabinets. Twice they went for by-elections where they failed to win. Half of the

candidates have lost elections. This kind of strategy will not help the movement. He says

his party: Nava Telangana Party would go together with the movements as well as

representative politics. He says that all the problems like farmers, Dalits, youth,

employment, women and student etc should come under the Telangana problem and

mobilize all the sections into the movement and struggle for the separate statehood.33

32 Former Dean, School of Social Science, University of Hyderabad and Human Rights activist, delivered a lecture in inaugural meeting of Telangana Dairy-2009.

33 President, Nava Telangana Praja Party, Telangana Vidyarthi Sadassu, Chakali Ilaimma Pranganam, Osmania University, 9.08.08.

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Telangana Rastra Samithi has never strived for the mobilization of the youth and

students. Hence anti Telangana parties have been making use of this drawback and

striving for the denial of Telangana state. He also argues that demand should not confine

only to the separate Statehood but should beyond the Statehood. Every problem should be

consider as Telangana problem: Dalits, students, farmers, workers, poor people’s, and the

problems of handicrafts, unemployment and practice of untouchability, landlordism,

corruption. Then the movement shall create awareness among them and make them to

participate in the movement. It is the responsibility of leaders, parties, civil and political

organizations to create confidence among them for bright future after the formation of

separate Telangana state. On the issue of Telangana demand, politics of representation

has failed. Hence it is the responsibility of people’s movement to awake the government,

political parties and demand for the separate statehood- that is a democratic Telangana

but not territorial Telangana.34

Bellaiah Naik expresses that in separate Telangana state, Dalits and other marginalized

sections would enjoy all the privileges without any dominance from the upper caste

landlords because at present in Telangana region, property; like land and political power

is under the control of Reddy community and other elite castes. They also get additional

political and economic support from the other regions in Andhra Pradesh. With that

power, they are exploiting more the Dalits. In Andhra region where Dalits are very strong

in terms of social economic, political and culturally and they are also aware of the rights

as they had decent education during the British period. He argues, if Telangana state

formulate, the rich class in Telangana region will not going to get any support from

others, whereas Dalits will get additional political and economic support. Apart from this,

population of weaker sections in the region is high and they are more aware and

conscious about political and cultural issues as there exists heavily influence from

Maoists influence, Telangana peasant struggle and Telangana movement.35

34 Ibid.35 President, Telangana Sangarshana Samithi, interviewed at Hyderabad on 12th December 2008.

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K. Kodandaram said in 1960s initially Telangana movement was started by the OBC,

artists, students who were attracted by the left wing politics. It continued till the

formation of Telangana Sadana Samithi. After the formation of TSS, movement became

political. Against the separate Telangana movement, there was Jai Andhra movement.

Result was gentle men’s agreement, five point, and six point formula. And P.V. Narsimha

Rao became the first chief minister from Telangana for Andhra Pradesh in the year of

1973. Against the Telangana Movement, Jai Andhra movement was launched. After

some years there was no movement for Telangana State. In the first phase of the

movement there was not much participation of artists and writers. Though movement was

strong but confined to the few elite leadership. There was also no scientific agenda and

strategy in the movement. There was even no substantive developmental agenda in

separate State. They demanded implementation of the mulki rules; spend the budget for

the development of Telangana region by the state government through the income,

revenue and taxes coming from the Telangana. They even demanded for the employment

for the Telangana youth. Because of the movement N.T.R. issued the 610 G.O to study

the employment problem. He said, it was the victory of the Telangana movement. He also

said, oppression, exploitation and domination is involved by the Andhra leadership (few

elite castes, leaders and bureaucrats) occupied all the resources like land, business,

employment, etc., which had direct impact on Dalits, Tribals, backward classes and

minorities, it is not necessary to see the exploitation alone, hence he argues that only

solution to these problems is the separate statehood to the Telangana region. All the

problems will get solved in the separate statehood. In Telangana region, Dalits and other

marginalized sections are conscious and there were not many atrocities and humiliations

on Dalits. Being that because of Peasants struggle, Naxalite movement and left

movements. Though there was the feudal system in Telangana but it was well fought by

the several movements that have been mentioned earlier. Telangana movement is not

merely political and economic movement but it also movement against the cultural

dominance; movement for self-respect, descent and dignified life. So, the cultural aspect

also involved in it. Hence the political parties like TRS started installing the idols of Talli

Telangana (mother of Telangana), celebrating Batakamma festival, Telangana sambaralu,

moharam festival. The globalization had also shown an impact on the Telangana region,

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the earlier handicrafts are not to be found now and youth does not have the employment.

Hence, globalization is also one of the reasons for the emergence of separate Telangana

once again.

Pranab Mukarjee said on the demand of separate Telangana State, on this demand

committee has no got consensus in favour of separate State for Telangana region. After

the formation of UPA government, they constituted a Committee with the chairmanship

of Pranab Mukarjee on the demand of Telanagana State. The committee had written the

letters to all the political parties in the country. The many parties wrote the letters in

support of the formation of separate state to the committee. There are other political

Parties like CPI (M), Telugu Desam Party opposed the smaller states. But the before the

2009 general elections, Telugu Desam Party has withdrew his earlier proposal that was

against the formation of the Telangana state and had sent another letter in support of

Telangana state to the committee. Pranab Mukarjee has said when the TDP wrote a letter

to the committee, Committee has stopped working on the issue. Pranab Mukarjee also

said Congress party thought of solve the by constituting of Second Reorganization

Committee (SRC) but the parties like Telangana Rastra Samithi, CPI (M) and other

opposed the proposal brought by the Congress party. At last, as a chairman of the

committee said no consensuses have come up for the formation of the separate Telangana

state.

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