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IN THE U.S. DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF OHIO
WESTERN DIVISION
COAST CANDIDATES PAC, et al. ::Plaintiffs :
:v. : CASE NO. 1:11-cv-00775
:OHIO ELECTIONS COMMISSION, et al. : Judge Barrett
:Defendants :
BRIEF OF MICHAEL DEWINE, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF OHIO, ASAMICUS CURIAE ANDIN SUPPORT OF NEITHER PARTY
The Attorney General has asked leave of Court to file this amicus brief in support
of the free speech rights of Ohio citizens. The Attorney General has serious concerns
about the constitutionality of Ohiosgeneralized false statement law subsections (here
specifically R.C. 3517.22(B)(2), and by analogy also R.C. 3517.21(B)(10)) that can
trigger onerous governmental review of statements made by any person designed to
persuade voters but claimed by someone else to be false. As set forth below, the
Attorney General does not express these concerns lightly, but has concluded that those
generalized subsections (as distinct from certain more specific subsections of law that ban
more precisely defined and specified falsehoods in a way less susceptible of political
abuse) can chill citizens in the candid expression of their views.
Under these generalized provisions of law, Ohioans who participate in civic
debate may find themselves summoned to Columbus to appear before a government
Commission investigating the validity of their statements and with a looming prospect of
further investigation simply because some complainant questions the accuracy of their
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speech in any (undefined) regard. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit has
been clear that unless campaign speech is false, and made knowing of the falsehood or
in reckless disregard for the truth, that speech is protected by the First Amendment, and
the State must demonstrate a compelling interest to justify policing the information.
Despite that strong standard, recent history reflects that the speech policing machinery
has been employed to burden and inquire into speech that the First Amendment protects
as essential to the workings of our democratic system of self-government.
INTEREST OF AMICUS
The Attorney General of the State of Ohio submits this separate amicus filing to
present his view on legal issues relating to fundamental free speech rights of all Ohioans.
His position as amicus here is independent both of Plaintiffs and Defendants, and in
particular is independent of his representation of the Ohio Elections Commission
Defendants. He continues zealously to represent those State Defendants in a separate
capacity, acting through experienced lawyers in the Constitutional Offices section of the
Attorney Generals office1
The Attorney General makes this filing in fulfillment of his duties as Ohios chief
law officer, as an officer of the Court, and as an independently elected state official. His
independence is constitutionally designed to allow him to speak for the interests of the
State as a whole, and for its citizens. See Ohio Const., Art. III, Sec. 1; Ohio Rev. Code
109.02, 109.12-14;see also, e.g., Merrill v. Ohio Dept of Natural Resources, 955
N.E.2d 935, 944-45 (Ohio 2011) (explaining Attorney Generals independent power to
determine the States view, apart from the position of a State agency);Northeast Ohio
1The Attorney General has screened counsel on this brief from contact with that section for briefing of thiscase, and has arrangedpro bono outside counsel for this brief.
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Coalition for the Homeless v. Blackwell, 467 F.3d 999, 1008-09 (6th
Cir. 2006) (same;
Ohios Attorney General is both the States chief legal officer and a representative of the
people and the public interest, as well as a representative of an individual officer-
client).
The Attorney General does not urge particular findings with regard to the specific
facts of this litigation as the Court may determine them, and he takes no position on the
Elections Commissions challenge to the justiciability of this case. Rather, he writes
separately to acknowledge and underscore the important First Amendment implications
of Ohios generalized false statement regime providing official government review of
the substance of citizens political election speech.
An Attorney General has a special duty, as an officer of the Court and
representative of the public, to acknowledge when the governments side might be
wrong, and especially when a statute might be unconstitutional. See, e.g., Waxman,
Defending Congress, 79 N.C. L. Rev. 1073 (2001); Lemos, The Solicitor General As
Mediator Between Court And Agency, 2009 Mich. St. L. Rev. 185. To be sure, such an
action is reserved for rare cases. As former U.S. Solicitor General Waxman put it, when
an Act of Congress has been challenged, the Solicitor General ordinarily puts a heavy
thumb on the scale in favor of defending the statute.Defending Congress, 79 N.C. L.
