200006 American Renaissance

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American Renaissance - 1 - June 2000

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There is not a truth existing which I fear or would wish unknown to the whole world.— Thomas Jefferson

Vol. 11 No. 6 June 2000

Heart of Darkness

American Renaissance

Pushing whites out of Af-rica.

by George Kimble

Zimbabwe–the former Rhodesia–is sinking into violent anarchy asits aging autocrat stirs up hatred

against the remaining whites. In neigh-boring South Africa whites look on inhorror as rampaging blacks kill and dis-possess farmers in a nightmare they per-sist in believing could never be visitedupon their own country. And in a per-fect parallel to their treatment of non-white degeneracy at home, the Ameri-can government and media have saidnext to nothing about this continuingoutrage.

Part of the problem is 76-year-oldRobert Mugabe, leader of the ZANU-PF party, who has ruled the country for

20 years. His “leadership” has slowlydestroyed a once-prosperous economy,left one quarter of the adult populationwith AIDS, and encouraged corruptionat all levels. He is running out of bootyto distribute to his supporters and hopesto plunder the one remaining efficientsector of the economy: commercialfarming. Some 4,500 large-scale farm-ers–almost all of them white–growwheat, tobacco, and other crops that ac-count for 40 percent of the country’sexports.

Last February, Mr. Mugabe held a

referendum to approve constitutionalchanges that would have broadened hispowers and given him the right to seizewhite-owned land without compensa-tion. The measure was defeated, largelybecause of the rise of a serious opposi-tion party, the Movement for DemocraticChange (MDC) led by Morgan Tsvan-girai and supported by many whites. Mr.Mugabe was furious at the defeat andresponded by encouraging Dr. ChenjeraiHunzvi to lead a movement to occupy

white farms and drive out the owners.Dr. Hunzvi, who likes to go by the nameof “Hitler,” is thought by some to be thesecond most powerful man in the coun-try. He is a shady operator (see sidebar)who claims to speak for black veterans

of the insurgency that ended white rulein Rhodesia 20 years ago.

Swarms of blacks calling themselves“war veterans” are now squatting onapproximately 1,000 (some reports putthe figure at 700) commercial farms,

egged on by Mr. Mugabe’s denunciationof white farmers as “enemies of thepeople.” Arriving in government-sup-plied convoys, they camp out on privateproperty, demand food and drink, andintimidate farmers and their black em-

ployees. Many admit they are being paidby the government. Often roaring drunk and brandishing clubs and knives, theysometimes make the farmers’ wives anddaughters dance for them or sing songspraising Robert Mugabe and the ZANU-PF. At their worst they kill, burn, rape,and loot (see sidebar). It is a miracle thatso far only three farmers have been mur-dered, but many have been beaten, heldhostage, or forced to sign documentstransferring ownership of their farms tothe occupiers.

One reason there have been so fewdeaths is that farmers have put up noresistance and many have abandonedtheir farms and fled to safety in thehomes of friends in the cities. In somecases blacks have looted and ransackedunoccupied homes, killed livestock, andburned farm buildings and crops. Squat-ters have frequently vented their wrathon the blacks who live and work in thefarms, beating them and burning theirhouses.

Many whites have farmed the sameland for three generations and are veryattached to the blacks who have alsoworked there for generations. Sixty-two-year-old Lorna Coleman says these at-tachments would make it hard to leaveZimbabwe no matter how great the dan-ger. “One of my biggest worries is whatwill happen to our staff. We have 70people working for us and their fami-lies live on our property. I take that re-sponsibility seriously. I don’t want to

abandon them.”The “war veterans,”–most were notyet born or were in diapers when theinsurgency was actually going on morethan 20 years ago–imitate a Red Guardtactic from the Chinese Cultural Revo-lution. After they beat up one group of farm workers they load them onto trucks,drive to the next farm and make thembeat up the workers there. This is sup-posed to raise political consciousness.

Says whites are “enemies of the people.”

The “war veterans” imi-tate Red Guard tactics

from the Chinese Cul-tural Revolution, forcingone group of victims to

beat up the next.




Letters from ReadersSir – I am very pleased to have had

the opportunity to address the American Renaissance conference in April. I had

hardly any time in the US, but the time Idid manage to spend there was wellworth the effort. The hotel was buzzingwith ideas and serious intellectual de-bate.

The crude and inconsistent attemptsto prevent me from attending, the sortof pressure, which, I am certain, wouldemphatically not have been applied hadI been addressing an American audienceon the evils of “institutionalized racism”in Britain, have badly shaken my confi-dence in the commitment of British uni-versities towards freedom of speech.

I had a lot of support from studentsand from others outside, most notablythe editor and readers of [the Britishmagazine] Right Now, but not a singlemember of the faculty at my own uni-versity expressed any support. Granted,many do not share my views on multi-culturalism and feminism–publicly atany rate–but none seems to be aware thata university administration that can usebureaucratic and administrative mea-sures to silence and intimidate me canuse the same measures against them. Anattack on my academic freedom is mani-

festly an attack on theirs. Were they justtoo cowardly to stand up and becounted?

On a positive note, the support I re-ceived from all those at American Re-naissance and elsewhere in the US whowrote to the university administration onmy behalf was inspiring. I thank you all.My only regret was that I had insuffi-cient time to discuss a whole range of issues with the conferees and thank people personally.

As an Englishman concerned aboutthe fate of the West, I support the aimsof AR and all the other like-mindedNorth American defenders of WesternCivilization. If we do not defend our

culture, language, history and traditions,who will? It is about time that we inBritain woke up to the dangers facingus and started to fight the good fight.

Prof. Frank Ellis, Leeds, UK

Sir – I am writing to congratulate youon the success of the American Renais-sance conference. The speakers wereuniformly excellent, and I hope some of the speeches will be reprinted in AR.

Daniel Kelley, Chicago, Ill.

Sir – American Renaissance is a greatperiodical but I disagree with the impli-cation of the “O Tempora” item on page16 of the May 2000 issue called “Presi-dential Leadership.” There is one pointon which I tend to agree with ThaboMbeki, South Africa’s president. Wrongas he may be about everything else, Ithink he is right when he says AIDS is apolitical issue, not a health issue.

AZT is a dangerous, even lethal, drug.It was developed in 1964 by JeromeHorowitz as a cancer treatment but killed

patients and was abandoned. It was re-suscitated with the help of the drug com-pany Burroughs-Wellcome. It does notcure HIV carriers–it kills them. HIV isfound in a fraction of the world’s healthypopulation and, if untreated, the carrieris likely to die of old age. Thabo Mbekiand his spokesmen know what they aretalking about when they speak of “themysteries” of the virus.

The best source of information aboutthis is Dr. Peter Duesberg’s book Invent-

ing the AIDS Virus. He is a member of the National Academy of Sciences anda professor of molecular biology at theUniversity of California at Berkeley.

