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2009 ISA-RC21 Sao Paulo Conference Inequality, Inclusion and the Sense of Belonging

Session 11 - Large scale urban projects in practice: explorations on their social and spatial impacts

São Paulo, 2009, August 23-25

LARGE URBAN PROJECTS IN SÃO PAULO AS NEW CAPITALIST

STRATEGIES IN THE PRODUCTION OF THE CITY EULALIA PORTELA NEGRELOS

Department of Architecture and Urbanism USP - University of São Paulo at São Carlos – SP – Brazil

This paper is constructed from reflections in our doctoral thesis (Negrelos, 2005), based on

the study of three large or Great Urban Projects (GPUs) associates in the metropolitan

region of São Paulo (RMSP – Região Metropolitana de São Paulo), in the period of 1998-

2004: (a) the amplifying of the International Airport André Franco Montoro, in Cumbica,

Guarulhos; (b) the “Operação Urbana Consorciada – OUC” (Urban Consortium Operation, a

constitutional urban instrument which permits consortiums between public and private

organisms to rebuilt an urban area) Rio Verde-Jacú, in São Paulo, around the road axle of

the Jacú-Pêssego Avenue - in the future linking with the Avenue Papa João XXIII in Mauá

and making possible its connection with the Metropolitan Rodoanel (metropolitan ring road),

the road system Anchieta-Imigrantes and, consequently with the Port of Santos. (Figure 01)

Figure 01 – Articulation between the International Airport in Guarulhos and the Porto of Santos. (PMSP, 2004d).

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Articulated to this system of communication and logistics there is the (c) Eixo Tamanduatehy

Project, in Santo André, also configured as an OUC that, according to the metropolitan

logical developed here, more it could be made possible if more it makes possible the

connection Port-Airport above indicated, a time that the “andreense” project is eccentric of

the routes of economic dynamics – as “the modern” ABC due to automobile industry as much

Eastern Zone “integrated” with the Jacú-Pêssego Avenue. (Map 01)

Map 01 – Great Urban Projects associated in the RMSP. (Negrelos, 2005)

In the body of technical basis for such projects we find discourses (speeches and texts) that

guards recurrence: (a) in the geopolitical Guarulhos airport location; (b) in the metropolitan

centrality of the Eastern Zone of the municipality of São Paulo; c) in the economic

diversification strategy of ABC (Santo André). All the discourses concern the restructuring of

the eastern zone of the RMSP with relative suitability in relation to its strategic location as the

center of metropolis. (Figure 02)

The studied GPUs configure a large metropolitan project (Lungo, 2004; Ezquiaga, 2001) as

part of economic and territorial reshaping process, which uses urban plans and projects in

restructuring strategies that go beyond the territory physical scope and these strategies are

justified by its economic character, both to the sense of real estate valuation, printing a new

template to the territory and, at the same time, maintaining the foundations of capitalist

production of urban space. (Negrelos, 2005)

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Figure 02 – Eastern Zone of São Paulo as the RMSP center. (PMSP, 2004).

The process of economic and territorial reshaping can generate intense social exclusion

processes, since such economic and territorial ”conversion” used by many cities that produce

a lot of wealth are usually accompanied by actions that exclude the poorest population. This

movement of expulsion is functional to the process of internationalization of the economy, in

which many believe São Paulo is one of the few ”global cities” in Latin America (Koulioumba,

2002: 28).

In contrast with that position, we believe São Paulo hierarchically as a city located in a global

phenomenon, in which “... há excedente (latente) de homens e de riquezas (apesar das

guerras), porque o processo massivo separa as pessoas das riquezas” (Lefebvre, 1999:

144).

The consolidated actions in GPUs, entered into an expanded process of territorial and

economical metropolitan reshaping take place, in the line of Lefebvre theory, in the field of

contradictions of production of space; two of the possible developments by him are:

(a) The main contradiction is between the space produced worldwide and its fragmentation

that result from the capitalist production (private property of production and land, i.e. own

space). The pulverized space is sold and exchanged in pieces, known in fragmentary way by

the science sectors, as it is shaping as world totality and even interplanetary way. (Lefebvre,

1999: 177)

(b) To the scattering on the urban periphery, and to the segregation that threatens social

relations precludes a centrality that emphasizes its forms, while centrality that informs the

decisions (of wealth, of intelligence, of power, of violence). (Lefebvre, 1999: 178-179)