Rev. at 1978. Yet, the duty to defend is not limitless and does not preclude
acknowledgment of constitutional concerns.
As the Waxman study details, the U.S. Solicitor Generalor here, a States
Attorney Generalmay address constitutional problems in several ways. First, he may
refuse to defend a statute, and both federal and state attorneys general have taken that
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path on rare occasion. See id. at 1073, citingDickerson v. United States, 530 U.S. 428
(2000) (federal government conceded unconstitutionality of statute that sought to
overruleMiranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436 (1966)); see also, e.g., United States v. Lovett,
327 U.S. 773 (1945); Simkins v. Moses Cone Hospital, 323 F.2d 959 (4th
Cir. 1963), cert.
denied, 376 U.S. 938 (1964).2 Second, he may defend a statute as part of his client
representation, while candidly acknowledging the statutes constitutional problems. See
Defending Congress, 79 N.C. L. Rev. at 1081-82. Third, he may, as the U.S. Attorney
General and Solicitor General sometimes have done, proceed on two tracks, defending
the clients position in one brief and separately filing a brief that acknowledges
constitutional problems.
The U.S. Attorney General and Solicitor General took that third course inBuckley
v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), the landmark campaign finance case, and the U.S. Solicitor
General took the same action inMetro Broadcasting v. FCC, 497 U.S. 547 (1990),
overruled byAdarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 515 U.S. 200, 227 (1995), a case
concerning FCC preferences for minority-owned broadcast stations. InMetro
Broadcasting, the Solicitor General fully advocated for a laws unconstitutionality. In
Buckley, Attorney General Edward Levi and Solicitor General Robert Bork noted the
laws problems, without advocating a specific conclusion (while General Levis Justice
Department fully defended the law in a separate brief).
In this casewhich involves the application of Ohios generalized false
statements law to new media twitter Internet commentary in the context of a local
2From early in the States history, Attorneys General also have brought suit themselves challengingtheconstitutionality of certain State enactments. See, e.g., State ex rel. Attorney General v. Kinney, Secy ofSt., 56 Ohio St. 721 (1897); State ex rel. Sheets, Atty Gen. v. Laylin, Secy of St. , 69 Ohio St. 1 (1903);State ex rel. Saxbe v. Brand,197 N.E.2d 44 (1964), superseded by Ohio Const. Art. VIII, Sec. 13.
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issue electionthe Attorney General has determined that the latterBuckley model is
appropriate. As noted above, the Attorney General continues separately to defend the
Ohio Elections Commission and its officers in this case. He also files this separate amicus
brief because of the critical importance of free speech to our democratic system, and
because of the chilling effect that current Ohio law can exert on civic participation by
ordinary citizens. The law at issue here does not merely apply to candidates who choose
to run for office, or to political committees who form to advocate an issue. It can reach
any person who speaks her mind, and recent history suggests that the law is being
employed to police not just false speech, but speech that indisputably is protected under
the First Amendment. The Attorney General has concluded that his solemn duty in these
circumstances requires him to speak out through the filing of this amicus brief.
I. THE FIRST AMENDMENT IS INTENDED TO PROTECT THEFUNCTIONING OF OUR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND MAY
ONLY BE ABRIDGED ON THE BASIS OF A COMPELLING
GOVERNMENT INTEREST, SUBJECT TO STRICT SCRUTINY.
The First Amendment protections that have allowed our democratic processes to
flourish continue to set the United States apart from most of the world. The freedom
Americans enjoy to criticize both the operations of government and the people who
would exercise its powers is a crucial check against the abuse and overreach of state
authority. The United States is unique in what the Supreme Court has called our
profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be
uninhibited, robust, and wide-open.Buckley, 424 U.S. 1, 14 (1976) (quotingNew York
Times v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 270 (1964)). [D]iscussion of public issues [is]
integral to the operation of the system of government established by our Constitution.