Name Withheld, Miami, Fla.

Sir – Michael Levin offers an effec-

tive rebuttal to Randal Robinson’s claimthat whites owe blacks. Whites are al-ready paying “reparations” in taxes andaffirmative action. Prof. Levin couldhave further strengthened his case bylisting the fruits of civilization blacksenjoy, thanks to whites.

Dr. Arthur White, Tiger, Ga.

Sir – I disagree completely withMelinda Jelliby’s April article “Don’tWrite Off The Liberals.” She may in-deed be one of those rare birds, a ra-

cially-conscious white liberal. However,I am under no illusions that there willever be significant numbers of them.

In her article Miss Jelliby mentionsprominent liberals/socialists who hadracially conscious views. The problemis that virtually all her examples are fromthe late 19th century or early 20th cen-tury. The current crop of liberals are adifferent breed. For the most part theyare trendy featherbrains who believewhatever the media or education estab-lishment tells them. These institutionsare firmly in the hands of our enemies.

Miss Jelliby implies that we are exclud-ing liberals, but this is not true. Theycan join us any time, but won’t becauseit is not trendy. I can think of no strat-egy that would make our movementmore appealing to them. They will notflock to our side until there is some cata-strophic event like a racial civil war, andby then it may be too late.

Name Withheld, Milwaukee, Wisc.

Help Wanted!

AR is looking for an assistanteditor to work in our Vir-ginia office. The ideal can-

didate writes well, has a strongcommitment to what we stand for,understands computers, andknows something about runningan office.

Please send your resume to:

2717 Clarkes LandingOakton, VA 22124




American Renaissance is published monthly by the

New Century Foundation. NCF is governed by section501 (c) (3) of the Internal Revenue Code; contributionsto it are tax deductible.

Subscriptions to American Renaissance are $24.00 per year. First-class postage isan additional $6.00. Subscriptions to Canada (first class) and overseas (surface mail)are $30.00. Overseas airmail subscriptions are $40.00. Back issues are $3.00 each.Foreign subscribers should send U.S. dollars or equivalent in convertible bank notes.

Please make checks payable to: American Renaissance, P.O. Box 527, Oakton, VA22124. ISSN No. 1086-9905, Telephone: (703) 716-0900, Facsimile: (703) 716-0932,Web Page Address: www.amren.com Electronic Mail: [email protected]

Continued from page 1

American Renaissance

Jared Taylor, EditorJames P. Lubinskas, Assistant EditorGlayde Whitney, Contributing EditorGeorge McDaniel, Web Page Editor

“We are forced to beat our own friends,”says one terrified worker.

The Supreme Court of Zimbabwe has

declared the occupations illegal and or-dered Mr. Hunzvi to get his people off the land, but the court cannot enforceits order. The police, whom whites nowdismiss as “coat hangers for uniforms,”stand by idly in the face of rampant law-lessness. Mr. Mugabe himself has noregrets about the killings and beatings.“We warned the white farmers,” he says.“We cannot protect you if you provokethe war veterans. You must accept theconsequences.”

On April 28, although he did not sug-gest that the squatters go home, “Hitler”

Hunzvi publicly called for an end to vio-lence and the occupation of more farms.Some hoped this might ease the crisisbut it did not. Farm invasions, beatings,and crop burnings continued, fueled byMr. Mugabe’s increasingly shrill denun-ciations of whites. Farmers have nowconcluded that even if Mr. Hunzvi actu-ally wanted to stop the violence hedoesn’t have the authority.

It is hard to believe he wants to. OnMay 8, after the third farmer was beatento death, he called for all Zimbabweanswho hold British passports to be rounded

up and deported. Anyone who didn’twant to go, he said, should be killed.

Members of the opposition MDChave suffered worse than the farmers.ZANU-PF activists have killed at leasta dozen: party administrators, declaredcandidates for office, and ordinary sup-porters. They have beaten up and intimi-dated uncounted thousands. On May 5,police even held MDC leader Mr.Tsvangirai for seven straight hours,though they did him no violence.

The MDC salute is an open-handedraised arm. In some areas blacks havestopped waving to each other for fearthe gesture could be misread and invite

attack. Funerals for murdered MDC sup-porters have been hush-hush, stealthyaffairs rather than typically Africanlarge-scale observances. “No one mustmourn a member of the MDC,” ex-plained the daughter of Peter Kariza, anactivist murdered by Mugabe support-ers. “If they do, they’ll be killed.” Mr.Kariza’s widow, who was herself badlybeaten, saw her home burned down andher cows and goats stolen. She must nowcare for her eight children alone.

David Coltart, an official in the MDCsays the violence is vastly under-re-ported: “They attack families everynight, beating everyone they can laytheir hands on. The trouble is that thishappens deep in the rural areas. By thetime they are reported, there is nothingfresh for television cameras.” In early

May police admitted that for a monththey had not even told anyone about themurders of three MDC activists, muchless captured the killers.

New elections are expected in June,but the chances of a fair vote are zero.“People might value their vote, but theyvalue their life more,” says political sci-entist Alfred Nhema at the Universityof Zimbabwe. “Many would rather losethe election than die.” He confirms that,as is common throughout Africa, manyZimbabweans think the Mugabe forceshave magical powers and will know if

they vote for the opposition.On May 6, a Mugabe-supporter ad-

dressed this paean to democracy beforea crowd of 700 at a political rally about40 miles north of Harare: “If ZANU-PFloses this election, you will not say thatI did not warn you. If we lose, we willget out our guns. . . . We will be at thevoting stations. If ZANU-PF loses, theway forward will be filled with war.”

MDC supporters are hardly saints ei-ther. On May 7, at an MDC rally they

Hitler’s Rise to Power

Chenjerai “Hitler” Hunzvi is a medical doctor who received his trainingin Poland. He took the name Hitler during the guerrilla war against whiterule during the 1970s. He is now leader of the Zimbabwe War Veterans

Association and leads the farm invasion movement that has thrown the countryinto chaos.

Zimbabwe has a War Victims Compensation Fund from which blacks arepaid substantial sums if they can prove they were wounded in the war. Dr.Hunzvi rose to power by making himself useful to Zimbabwe’s ruling elite: Hecertified that dozens of people in the Mugabe circle had imaginary but profit-able war wounds. He discovered wounds for himself and his own circle, some-times without even bothering with examinations. He has been charged withfraud, and has actually made court appearances during the current crisis.

He showed up for a May 3 court date with 600 screaming supporters whodelayed proceedings for two hours before they could be packed away out of earshot. In their anti-white fervor, they mobbed Mr. Hunzvi’s own lawyers,whose fate might have been uncertain if their client had not identified them andcalled off the crowds. War veterans have also accused Mr. Hunzvi of lootingseveral million Zimbabwean dollars (Z$38.35 = US$1.00) from Zexcom, aninvestment trust set up to benefit ex-guerrillas.