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Lencioni (2003a), aligned to Lefebvre, and absorbing methodologically his concepts for

spatial analysis - “homogenous-fragmented- hierarchical” - offers an important instrument for

the construction of theoretical reference for understanding the transformation processes of

the urban and metropolitan space in São Paulo through large urban projects, because:

homogeneização, fragmentação e hierarquização, bem como o processo de metropolização do espaço, constituem aspectos teóricos com grande capacidade de instrumentalizar a compreensão da dinâmica urbana. Particularmente, a idéia de espaço metropolizado e não metropolizado, no nosso entender, possibilita amalgamar questões urbanas e regionais, que há muito vêm trilhando caminhos paralelos; daí a necessidade de reflexão sobre essa referência, buscando avaliar o grau de sua pertinência. Está claro que, ao permitir compreender o processo de espraiamento territorial da metrópole e as novas dimensões da conurbação entre cidades, permite esboçar elementos que auxiliam na percepção de um núcleo denso que não se restringe mais à Região Metropolitana de São Paulo; a ultrapassa e conforma um aglomerado metropolitano que parece anunciar a formação de uma megalópolis. (Lencioni, 2003a: 43-44)

In this hierarchical process within the “macro metropolis” (Gunn, 1995: 88-89) and in the

fragmented socio-territorial space, São Paulo has been supported several projects, at least

the past decade, as the center of its metropolitan area (and of its macro metropolis area);

these projects were formulated or idealized to reshaping great degraded areas with the

intrinsic ability to expel population (projects within urban operations Faria Lima and Águas

Espraiadas, for example). Some projects (such as the Guarapiranga program, which

includes the mode of the “redevelopment of slums” in areas of water sources with leisure

equipment deployment alongside structural works, institutional and environmental education)

rely on some level of inclusion of people living in socio-environmental fragility. (Filardo, 2004,

p. 256)

Most of these large urban projects are within OUC, which is an urban instrument guaranteed

in 2002 in the municipality of São Paulo through its PDE – Plano Diretor Estratégico

(Strategic Master Plan). Many families who are now living in the area of influence of the dam

Billings Reservoir, there are as direct result excluding refurbishment process that has been

giving São Paulo as has occurred with the removal of slums over Águas Espraiadas stream,

with the built of the avenue Jornalista Roberto Marinho (Fix, 2001).

The central reflection on the GPUs in this paper to the ISA 2009 is referred to the new

processes of economic and territorial reshaping, with the proposition of GPUs with a

metropolitan character.

The basic concept in our methodological construction is the economic and territorial

reshaping (Negrelos, 2005) as the application of a new equation that articulates the

economy and territory with a new model of management and regulation. By extension, we

consider the contemporaries GPUs as components of economic reshaping processes

referred to the territorial physical, social and cultural demonstrations that have place in the

sense that

... os lugares tornam-se um dado essencial do processo produtivo, em todas as suas instâncias, e passam a ter um papel que não tinham antes. A globalização revaloriza os lugares e os lugares – de acordo com o que podem oferecer às empresas – potencializam a globalização na forma em

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que está aí, privilegiando a competitividade. Entre o território tal como ele é e a globalização tal como ela é cria-se uma relação de causalidade em benefício dos atores mais poderosos, dando ao espaço geográfico um papel inédito na dinâmica social. (Santos, 2000: 22-23)

The new economic and territorial conversion processes shall be construed as an association

of GPUs that in itself has formulation and development with relevance in a framework for

technical, productive and territorial restructuring. Such relevance has been resettled in

discourses about the strategy of metropolitan and regional center location based on the link

between the airport and port of Santos and interregional links to other metropolitan regions of

the State of São Paulo and others Brazilian regions.

We understand the metropolitan phenomenon in São Paulo articulated to the formation of the

legally constituted three metropolitan areas in the State of São Paulo (São Paulo/1973,

Santos/1994 and Campinas/2000), during the past three decades when profound

transformations occurred in the national territory, in politics and productive base, constituting

together, with other urban clustering areas, the phenomenon of “Paulista Macro metropolis”.