The First Amendment affords the broadest protection to such political expression in order
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to assure the unfettered exchange of ideas for the bringing about of political and social
changes desired by the people.McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Commission, 514 U.S. 334,
346 (1995) (citations omitted).
The protection given to political speech represents a profound trust in the ultimate
wisdom of the American people. Thus, when a law burdens core political speech, the
courts must apply exacting scrutiny and uphold the restriction only if it is narrowly
tailored to serve an overriding state interest.McIntyre, 514 U.S. at 347; see also Citizens
United v. Federal Election Commission, 130 S. Ct. 876, 882 (2010) (laws burdening
such speech are subject to strict scrutiny.). That standard imposes a heavy burden of
justification on the State, see, e.g., San Antonio Independent School District v.
Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1, 17 (1973).
II. THE OHIO STATUTE CHILLS AND PENALIZES SPEECH ATCRITICAL TIMES IMMEDIATELY BEFORE ELECTIONS.
Against this background of sweeping First Amendment protection for political
speech and a strict scrutiny standard of review, the State of Ohio has erected a legislative
scheme that, while purporting to regulate false speech deemed unprotected by the
Constitution, in fact repeatedly scoops within its ambit protected speech. Ohios law then
fails to provide adequate safeguards (including prompt judicial review) against the
chilling of political speech.
The Sixth Circuit has upheld Ohios power to regulate election-related false
statements made with actual malice, at least as pertaining to statements about
candidates, because the constitutional protections of the First Amendment do not extend
to false speech made in knowing or reckless disregard for the truth. Pestrak v. Ohio
Elections Commission, 926 F.2d 573 (1991);Briggs v. Ohio Elections Commission, 61
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F.3d 487 (1995) (upholding portions of Ohio Rev. Code 3517.21(B)). The Court further
stated, however, that such regulation must include adequate procedural safeguards,
Pestrak, 926 F.2d at 578, and that even when adequate safeguards are in place, certain
applications of the Ohio false statements law might still not be constitutional.Id. at 577,
n.2.3
In fact, neither PestraknorBriggs addressed Ohio Rev. Code 3517.22(B), dealing
with false statements in the context of ballot issues, and one federal court of appeals has
recently noted that the rationale that might support a prohibition on false statements about
candidates would not necessarily support such a prohibition on speech about ballot
issues. See281 Care Committee v. Arneson, 638 F.3d 621 (8th Cir. 2011) (Minnesota
has a long history of regulating knowingly false speech about political candidates;
However, regulation of issue-related political speech is a comparatively recent
innovation. [D]efamation law principles are justified not only by the falsity of the
speech, but also by the important private interests implicated by defamatory speech. A
ballot initiative clearly cannot be the victim of a character assassination.)
As the Sixth Circuit has underscored, in all cases of protected political speech,
the state must demonstrate a compelling interest to justify policing the information.
Briggs, 61 F.3d at 494. The state may not play the neutral role of policing the
3 Since the decision in Pestrak, certain courts in other jurisdictions have held that false speech in the
election context is not categorically excluded from First Amendment protection. See 281 Care Committeev. Arneson, 638 F.3d 621 (8th Cir. 2011) (the First Amendment does not allow the courts of a ppeals todecide whether a category of speech, on the whole, contains socially worthless information [w]e are
particularly unwilling to do so here because the speech involved about ballot initiatives is
quintessential political speech, which is at the heart of the protections of the First Amendment, anddistinguishing defamation law as centering on important private interests not implicated in this context);
Rickert v. The Public Disclosure Commission, 168 P.3d 826 (Wash. 2007) (striking down a law that, likeOhios, prohibited false statements with actual malice about a candidate but with no requirement of
defamation damages).
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information put forth by political candidates so that their campaign materials meet certain
minimum standards;Id. It may not regulate speech based upon its implication, id.
(emphasis in original) or restrict speech that is subject to different interpretations.Id.
(citations omitted). PestrakandBriggs make clear that First Amendment protections
ensure broad protection for true or ambiguous statements. A review of the Ohio statutory
system, however, indicates that generalized false statements provisions of O.R.C.