At the very least, Mr. Hunzvi has diverted money from the war-wounds com-pensation fund, leaving less for those who were actually wounded. At worst, hehas stolen from a fund set aside to benefit veterans. In Africa, this is the sort of man who leads the farm invasion campaign in the name of just compensationfor old soldiers. ΩΩΩΩΩ




Martin Olds was alone on hisfarm 400 miles south-westof the capital, Harare (for-

merly Salisbury). There had beenthreats of danger, so he had sent hiswife and two children to relative safetywith friends. At dawn on April 18,hundreds of armed men arrived at hisfarm house in a convoy of 14 cars anda tractor trailer. They attacked the 42-year-old former soldier, who held themoff for several hours with a rifle and ashotgun. At one point a riflebullet shattered his legand he radioed a neigh-bor: “I’ve been shotand I need an ambu-lance.”

Farmers rushedto his assistance,but were fired onwhen they ap-proached his com-

pound. They re-ported that manyof the blacks were drunk. Mr. Oldssplinted his own leg and went on fight-ing, wounding several attackers. Thetwo-hour gun battle ended when theblacks set his house on fire and he wasforced out into their hands. They beathim to mush and then shot him twicein the face at close range. The “warveterans” then got into their vehiclesand drove away.

Just a few hours later, RobertMugabe gave a television address that

some had hoped would be a plea forpeace and reconciliation. Instead, hesaid: “Our present state of mind is thatyou [whites] are now our enemies be-cause you really have behaved as en-emies of Zimbabwe. We are full of anger.”

Not long after this speech, blacksattacked an isolated cottage a fewmiles outside of Harare, where theybeat a white man unconscious with abrick, then tied up and raped the man’s

beat two men who made the mistake of wearing ZANU-PF T-shirts.

Gedahlia Braun, an American aca-demic who has lived many years inSouth Africa and has written occasion-ally for AR, argues that many Africansare incapable of understanding electionsas anything other than a form of war-

fare. Political opponents are no differ-

ent from battlefield enemies and mightas well be killed.

The crisis has been something of abattle for journalists, too. The “war vet-erans” rightly see them as unsympatheticand have often barred them from cover-ing farm invasions. One South Africa-based reporter who wanted to talk to

squatters 25 miles east of Harare

changed his mind when “war veterans”threatened to kill him. They seized thetwo blacks he came with, handcuffedthem, and beat them with iron rods. Bothmen were badly hurt and one may havegotten a fractured hip.

On April 28, the secretary general of the War Veterans Association insisted

that blacks own the land, and lashed outagainst “false reporting:” “With imme-diate effect, if we hear any journalistsaying we are squatters, there is goingto be war here. There will be severe pun-ishment.” Many white farmers havestopped talking to reporters for fear of reprisals and mob violence.

Although many Zimbabweans nowdespise Mr. Mugabe for the ruin and law-lessness he has brought to the country,African heads of state stand by him. OnApril 22, after the murders of two farm-ers, the leaders of South Africa, Mozam-

bique, and Namibia gave Mr. Mugabe aringing endorsement of his handling of the “land problem.” They accept hisview that whites are clinging to unearnedprivilege and must be taught a lesson.To the dismay of his own whites, Presi-dent Thabo Mbeki of South Africa hasyet to pronounce a single word criticalof Mr. Mugabe, though on May 6,Nelson Mandela spoke pointedly fromretirement about African despots whocling to power until they die.

The United States has officially con-demned “violent attacks against farm-

ers” and called for Zimbabwe “to restorethe rule of law.” It plans to keep the an-nual aid budget at $12 to $14 millionbut has canceled plans for an increase.A State Department spokesman prom-ises a “wait and see” approach, sayingthere might be further action if the elec-tions this summer don’t appear to be fair.The killings don’t seem to be of muchinterest to him.

Britain, the former colonial power,has been so stupid as to call the violence“incomprehensible.” It has cut off armssales to Zimbabwe, and got the Com-

monwealth to issue a condemnation(though it agreed not to invoke economicsanctions or try to have Zimbabwethrown out of the Commonwealth). Mr.Mugabe scoffed at the scolding, saying“Britain has nothing to teach us.” Heclosed a two-hour May-third speechwith his fist jabbing the air, shouting“Down with British imperialism andneo-colonialism.”

The British had promised $57 millionover the next two years to buy some of

25-year-old wife and her 18-year-oldsister. After the rape they poured whatthey thought was gasoline on the wifeand tried to light it, but it was furni-ture polish and would not burn. Theblacks ransacked the house, loading upthe man’s pickup truck with loot andthen tried to burn the house down.They failed at this, too, and then droveaway in the stolen truck. Throughoutthe assault on the women they accusedthem of being enemies of Mr. Mugabe

and of supporting the MDC.Another farmer, David

Stevens, was sum-marily shot by a gang

of men who said theywere supporters of Mr. Mugabe.When five otherwhite farmerswent to his assis-tance the attackers

threatened to killthem. They fled toa police station, seeking refuge. Thepolice did nothing as the blacksdragged them from the station and beatthem.

In the latest killing of a whitefarmer, on May 8, Alan Dunn was athome with his wife and three teenagedaughters when a man knocked on hisback door and asked him to come out-side. Five men then beat him to death,fracturing his skull and breaking hisarms. Mr. Dunn was a regional execu-

tive committee member of the MDC.When “Hitler” Hunzvi, who hasbeen leading the farm invasions, wasasked to comment on the murder, hesaid: “There is nothing to say. He isdead.”

Shortly after the killing, in the firstalleged case of violence by whites, ablack claimed from his hospital bedthat he was set upon by a group of white farmers who first asked him if he had known Mr. Dunn.

Violence and Anarchy

ΩΩΩΩΩ




the land now farmed by whites, but willnot hand it over if illegal occupationscontinue. Mr. Mugabe wants the moneywithout conditions, and promises todrive whites off the land without com-pensation anyway. Those who opposehim, he says, can leave the country.

There has been an increasing flow of

Zimbabwean asylum-seekers to Britain,with 50 arriving in March. The Britishhave said they will offer entry only towhites who have ancestral ties to En-gland–anyone else is out of luck. Brit-ain and the European Union have, how-ever, discussed setting up contingencyplans to evacuate whites to South Af-rica if the violence getsworse.

Needless to say, farmoccupations are wreck-ing the cash-crop econ-omy. This is the season

tobacco farmers auctiontheir crops but squattershave burned thousandsof bales and halted allwork on many farms.Only a tenth of theusual tonnage has madeit to market (thoughsome farmers are delay-ing sales, in the expec-tation of another de-valuation of the Zimba-bwe dollar). Tobacco accounts for thebulk of Zimbabwe’s annual export earn-

ings and 20 percent of its gross domes-tic product, so the disruption is signifi-cant. The vice president of the Zimba-bwe Farmers Union, a Mugabe sup-porter, says he knows why so little to-bacco has gotten to market: “The warthey [white farmers] are fighting bywithdrawing their tobacco is so that theycan destroy the economy and pushMugabe out of power.”

Now is the time farmers should beplanting winter wheat but many cannot.Not only are operations paralyzed bysquatters, an estimated 30,000 farm

workers–one in ten–have fled for theirlives. This sudden work stoppage raisesthe specter of serious food shortages byDecember.

The crisis in Zimbabwe is lappinginto South Africa. The Rand has hit arecord low against the dollar, and al-ready-wary foreign investors are ap-palled by what they see across theLimpopo river.

The cruel fact is that Mr. Mugabe andthe “war veterans” are going after the

land of white farmers not because thereis not enough to go around but becausewhites made the land productive. Esti-mates vary enormously but whites aresaid to own 30 to 70 percent of the mostfertile farmland. Over the years the gov-ernment has used British aid money tobuy 1,120,000 acres of formerly white-

owned land, and “redistribute” it. Thetheory was that large farms were goingto be broken up, Marxist-style, into thou-sands of small holdings. In fact, the1,120,000 acres have gone to only 400people–2,800 acres per person. The 400people are, of course, Mugabe’s cabinetsecretaries, retired generals, family and

friends. Moreover, the government al-ready has millions of acres of undevel-

oped land it could distribute any time itliked. What it wants is more land alreadyimproved by whites and now recognizedas some of the most productive in theworld. Past experience shows that oncewhites leave and their farms are turnedover to blacks, crop yields rapidly godownhill.

Those with long memories have noteda certain grim parallel with South Af-rica. Twenty years ago, when Rhode-sians buckled under world pressure andgave power to blacks, Robert Mugabewas the darling of the West. He was in-

telligent, well-spoken, and had severaladvanced degrees. World opiniongreeted his 1980 election as presidentwith something like the rhapsodies theylater lavished on–well–Nelson Mandela.His Marxism, we were told, wouldquickly wear off, he wanted only peaceand reconciliation with whites, and Af-rica would have a chance to show theworld the kind of enlightened leadershipof which it was capable. It certainly gotthat chance.

Some of the sheen wore off in themid-1980s when Mr. Mugabe turned outto be a bit of a primitive after all. Amember of the Shona tribe, he sent hisnotorious, North Korean-trained FifthBrigade to slaughter an estimated 20,000Ndebele who had the temerity to think their tribe should have a say in govern-

ment, too.At age 70 he married his 30-year-oldsecretary, with whom he began severalyears of dalliance while his wife wasdying of a protracted kidney disorder.Grace bore him two children before thewife finally died and is now famous forextravagant shopping sprees at upscale

London shops. She isknown in the Britishand African tabloidpress as “Zimbabwe’sImelda Marcos.” Butwhat has most upset

Mr. Mugabe’s liberaladmirers is his attackson homosexuals,whom he calls “worsethan pigs and dogs.” If the 20,000 Ndebele hekilled had been homo-sexuals, the Westmight have forced himfrom power.

In 1980 there weremore than 200,000

whites in Rhodesia. After the capitula-tion, two thirds ignored the West’s ec-

static predictions of love and prosper-ity, and fled the country. The remaining70,000 are now less than one percent of the population and completely at themercy of black-run institutions.

Perhaps they might have listened toan Africa hand from an earlier time,Albert Schweitzer (1875-1965). Themuch-beloved musicologist, theologian,and doctor was known as “the greatestChristian of his time” and won the NobelPeace Price in 1952 for missionary work in Africa. Near the end of his life hewrote:

“The negro is a child, and with chil-dren nothing can be done without theuse of authority. We must, therefore, soarrange the circumstances of daily lifethat my natural authority can find ex-pression. With regard to the negroesthen, I have coined the formula: ‘I amyour brother, it is true, but your elderbrother.’ ”

George Kimble is a businessman whohas lived for several years in Africa.

ΩΩΩΩΩ




When the chips are down,Cuban-Americans are Cu-

ban, not American.by Jared Taylor

The absurd flap over what to dowith Elian Gonzalez has beenpublicized, analyzed, and drama-

tized nearly to death. But the saturationcoverage has generally missed the most

significant aspect of the struggle: whatit says about the irreconcilable racial andethnic divisions in Miami and the restof the country. This exhausting, expen-sive, no-end-in-sight battle arises out of the very “diversity” that is supposed tobe America’s great strength. It showsthat Americans, like people everywhereelse, think with their blood. It shows that

when the chips are down Cuban-Ameri-cans are Cubans, not Americans.

To begin with, opinion over what todo with the boy splits starkly along ra-cial lines. A newspaper poll of Miami-Dade County residents found 83 percentof Cuban-Americans want young Gon-zalez to stay in America. Seventy-sixpercent of non-Hispanic whites want tosend him back to Cuba, as do an over-whelming 92 percent of blacks. Non-Cuban Hispanics are more sympathetic

towards their fellow Latinos, with 55percent saying the boy should stay.

Whites and blacks who live in Mi-

ami are considerably more likely thanwhites and blacks in the rest of the coun-try to want to send Elian home. This isbecause they deal with Cubans all thetime, which makes them less rather thanmore likely to support their interests. Itis a universal rule: the more real contactgroups have with each other the worsetheir relations.

The huge number of blacks, in par-ticular, who want to give the boy back to his father does not represent love of family so much as resentment of Cubans.Miami blacks are unhappy that Cubans

scrambled up over their backs and nowrun the place. Cubans are also harder tohustle and intimidate than whites. “Wehave had more problems with Cubansin power than with whites,” complainsBishop Victor Curry, president of theMiami-Dade County NAACP. Blacksalso resent the fascination for one six-year-old Cuban when no one cares aboutthe thousands of black Haitians bouncedback to their miserable homeland everyyear. They complain–mistakenly–thatthe U.S. government would crush openethnic resistance if it were mounted by

blacks.Cubans have vowed not to forget

what blacks have been saying. “Peoplewill pay for this,” warns Miami busi-nessman and activist, Ramon Suarez-DelCampo. “When black politicians cometo Cuban politicians asking for favorsor some help in the future they are go-ing to say, ‘Where were you for Elian?’ ”

Whites were unnerved as their Cu-ban-run city seemed to secede tempo-rarily from the Union. In March, themayor of Miami-Dade County, AlexPenalas, said his police force would not

cooperate if the feds came to take theboy away, and all but predicted violenceif they tried. Miami Mayor Joe Carolloalso promised that the local police wouldnot cooperate.