3517.22(B)(2) and 3517.21(B)(10) police and encompass far more truthful and
ambiguous statements than untruthful speech.
A. The workings of Ohios false statements law in practice
Under Ohios generalized false statement prohibitions, anyone who joins in
political debate and makes statements deemed to be intended to influence the outcome of
an election may end up on the receiving end of a complaint filed with the Ohio Elections
Commission. A complaint may be filed by any person, including but not limited to
political opponents, who must merely attest that one of the statements was false and
made with knowing or reckless disregard of its falsity. See Ohio Rev. Code
3517.153 (complaint); 3517.21(B) and (B)(10) (any false statement concerning a
candidate); 3517.22(B)(2) (any false statement concerning a ballot proposition or
issue.)
The speaker will then find his statements reviewed by a state administrative body
that has been selected with specific reference to the political affiliations of its members.
See Ohio Rev. Code 3517.152. If the complaint alleges a false statement and is made
within 90 days of the general election, within 3 days (or 7 days if good cause is shown)
the Elections Commission will convene a panel to hold a hearing on the complaint to
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determine whether there is probable cause to refer the matter to the full commission for a
further hearing. Ohio Rev. Code 3517.154(A), 3517.156(B)(1). Before this hearing,
the respondent may have no opportunity for discovery to learn the basis for the
complaint, a complaint that may be conclusory in nature.
The probable cause panel may then dismiss the complaint for want of probable
cause, may find probable cause and refer the complaint to the full Commission for a
merits hearing, or, ifthe evidence is insufficient for the panel to make a determination,
may request that an investigatory attorney investigate the complaint and then proceed
to a full Commission hearing. Ohio Rev. Code 3517.156(C). The Commission may
issues subpoenas compelling the attendance of witnesses and the production of papers,
books, accounts, and reports, and may seek enforcement through contempt proceedings in
the Franklin County Court of Common Pleas. Ohio Rev. Code 3517.153(B).
If the full Commission determines by clear and convincing evidence that the
respondent has violated the false statements law, the Commission may refer the matter to
the appropriate county prosecutor for prosecution, Ohio Rev. Code 3517.155(A)(1)(c),
which can result in imprisonment for up to six months, or a fine of up to $5000.00. Ohio
Rev. Code 3517.992(V). The initial hearing by a Commission panel is designed to
determine whether probable cause exists for further investigation. By definition, it comes
before any determination of falsity, or even likelihood of falsity, is made, and it can
trigger substantial investigation and discovery obligations.
Finally, it must be emphasized that the statute applies not only to campaigns or
large entities, but to any person. Thus by its express terms the law applies to an
individual blogger, to a person posting a comment on Facebook or other social media, or
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to a homemade sign or pamphlet made by a single individual. Cf. McIntyre, 514 U.S. 334
(holding unconstitutional portions of Ohios election code applied to an individual). And
it applies to tweets, as this case demonstrates.
B. Ohios statutory scheme chills speech
COAST Candidates PAC and COAST allege that their speech is and has been
chilled by the possibility of investigation and prosecution, and will be again in the future.
Complaint 37-48. In order to evaluate this claim, should it be justiciable, the Court
must consider the operation of the Ohio statutes within the unique realm of elections.
For one on the receiving end of a false statements complaint, the impact of a
state agency declaring that it has found probable cause that an individual has lied in
the immediate run up to an election can have profound significance. And when a
probable cause finding is made close to an election, it is rare that the speaker will have
the opportunity for vindication at a full Commission hearing, let alone before a court of
law, before the election in question.