When the INS finally struck, the af-termath said a great deal about Cuban-“Americans.” The feds gave Miami Po-lice Chief William O’Brien (no Cuban,he) advance warning about the opera-tion. This was because city officers hadbeen standing round-the-clock guard at

the Gonzalez house, controlling protest-ers, and there was no telling what theywould do if federal agents suddenly burst

on the scene, guns drawn. Chief O’Briensent the number-two man in his depart-ment to ride with the INS and reassureofficers on the scene that the operationwas on the up and up–but he didn’t tellCuban officials about the raid ahead of time. He knew they would probablyhave tried to put enough protestersaround the Gonzalez house to thwart the

What the Gonzalez Nonsense Really Means

The way they saw it.

El Niño Milagro

I

f the Cuban excitement overElian Gonzalez sometimesseems crazy it’s–well–because

it is. All sorts of looniness is nowon the loose about the boy. Thereare claims that an image of the Vir-gin Mary appeared in a Little Ha-vana bank window in the wake of his arrival. Many people believedolphins warded off the sharks dur-ing the two days he floated on theocean in an inner tube. Followersof Santeria–an Afro-Cuban animal-sacrifice religion popular in Miami–believe the boy embodies a spiri-tual emissary named Elegua, andthat Fidel Castro will fall if hedoesn’t get the boy back. Anothertheory is that he is a Cuban Mosessent to lead the exiles back to Ha-vana.

Plenty of people have lost theirmarbles over the boy. “God hasmade a gift to us in this communityof a miracle of saving a kid who wastwo days in the sea and was nothurt,” says Catholic priest José LuisMenendez who has been minister-ing to the boy. El niño milagro–themiracle boy–has a real hold on hisimagination: “This is a special kid.He was lost for two days withoutanyone else. But his skin was like ababy. It was not burned by the sun.”

Miracles don’t come cheap.Young Gonzalez has already costMiami more than $800,000 in po-lice overtime alone. No one yetknows what the INS snatch job costor how much state and federalcourts have spent wrangling overhim. And there is no end in sight.




Write Off the Liberals

snatch. Cubans were furious over theboy’s removal and rioted in their frus-tration. They bayed for Chief O’Brien’shead which, of course, they got. To noone’s surprise, the new chief, RaulMartinez, is Cuban.

A few wags have noted that the U.S.has not seen such fierce defiance of fed-

eral power since the days when whiteSouthern governors blocked school in-tegration. This, though, is not a case of states’ rights but national rights.

The people tramping the streets of Little Havana may be American citizensbut they are Cubans-in-exile through andthrough. That is why they wave the Cu-ban flag rather than the American flag,and sing the Cuban national anthem, not“The Star Spangled Banner.” In today’sAmerica, no one seems to think it oddthat keeping the boy in the United Statesis a show of Cuban, not American pa-

triotism. In some cases, it went even fur-ther. In the emotions after the raid, Cu-

bans burned the American flag and flewit upside down.

This actually roused a few natives. AnApril 29 “Pro-American” rally in SouthDade drew a mostly-Anglo crowd wav-ing American flags for a change, andcarrying signs that read: “Stop the Ba-nana Republic,” and “This is America.

Speak English.” One man told a reporterhe had said to his wife, “We’ve got toget out of this place because those Cu-bans are totally out of control.” The rally,publicized by word of mouth, drew2,500 people but the media mostly ig-nored this uncharacteristic stirring of white discontent.

“Blood is a very special kind of sap,”Göethe once observed, and the sap hasbeen running high at the other end of the country, too. Last July, the Ameri-can women’s soccer team faced Chinain the Rose Bowl for the World Cup fi-

nal. The Chinese team was from theCommunist mainland, whereas most

Chinese-“Americans” are from HongKong and Taiwan. The Americanwomen were playing a foreign opponentand the Chinese-“Americans” were U.S.citizens. It didn’t matter; they rootedpassionately for the Chinese team.

“There are political differences, butbecause the team is Chinese, that’s all

we think about,” explained Louis Wong,a 27-year-old Chinatown news vendor.“I’m a U.S. citizen, but I’m Chinese,”pointed out businessman Edward Chang.Of course. What could be more natural?

These days it is no longer permittedto wonder how various “Americans”would react to a real crisis with a for-eign country, to something more impor-tant than a little boy or a soccer game.America is just a place on the map, afterall, with nice welfare benefits and a use-ful blue passport. When it really mat-ters, you can always go back to being

Chinese–or Cuban or Mexican or Hai-tian or Filipino.

Big government now re-quires immigration.

by Arch Stanton

Icouldn’t disagree more with theApril cover story, “Don’t Write Off the Liberals.” Racial consciousness

might have been common on the left ahundred years ago, but how many ra-cially conscious lefties are there today?I’d rather look for the Holy Grail. Lib-erals love big government. Big govern-ment is our enemy. Ergo, liberals are ourenemy. Let me explain why they cannever be our friends.

In 1950–after a half-century of twoWorld Wars–Europe still held 22 percentof the world’s population. After 50 years

of peace (and almost as many years of birth control and abortion), the propor-tion is now down to 12 percent. Remem-ber all those exhortations for Zero Popu-lation Growth a few decades ago? Youcan’t say the Europeans didn’t do theirpart.

Italy’s birthrate is now 1.2 perwoman, among the lowest in Europe. If this birthrate is unchanged, the popula-tion of Italy will drop from 57 millionto 41 million in 50 years. Italy is not an

anomaly. Some of the rates for othercountries are: 1.07 for Spain, 1.26 forFrance, and 1.3 for Germany. Given thata rate of 2.1 per woman is consideredthe minimum necessary for populationreplacement, not one country in Europe

is even sustaining itself.

You might say, “So what?” The Eu-ropeans will have a little more elbowroom. The Black Death killed an esti-mated one third of all Europeans, but thecontinent survived. An important differ-ence is that in the 14th century there wasno big government. There was no socialsecurity, no socialized medicine, nowelfare, no Medicare, no public educa-

tion, no unemployment insurance. The21st century Social Democrat knowsthat if the population is allowed to de-cline, social engineering programs willbe in trouble. The welfare state needs ahigh birthrate, with plenty of young

workers paying taxes. How do you main-tain–much less expand–the welfare statewith European-style falling birthrates?You can boost taxes only so much be-fore people drop out of the system orwork to subvert it.

The welfare state will not preside overits own dismantling. If whites will nothave more children the solution is im-migration: more people, more workers,more taxes. Immigrants bring a host of problems with them, but the welfare statewelcomes social problems because they justify its existence. So we get more

love-thy-neighbor exhortations, morehate crime laws, more diversity semi-nars, more tolerance exhibitions, moreminority-friendly history, and endlessopportunities for moral posturing.

Every indication is that folks in Eu-rope are no happier with immigrationthan we are, but God help the public fig-ure who lines up with his constituents.We know what happened to Jörg Haider.The European Union bureaucrats knowthat if Mr. Haider can hold the line on

No hope for them . . . ever.