This is important because a unique feature of an election is timeliness. The
election arrives on a date certain, and once that date has passed, it is extremely rare for
any court to set aside the results of an election. A federal judicial decision to enjoin the
results of an election is a drastic, if not staggering act.Bell v. Southwell, 376 F.2d 659,
662 (5th Cir. 1962). State courts, too, are appropriately reluctant to overturn election
results. [T]he courts of Ohio are hesitant to set aside an election result and will do so
only in extraordinary cases, wrought with flagrant and determinative election
irregularities. Steven F. Huefner,Recourse for Election Worker Misconduct, in The E-
Book on Election Law (Edward Foley et al. eds. 2004), available at
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http://moritzlaw.osu.edu/electionlaw/ebook/part5/procedures_recount02.html#_ednref6;
See also In re Election of November 6, 1990 for the Office of Attorney General , 569 N.E.
2d 447 (Ohio 1991).
This stringent standard begets a reality: official actions that cannot be corrected
before an election cannot, as a practical matter, be remedied after an election. A pre-
election probable cause determination has great effect beyond costs in time and money.
To the challenged speaker, such a determination itself may be viewed as a sanction by the
state, because it is viewed as such by large segments of the electorate. Indeed, that result
may be the precise outcome sought by the complainant in enlisting the states
enforcement procedure to his side in a campaign debate. In short, the stark realities of the
system are such that speakers who find their statements challenged in the governmental
review process may have little choice but to participate fully in the Commissions
assessment of the speech at issue.
In this case, for example, COAST alleges that the reason [complainant] delayed
filing the complaint until just before the election was to have a hearing before the
probable cause panel in order to obtain a hoped-for probable cause conclusion that the
COAST Candidates PAC violated the Statute on the eve of the election, but to not allow
sufficient time for a full and complete adjudicatory hearing before the election. Such
a practice, plaintiffs allege, is regularly done with respect to proceedings before the
Ohio Elections Commission. Complaint 29.
The Attorney General offers no opinion on the truth or falsity of this element of
plaintiffs claim regarding their circumstances. However, the facts explain why such a
claim might seem plausible to citizens: At issue in the complaint were 20 allegedly false
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tweets, all but six of which were sent before October 1 and the last of which was sent
on October 21, yet the complaint was not filed until October 28, only 10 days before the
election that the challenged speaker allegedly intended to influence. It is not unduly
cynical to suggest that in at least some Elections Commission matters, complainants may
time their submissions to achieve maximum disruption of their political opponents while
calculating that an ultimate decision on the merits will be deferred until after the relevant
election. Bringing campaign practices actions against a candidate who has
purportedly disseminated false statements is not always about correcting the record or
remedying injury to reputation. It is often also about inflicting political damage. In this
respect, the [action] itself can be a weapon of substantial political force. William P.
Marshall, False Campaign Speech and the First Amendment, 153 U. Pa. L. Rev. 285, 300
(2004).
Even where, as here, the Commission does not find probable cause, the damage is
often done. The speaker is forced to use time and resources responding to the complaint,
typically at the exact moment that campaign is peaking and his time and resources are
best used elsewhere. The state has constructed a process that allows its enforcement
mechanisms to be used to extract a cost from those seeking to speak out on elections,
right at the most crucial time for that particular type of speech; and if the allegations turn
out to be unfounded, there is no possibility of timely remedy.
The timing of complaints at the Commission supports the notion that some
partisans seek to time complaints to trigger actions immediately before the election, and
that in such cases the finding of probable cause is itselfthe result that the complainant
seeks. Ohio Elections Commission records as reviewed by the undersigned counsel show
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that in 2011, eight complaints were filed alleging false statements under Ohio Rev. Code
3517.22(B) (including the COAST complaints at issue in this suit). Seven appear to have
reached a probable cause panel within one week of the election. Thirteen such complaints
were filed in 2010, and nine reached a panel within one week of the election.4
Moreover, typically, no penalty is sought beyond the finding of a violation. Since
2001, the Elections Commission has found a violation of 3517.22(B) in 14 cases, and
violations of 3517.21(B) in 97 cases. Only one of those cases has been referred for
prosecution. In many cases, the Commission specifically reports that the penalty is the
finding of a violation. See, e.g., Griffin v. Ohio Democratic Party, Ohio Elections
Commission 2010E-76 (2010).
The time-sensitive nature of the election and the authoritative imprimatur given
to the Commission as a purportedly expert, impartial state agency make a probable cause
hearing a serious matter,even beyond the ramifications of future hearings andinvestigations. Once the state has harmed a speakers cause by making a finding (whether
of probable cause or of violation) for which no judicial review can, as a practical matter,
be had before the election, the speaker has been effectively penalized for speaking. That
is a factor that influences participation before the Commission on both sides.
C. The statutory scheme lacks adequate safeguards to protect First Amendment rights
While the Commissions proceedings themselves can be a de facto penalty in the
elections context, the Commission operates without the types of procedural safeguards
required by PestrakandBriggs.
4 Data on Ohio Elections Commission filings and dispositions in this brief was provided by theCommission pursuant to a phone request for publicly available information on Commission actions, andcompiled by Counsel. Counsel has not attached the raw data, which consists of hundreds of pages of casesummaries, but will gladly and expeditiously make it available to the Court and to all counsel if sorequested.
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The Pestrakcourt upheld the constitutionality of the forerunner to what is now
Ohio Rev. Code 3517.21(B), but also invalidated other provisions. Among other things,
Pestraknoted that clear and convincing evidence was required before punishment
could be levied against a speaker in areas trenching on the first amendment.926 F.2d at
578 (quotingNew York Times, 376 U.S. at 285-86). By definition, the probable cause
determinations of the Commission are not based on clear and convincing evidence. See
Ohio Rev. Code 3517.156. Thus, to the extent that a probable cause finding has the
practical effect of penalizing speech, it violates this requirement ofPestrak.
Further, the Pestrakcourt noted that [e]ven when there is the strongest reason for
restraint, as in the possibility of public disorder, there must be an immediate opportunity
for judicial review. 926 F.2d at 578. Yet if the action complainants seek is not a
prosecution, or even a final agency action, but merely the ability to file a complaint, to
engage the chilling power of the state, and perhaps to obtain a probable cause finding,
it is clear that no adequate judicial review can be had before the election. This truly is a
situation where justice delayed is justice denied for the innocent speaker.
D. The statutory scheme pulls within its ambit much protected speech
The Sixth Circuit has been emphatic: Unless campaign speech is false, and
make knowing of the falsehood or in reckless disregard for the truth, that speech is
protected by the First Amendment, and the State must demonstrate a compelling interest
to justify policing the information.Briggs,61 F.3d at 494 (emphasis added).
Few respondents contest an adverse Commission finding in court because the
election will be over, won or lost, by the time any judicial hearing takes place, and so the
remedy is largely meaningless. Nevertheless, the few challenges that do take place
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demonstrate that the State is policing a good deal of speech that is clearly within the
ambit of constitutionally protected speech. And even when these speakers are vindicated,
it is too late, as the election is over and the damage done.
For example, in Service Employees International Union District 1199 v. Ohio
Elections Commission, 822 N.E.2d 424 (10th Dist. App. 2004), a union was vindicated
and the OECs findings reversed, but not until a full year and a half after the election.
Probable cause in the matter was found within two weeks of the election. A full merits
hearing was held one day before the election, at which the Commission found a false
statement violation by a vote of 4-3.Id. at 427-28. The next year the Court of Common
Pleas affirmed the Commissions finding.Id. at 428. The case then went to the Court of
Appeals, which found that [t]he statement at issue [was] ambiguous and susceptible of
different interpretations, and that even assuming falsity for the sake of analysis, the
record lacks clear and convincing evidence that SEIU knew that the statement was false
or acted in reckless disregard Moreover, SEIUs interpretation of the statement is
rational and has a basis in fact.Id. at 430, 432. Thus, roughly a year and a half after the
election, the matter was remanded with orders to reverse the Commissions determination
against the Union.
Other reported post-Briggs cases reflect similar stories. See, e.g., Flannery v.