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immigration in Austria, it can be heldelsewhere in Europe, and if it can be heldin Europe, it can be held everywhere.Then the lights will go out for big gov-ernment. The welfare state will witheraway because there won’t be enoughpeople to sustain it.

Unfortunately, the white folks in Eu-

rope have gotten used to entitlements.Even the slightest cutback–or even areduction in the rate of expansion–bringsout the socialist in everybody. But if there aren’t enough natives to keep thegears of state turning, then the statists

will bring in people of all nations andhues as exotic cuisine for Leviathan.What is true of Europe is true of theUnited States. Our birthrates are not aslow as those in Europe but only becausewe have so many fertile Third-Worldersliving here already. White Americanwomen are pretty much in line with their

European cousins. And we are just asused to suckling at the public teat: Whatabout my Social Security? My veteran’spension? My Medicare? My kids’ guar-anteed college loans?

This is why the liberal is our enemyand can never be our friend. He has cre-ated the big government programs andhe wants more government, not less. If the locals won’t procreate enough, hewill bring in outsiders. It makes no dif-ference if most of them are non-white,non-Christian, and non-English-speak-

ing. If that bothers you, you are a racist,and you are the problem, not the immi-grants.

Arch Stanton lives in Dallas, Texas.

Opening FireJohn R. Lott, Jr., More Guns, Less Crime: Understanding Crime and Gun-Control Laws

University of Chicago, 1998, $23.00, 225 pp.

Another debate in which

the facts don’t matter.reviewed by Thomas Jackson

How strange it must be to be a lib-eral. Driven by slogans, blindedby superstitions, dazzled by fan-

tasies, the liberal stumbles through lifeoblivious to facts. There is almost noth-ing the liberal thinks heknows about race, socialpolicy, sex roles, individualdifferences, and even his-

tory that is not some com-bination of slogan, supersti-tion, and fantasy. JohnLott’s soberly brilliant MoreGuns, Less Crime could notpossibly be a more convinc-ing demonstration that whatliberals think they knowabout guns is fantasy, too.

The liberal view, of course, is that private citizens should nothave guns and that gun control will stopviolence. Prof. Lott, who teaches lawand economics at the University of Chi-

cago, makes an air-tight case for theopposite view: that when citizens carryconcealed weapons criminals are afraidto attack and violence declines. Prof.Lott’s approach is to track violent crimerates over time in those parts of the coun-try that have liberalized gun laws as op-posed to places that have not.

The most significant recent turningpoint in gun ownership regulation wasthe Florida legislature’s 1987 decisionto adopt a “shall issue” policy on con-

cealed-carry permits. Unlike the then-widespread practice of granting permits

only to security guards and other selectgroups (which often included state offi-cials), the new law ordered that local jurisdictions “shall issue” permits toeveryone not obviously disqualified bysuch things as insanity or a criminalrecord. Any normal, law-abiding man orwoman could get a permit to carry a con-cealed firearm. This was perhaps the firsttime that a state with large cities and lots

of crime had reversed course on con-cealed carry.

In 1985 there were only eight stateswith “shall issue” laws but now thereare 31. This means we have a great dealof information on what happens to vio-lent crime rates when there are suddenlya lot more guns in responsible hands, andthe results could not be clearer: When

citizens might be carrying pistols undertheir coats, the brutes think twice about

doing them mischief.Not surprisingly, the decrease in

crime has been greatest where there wasthe most to begin with, and this meanscities with large black populations. AsProf. Lott explains, “While many blackswant to make guns harder to get, theirony is that blacks benefit more thanother groups from concealed-handgunlaws.” As he notes, the percentage of

young blacks in an area is thesingle variable that best predictsthe level of violence. If the non-criminals in these places start

carrying weapons it evens theodds and discourages preda-tors–just as it does everywhereelse–and there are more preda-tors to discourage.

The graph on this pageshows the average drop in vio-lent crime the year after passageof a “shall issue” law, as a func-tion of the percentage of thepopulation that is black. Theblacker the population thegreater the benefit. Washingtonand New York City, which have

some of the most restrictive gunlaws in the country, would ben-efit greatly from letting honest

citizens carry guns.As the graph makes clear, for areas

with few blacks the declines in violenceare modest, but for the country as awhole, the effect is certainly significant.Prof. Lott concludes that if the entirecountry had liberal concealed-carrylaws, in 1992 there would have been1,400 fewer murders, 4,200 fewer rapes,

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60,000 fewer aggravated assaults, and12,000 fewer robberies.

This makes perfect sense. What crimi-nals fear most is the possibility that anintended victim will pull a gun and blazeaway. This fear is so great that changesin concealed carry laws have a measur-able effect even when only a small per-

centage of people actually carryguns. Once the bad guys know thatpeople might be armed, it pays toassume everyone is armed.

Criminals have always adjustedtheir tactics according to the likeli-hood of being shot. In Canada andBritain, about half the burglaries are“hot,” or committed while peopleare on the premises. In the UnitedStates, where people have alwayshad guns at home even if theycouldn’t carry them in the street,only 13 percent of burglaries are

“hot.”Prof. Lott points out that it is partly

due to the quiet, undramatic way inwhich civilian gun ownership works thatmakes it easy for liberals to ignore itsbenefits. He explains that the best sur-vey data suggest that 98 percent of thetime, when someone uses a gun to detercrime he doesn’t even have to fire it. Allhe has to do is show it. Prof. Lott notesthat while the media love to trumpet the30 or so times a year that someone killsan innocent he mistook for an intruder,they pay almost no attention to what may

well be millions of crimes prevented ev-ery year because someone waved a gunat a bad guy.

Although women are among the mostcrazed gun control advocates, they ben-efit the most from having guns. If awoman is attacked, she is least likely tobe seriously injured if she resists with agun. If she puts up no resistance she is2.5 times more likely to be seriously injured than if she uses a gun. If she fightsback without a weapon or with some-thing other than a gun, she is four timesmore likely to be seriously injured than

if she uses a gun.For men, having a gun is not as ef-

fective in reducing the chances of injurybecause unarmed men are better pre-pared to resist attack than unarmedwomen. Resisting with a gun is alwaysbest, but a man who puts up no resis-tance is only 1.4 times more likely to beinjured seriously in an assault than onewho resists with a gun.

Even when the law permits it, womenare less likely than men to carry guns.

Prof. Lott finds that combined with thegreater odds-evening effect for women,this means any given armed woman hasa greater deterrent effect than any givenarmed man: “One additional woman car-rying a concealed handgun reduces themurder rate for women by about 3-4times more than one additional man car-

rying a concealed handgun reduces themurder rate for men.”

In the hysteria that accompanies anydebate about passing “shall issue” laws,people always predict that armed citi-zens will get into gun fights over trafficaccidents. Prof. Lott notes that there has

been only one known case of a permitholder using a concealed handgun afteran accident. The other driver savagelyattacked him and he used his weapononly in extremis in what was found tobe justifiable self-defense. No permitholder anywhere in the country has everbeen known to shoot a police officer,though permit holders have certainlysaved the lives of officers.