Ohio Elections Commission, 804 N.E.2d 1032 (10th Dist. App. 2004) (reversing OEC
finding of violation nearly two years after election; complaint had been brought against
Democratic candidate for Secretary of State by incumbents campaign manager;
Commission found probable cause and ultimately violations; trial court reversed; Court
of Appeals ultimately held that, even assuming arguendo that Flannerys statements
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were false, the Commission failed to sustain its burden that the statements were made
with actual malice.); Committee to Elect Straus Prosecutor v. Ohio Elections
Commission, No. 07AP-12, 2007 Ohio App. LEXIS 4797 (10th Dist. 2007) (affirming
trial court reversal of two findings of violations where statements were not shown to have
been made with actual malice; appeals court ruling came two years and eleven months
after the election in which the statements were made); Steve Buehrer for Congress v.
Ohio Elections Commission, No. 07CVF12-17565 (Franklin Cnty. C.P., Nov. 17, 2009)
(Two years after the election, Commission false statement finding reversed: There was
no evidence before the Commission that the statement was false, or published
knowing the same to be false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.).
The public documents from the Ohio Elections Commission further show the
burden that the false statements law places onprotectedspeech. Between 2001 and 2010,
the Commission found violations of O.R.C. 3517.22(B) in 14 cases. The Commission
dismissed ten cases after a hearing. Eighteen were dismissed because the complainant
withdrew the complaint or failed to prosecute (typically after the electiona further
indication that the goal is less an ultimate finding of a violation than a probable cause
finding before the election). Ninety-six were dismissed with findings of no probable
cause. Not one was referred for prosecution.5
Thus, in the vast majority of cases speakers who have engaged inprotected
speech are being required, typically in the late stages of a campaign, to devote time and
resources to responding to complaints. And under O.R.C. 3517.154, the Commission
5Counsel compiled these numbers from publicly available information. See n. 2, supra. Though greater innumber, the complaints alleging violations of O.R.C. 3517.21(B) between 2001 and 2010 tell a similarstory: 90 violations, 48 dismissals after a merits hearing, 260 dismissals at the probable cause stage, and112 complaints dismissed by the complainant or by the Commission for failure to prosecute. A substantialportion of these complaints arise under the generalized false statements provisions of subsection (B)(10).
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cannot even weed out frivolous complaints before the probable cause hearing unless
the complaint is technically deficient. False statement complaints almost by definition
are filed by persons with hostile political motives. For such complainants, the fact that the
complaint is dismissed, whether at probable cause or after a full hearing, may be almost
beside the point. The damage inflicted is the time and cost to the opposition of having to
defend itself in the campaigns final days. Vindication in court 18 months or two years
later is scarcely vindication at all.
In short, an Ohio citizen who chooses to exercise his or her civic responsibilities
by speaking out on issues of the day may face the issuance of government subpoenas,
targeting by a government-appointed investigative attorney (even absent a finding of
probable cause), and a Commission determination labeling her speech false just
before the election, all with the threat of criminal prosecution in the background. These
factors, perhaps in combination with concerns regarding the political impact of an
adverse preliminary finding in the days before the election that will not be subject to
immediate judicial review, may impel the speaker to take on the burden of responding to
the complaint. This is so even if the respondent believes his or her speech is true, and it
comes at the timein the days immediately before the electionwhen such response is
most distracting and burdensome.
For the individual pamphleteer or blogger, especially, such interaction with
government can be terrifying. Thanks to modern media such as the Internet and Twitter,
it is now remarkably easy for any citizen to become a publisher of news and
commentary. This development has had a broad democratizing effect consistent with the
purpose of the First Amendment. The idea that Ohios citizens must hire an attorney or
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even engage in extensive investigation before communicating on Facebook or Twitter,
however, undercuts the most basic norms of political participation and free speech.
But there is a way to avoid both the substantial cost and burden of responding,
and the possibility of being unfairly tarred by a probable cause or merits finding on the
eve of the election: By shying away from provocative speech that, while not false in the
considered opinion of the speaker, might nonetheless be challenged as false by political
opponents. While the state may proscribe, investigate, and punish unprotected speech, it
may not do so in a manner that chills protected speech.Rickhoff v. Willing, No. SA-10-
CA-140-XR, 2010 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 96557, at 27 (W.D. Tex. Sept. 14, 2010).
The cases and the Commissions own numbers indicate that this chilling of
protected speech is exactly what occurs under Ohios false statements law.
III. EXPERIENCE CASTS CONSIDERABLE DOUBT ON THEVIABILITY OF THE OHIO FALSE STATEMENTS STATUTE
UNDER STRICT SCRUTINY REVIEW.
A review of the statutory mechanisms involved, and the effect that the statute has
on speech that is clearly entitled to full constitutional protection underBriggs, suggests
that in the proper procedural setting, inquiry will be appropriate into whether Ohios
scheme of policing speech can withstand constitutional scrutiny under current First
Amendment jurisprudence. Such constitutional inquiry is of fundamental importance
because the right of the citizen to inquire, to hear, to speak, and to use information to
reach consensus is a precondition of enlightened self-government and a necessary means
to protect it. Citizens United, 130 S. Ct. at 898. There is practically universal agreement
that a major purpose of [the First Amendment] was to protect the free discussion of
governmental affairs.Mills v. Alabama, 384 U.S. 214, 218 (1966). Given the command
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that such regulations be reviewed under strict scrutiny, requiring proof of a compelling
state interest and narrow tailoring on facts that have not been established, that inquiry
will be difficult to withstand.
In State of Washington v. Vote No! Committee, 957 P.2d 691 (1998), the
Washington Supreme Court struck down a statute prohibiting false statements made with
actual malice. Under strict scrutiny, the court noted, the State bears a well-nigh
insurmountable burden to justify [statutory] restriction[s] on political speech.
[E]ven if the State possessed a compelling interest here, it must also provethe statute at issue is necessary to serve that interest. However, the
record here demonstrates [the statute] may be manipulated by candidatesto impugn the electoral process rather than promote truthfulness.Ultimately, the States claimed compelling interest to shield the public
from falsehoods during a political campaign assumes the people of thisstate are too ignorant or disinterested to investigate, learn, and determinefor themselves the truth or falsity in political debate, and it is the properrole of the government itself to fill the void. At its worst the statute ispure censorship, allowing government to undertake prosecution of citizenswho, in their view, have abused the right of political debate.
Id. at 698-99 (citations omitted).
As the U.S. Supreme Court has stated, [t]he very purpose of the First
Amendment is to foreclose public authority from assuming a guardianship of the public
mind In this field, every person must be his own watchman for truth, because the
forefathers did not trust any government to separate the true from the false for us.Meyer
v. Grant, 484 U.S. 414, 419-420 (1988).
CONCLUSION
All political power is inherent in the people. Ohio Const. art. I, 2. Our system
of government depends on the willingness of citizens to enter into the political arena and
debate the issues of the day. Ohios generalized prohibitions on false statements made
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in the course of a political campaign burden core, truthful speech protected by the First
Amendment and by Ohios broader constitutional protections of speech.
The Commissions own data and recent case law suggests that its machinery has
been used extensively by private actors to gain political advantage in circumstances
where malicious falsity cannot ultimately be established. In light of the ongoing stream of
false statement claims made under the most generalized and unspecific of Ohios false
statements lawssome obviously more justified than othersthe Attorney General
submits this filing as a friend of the court and the legal process, and suggests that if not in
this case, then in some appropriate juncture, Ohios machinery for policing the substance
of political speech will need to be recalibrated to remove the threat of inappropriate
governmental burdens on Ohioans who desire to speak their minds at election time.
Respectfully Submitted,
MICHAEL DEWINEOHIO ATTORNEY GENERAL
/s/ Bradley Alan Smith_________________Bradley Alan Smith (0046887)Special Counsel to the Attorney Generalc/o Capital University Law School303 E. Broad StreetColumbus, Ohio 43215Tel: (614) [email protected]
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CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I hereby certify that a true and correct copy of the foregoing was served on the
parties to this action via the Courts electronic case filing system on this 10th day of
February, 2012.
/s/Bradley Alan SmithBradley Alan Smith (0046887)
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