These findings justify the pro-gun slo-gan “if guns are outlawed only outlawswill have guns.” Criminals carry and useguns no matter what the law says. People

who go through an application processand are found not be crazy or criminaluse guns responsibly. Prof. Lott notesthat very few murderers, for example,would even qualify for a concealed-carrypermit, much less bother to get one.Eighty-nine percent had criminal recordsbefore they became killers.

Do concealed carry laws have costs?Unlike the dire predictions of gun con-trol advocates, they have no effect at allon accident or suicide rates. They do,

however, have a spillover effect, bothgeographically and in type of crime. If one jurisdiction issues permits and aneighboring one does not, violent crime–quite logically–increases on the side of the border where citizens cannot protectthemselves. Criminals prefer unarmedprey.

Another effect is that malefac-tors who are now afraid to attack people go after property instead.When the costs of one kind of crimego up, they try something else andagain, the effect is greatest wherethere is the most crime. The graphon this page shows the increase inproperty crime that accompaniesthe decrease in violent crime afterthe passage of “shall carry” laws.Like the previous graph, the changeis shown as a function of the per-centage of the population that is

black. The increase is unfortunate,but for most people, more car theftis an acceptable price to pay for lessmurder or rape.

Prof. Lott found another inter-esting effect of concealed-carrylaws. They can cause a short-lived

increase in mass shootings–the kind inwhich someone blazes away randomlyat a crowd–which is soon followed by adecline. Prof. Lott suspects that somenumber of mass killers are prompted bythe new laws to get on with the mayhembefore too many permits are issued and

the chances of return fire become toogreat.

More Guns, Less Crime also con-cludes that several other policies peoplethink make a difference do not. He findsthat imposing waiting periods or restrict-ing the number of guns people can buyin a month does not reduce crime. Norare concealed carry laws any more orless effective when they require permitholders to go through gun safety train-ing. Like so much of what governmentdoes, this is pure eyewash. Though Prof.Lott does not mention them, many other

much-ballyhooed anti-gun measures likebans on “assault weapons” and limitingmagazine capacity have probably been just as meaningless.

Prof. Lott finds that arming the citi-zens is sound policy from every angle:“[C]oncealed handguns are the mostcost-effective method of reducing crimethat has been analyzed by economists;they provide a higher return than in-creased law enforcement or incarcera-tion, other private security devices, or




social programs like early educationalintervention.”

But does a case for more guns haveeven a ghost of a chance of getting a fairhearing? The more irrefutable it is, theworse its chances. Prof. Lott presentedhis central findings in a research paperbefore he wrote this book, and recounts

some of the lessons he learned about theliberal approach to facts:“I never would have guessed how

much people fear discussion of these is-sues. I never would have known howmuch effort goes into deliberately ignor-ing certain findings in order to deny themnews coverage. Nor would I have seen,

after news coverage did occur, howmuch energy goes into attacking the in-tegrity of those who present such find-ings, with such slight reference–or noreference at all–to theactual merits of the re-search. I was also sur-prised by the absolute confi-

dence shown by gun-control advo-cates that they could garner extensivenews coverage whenever they wanted.”

Here in a nutshell is both the liberalmindset and the liberal advantage: Ig-nore all research that undercuts the or-thodox view. If it can’t be ignored, at-tack the researcher rather than the find-

ings. In all cases, stamp out dissent withbarrages of friendly news coverage,which can be called in at any time.

As it is with so many of the impor-tant questions of ourtime, good policy iscrushed under super-stition and fantasy.

Blacks and women–peopleabout whom liberals claim to caredeeply–benefit most from the right tobear arms, but thousands are murdered,raped, robbed, and assaulted for no otherreason than nanny-state bigotry. As hashappened over and over, the left winsand the people lose.

O Tempora, O Mores!

Hoaxing Spree

In April, the University of Iowa waswracked with racism. Someone put abowl of red noodles outside a black student’s door with a note saying theywere the brains of a dead black man.Then someone set fire to a lab coat atthe school of dentistry and sent e-mailto minority students threatening violenceand bombings, and asked, “Are you go-ing to take us seriously, now?” A thou-sand people duly rallied on campus toprotest these horrors. The university setup video surveillance and caught a black

student, Tarsha Campbell, who con-fessed to sending the e-mail and mak-ing the threats. Police have charged herwith a felony for the bomb threat, butuniversity officials cannot think of amotive. After the arrest, University Re-lations Vice President Ann Rhodes saidshe never would have guessed the cul-prit would be a black woman: “I figuredit was going to be a white guy between25 and 55 because they’re the root of most evil.” Miss Rhodes later apolo-gized for her remark. (Greg Smith, Black Student Arrested in Racist Threats at

Iowa Dental School, AP, April 20, 2000.Scott Hogenson, College Official CallsWhite Men ‘Root of Most Evil,’CNSNews.com, April 21, 2000.)

Winfred L. Stafford is a student atHastings College in Nebraska. In March,the 24-year-old black man claimed sev-eral whites briefly abducted him at gunpoint and that he was getting hate mail.The police investigated these incidentsas hate crimes but learned that Mr.Stafford imagined them all. Police are

now describing the case as “a domestic

matter rather than a racial incident.” Thecollege is considering how to disciplineMr. Stafford. (Todd Von Kampen, Hate-Crime Incident a Hoax, Omaha World-Herald, April 13, 2000, p. 15. Cops SayStudent Lied About Threats, Las VegasSun, April 12, 2000.)

In 1997, Tonica Jenkins, a black woman, was in the graduate program inneurobiology at Yale University. She hada full scholarship with living expenses,thanks to good grades and glowing rec-ommendations from Cuyahoga Commu-nity College and Central State Univer-

sity, both in Ohio. She failed to take theexams for her courses, claiming illness.Yale became suspicious and found sheforged her transcripts and had neverearned her bachelor’s degree. Shepleaded guilty to larceny and forgery, butin 1998 she missed a court appearance,claiming she had been abducted, raped,and stuffed in the trunk of her car. A judge didn’t believe her and sent her toprison. In the pokey she got into moretrouble when she assaulted three guardswho were escorting her to the shower.She also bit the finger of a guard who

was trying to fingerprint her. Now sheis out of jail on three years probation andis under orders to repay Yale $16,000.She is also to undergo psychologicaltreatment. (Yale Imposter in MoreTrouble, AP, Aug. 6, 1999. Yale Scam-mer Must Repay Scholarship, Washing-ton Post, April 7, 2000.)

In Berinsfield, in Oxfordshire, En-gland, a 17-year-old mulatto claimed hewas attacked by whites who sprayed himwith gasoline and tried to burn him. The

community erupted in indignation and

the police went into high gear, assign-ing a large number of officers to the caseunder the direction of a senior investi-gator. They found that the attack was ahoax, and charged Chris Barton and twoadult confederates with conspiracy tocommit criminal deception. (ColinBlackstock, Three Held as Police SayRace Attack Bogus, News Unlimited(UK), April 13, 2000.)

Too Bad if You’re White

The final adjudication in the above

cases will doubtless be rather differentfrom what has happened to BrianSwetnam of Bowie, Maryland. In June,1997, he and three other whites wereoutraged when black students at BowieHigh School attacked a white student.They decided to burn crosses and Mr.Swetnam, a juvenile at the time, builtthree crosses in the back of the schoolfor the others to burn. He then drove toOcean City, Maryland, with the inten-tion of establishing an alibi while theothers committed the crime.

Mr. Swetnam pled guilty under fed-

eral hate crime laws, which apply whenan act of racial intimidation occurs incertain public places, including schools.He also fell afoul of a federal law thatrequires a mandatory 10-year sentenceif someone uses fire in connection witha federal felony, and has been sentencedto serve without possibility of parole.Bill Lan Lee of the Civil Rights Divi-sion of the U.S. Department of Justiceis delighted with the outcome: “Thiskind of racial intimidation will not be

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tolerated,” he says. “We remain deeplycommitted to vigorously investigatingand prosecuting individuals who engagein this kind of behavior.”

Mr. Swetnam is said to have a recordof racially-motivated offenses, but in thiscase he was a juvenile at the time, didnot actually light the fire, and his crime

was an expression of an idea, not an actof violence. He could have burned theflag with impunity, but for burning across he will do ten full years of hardtime. (Press Release of U.S. Attorney forthe District of Maryland Lynn A.Battaglia, Feb. 23, 2000.)

“A Lot of Black Love”

In April, a crowd of 10,000 to 30,000gathered in Biloxi, Mississippi, forBlack Spring Break 2000. The revelersignored official events such as concerts

and sports and spent most of their time“cruising” along U.S. 90, which is oneof only two major east-west highwayson the Mississippi Coast. Cars were sobacked up that even the police weresometimes immobilized. A conveniencestore owner ignored police suggestionsthat she close and saw her shop ran-sacked. “My bathrooms are ruined,” saidGwen Edwards. “I didn’t believe peoplewould be mean and ugly.” Men strippedwomen and videotaped them. One mansaid blacks followed his wife into the

bathroom and wanted to videotape her.At one point the crowd spotted a whitewoman and shouted “there’s a white girl,there’s a white girl” as they tore herclothes off, leaving her weeping. Someof the blacks complained about an op-pressive police presence. According toone party-goer, “What you have here isa lot of black love.” (John DeSantis,Revelers Bring Party, Chaos to Streetsof Biloxi, Sun Herald (Mississippi),April 16, 2000.)

Chaos in Daytona Beach

Last year blacks sued the Adam’sMark hotel chain claiming it discrimi-nated against them during the 1999Black College Reunion in DaytonaBeach. They claimed they got bad ser-vice and were made to wear wrist bands

identifying them as hotel guests. As partof an $8 million settlement, the FloridaAttorney General’s office is monitoringthe hotel’s procedures to ensure that itsins no more.

Daytona Beach hosted the black re-union again this spring, and about120,000 visitors came for what amountsto a weekend-long street party. Hotelpersonnel could take only minimal se-curity measures because of the settle-ment, and before long blacks had takenthe elevators to the top floors and refusedto send them down. Two dozen sheriff ’s

deputies had to quell a near riot as morethan 200 people milled angrily aroundthe lobby waiting for elevators. Guestsbroke furniture and hotel workers hadto collect mounds of garbage from el-evators, hallways and the lobby. Therewas vomit and urine in the stairwells andthe smell of marijuana wafted throughthe hotel. Adam’s Mark founder andCEO Fred Kummer was furious: “Thereis no way anyone is safe. There is nosecurity, no access to do anything. Ev-erything in this building is out of con-trol. . . . All I can do is stand around and

watch it.”NAACP spokeswoman Cynthia Sla-

ter knows why it all happened. “I think they were too afraid to do anything sothey let them destroy the place just sothey could say that [we] were wrong.”(Phil Long, Disputed Hotel DisturbanceCaps Black Reunion, Miami Herald,April 3, 2000, p. 1B.)

Is There a Doctor in theState?

A group of about 400 foreign doctors,

mostly Cubans and Nicaraguans, hasbadgered the Florida legislature intoopening a back-door route to certifica-tion as physicians. They flunked the na-tional examination all American doctorsmust pass, and then complained it wasbiased. Florida obligingly spent $2.4million drafting and administering aneasier test that would let them practicemedicine only in Florida. Last May,about 250 took the test, and almost allfailed. The Florida Department of Health

then decided to water down the test fur-ther by taking out most of the sciencequestions, translating the test into Span-ish, and giving the doctors a special re-fresher course. Last November the doc-tors took the new exam–and 90 percentof them flunked again. What did the statedecide to do? Water down the test yet

again, and let the would-be doctors tryagain in May.Ninety-five percent of foreign and

American doctors pass the national examon their first try. This group has failedthat test and most have failed the twice-made-easier and translated-into-SpanishFlorida test. Foreign doctors in Floridawho passed the national test are afraidpeople will think they are no better quali-fied than this bunch of losers but the stateseems determined to let them be doc-tors. (Susan Lundine, Docs Flunk, andFlunk Again, Orlando Business Journal,

April 7-13, 2000.)

Segregation to the Rescue

The prison race wars continue. Forthree successive days, April 24 to 26,hundreds of black and Hispanic prison-ers battled each other at the Pitchess De-tention Center in Castaic, California.More than 80 men–almost all black–were injured in the fighting, with one incritical condition. Several Hispanicssmashed his head repeatedly against thefloor, fracturing his skull. Hispanics

outnumber blacks two-to-one, and somehave a policy of going on the attack whenever they outnumber blacks in adormitory by more than a 60:40 ratio.

There have been over 150 major race-related disturbances at the Pitchess fa-cility, which houses more than 10,000inmates in a sprawling, four-jail com-plex. This time the fighting was so badguards finally decided to do somethingthey have long resisted: segregate pris-oners. As Sheriff’s Chief Taylor Moore-head explained, “it would be foolish todo anything but segregate,” but insisted

it would be a temporary measure. (Jef-frey Gettleman, Racial Brawls Continueto Rock County Jails, Los AngelesTimes, April 27, 2000. Jeffrey Gettle-man, Jail Inmates Segregated to StemRiots, Los Angeles Times, April 28,2000.)

A few days later, half a dozen moth-ers of black inmates spoke out in favorof the measure. “I know that people saysegregation is not fair, whatever, what-ever, but segregation is safer for our



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