Considering the broader process of productive restructuring, which introduces new forms of

industrial plant, we recognize that these new forms of deployment, expansion and

modernization of industrial structure are being called in different ways in specialized

literature, particularly intellectual production of the economy. For the purposes of this work, it

is interesting to assimilate the broader impacts of new industrial plant characteristics in

relation to the São Paulo metropolis, focusing instrumentals in São Paulo (with the OUC Rio

Verde-Jacú), Guarulhos (with the expansion of the airport of Cumbica) and Santo André

(Eixo Tamanduatehy Project) – whose articulation constitutes a metropolitan axis East-

South, using this approach in the understanding of new ways of conceiving large urban

projects.

The theoretical studies that seem relevant for our understanding can be found at Lencioni

(2002) on the assumption that there is a

... dispersão espacial da indústria para o interior paulista procurando demonstrar que esta relocalização industrial expressa a expansão do aglomerado metropolitano, que redefine a primazia da capital, não como a Capital do capital, no sentido da produção, mas como a Capital da Gestão. (Lencioni, 2002: 198)

It is important to indicate Lencioni’s strong conviction on the non-existence of an industrial

process of decentralization of the capital São Paulo in the Interior of the State of São Paulo

favour, depending on the importance of the municipality of São Paulo and its metropolitan

region with regard to country-wide industry (Lencioni, 2003b: 467). We believe there is a

territorial devolution on average scale, depending on demand by industry of seats that could

offer positive externalities and possibilities of achieving more profit; this does not mean,

however, that decisions in respect of investments are also in devolution, by contrast, they

remain increasingly centralized in the municipality of São Paulo.

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The term used by Lencioni is “metropolitan clustering” but not “macro metropolis”; however,

we consider both terms such as the expression of an urban growth with continuity between

municipal urban areas. We have, still in Lencioni, the reflection on the extension of that

territory:

O crescimento da aglomeração metropolitana paulista abrangendo um raio de cerca de 150 km a partir da capital, e indo além dessa distância se estendendo ao longo dos principais eixos rodoviários, conforma uma paisagem metropolitana que se apresenta fragmentada, embora constitua uma unidade. (Lencioni, 2002: 198)

For the purposes of this work, which is to relate the reflection on large urban projects in

metropolis to broader process of restructuring which introduces new forms of industrial plant,

reviewing positions regarding the phenomenon of industrial devolution in the State of São

Paulo refers to the fitting of a frame of reference regarding:

a) The definition of Paulista Macro metropolis as the territory where occurred and continue

to occur the greatest economic investments in São Paulo State, including industrial

sector, mainly in the RMSP;

b) the observation that is in this territory where we can find important cases of economic

and territorial reshaping for a “reclassify urban spaces” to receive the largest

investments, including the tertiary sector (in addition to the trade and services, the leisure

and tourism macro-structures);

c) the understanding and theoretical assumption that, unlike the idea that industrial

devolution would mean increase of power of the Interior of the State of São Paulo due to

the greater importance of other poles by the creation of new investment attraction factors,

the industrial devolution is the result of enterprise management strategies that are

located in the capital of the State, with the maintenance of capital control and power of

industrial production in the municipality of São Paulo, rather than an obvious mainly

growth throughout the Southeast of the State;

d) the belief, given by the analysis of large urban projects in Guarulhos, São Paulo and

Santo André, that is in the center of São Paulo metropolitan region they are concentrate

as results of the business management strategies indicated above.

On work by Meyer, Gronstein and Biderman (2004) we can find a larger delimitation for the

metropolitan nature interactions that occur with origin in the municipality of São Paulo:

A Região Metropolitana de São Paulo interage intensamente com um território definido como Macrometrópole, ou Complexo Metropolitano Expandido, que compreende, além da região metropolitana de São Paulo (17,9 milhões de habitantes), as regiões metropolitanas da Baixada Santista (1,5 milhão de habitantes) e de Campinas (2,3 milhões de habitantes); as aglomerações urbanas de Sorocaba e do Vale do Paraíba; e microrregiões contidas no seu perímetro. Assim, em um raio de aproximadamente 200 km do centro metropolitano está concentrado o mais avançado pólo produtivo, de pesquisa e tecnologia do país...(Meyer, Gronstein, Biderman, 2004: 116. The underscore is ours).

With this theoretical concept and definition, we have analyzed cases of associated large

urban projects in the Eastern Zone of the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo, with the

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understanding of their meanings of potentiality in an important region with possibilities to

receive important economic investments, with considerable labour force, and with a quite

precarious mobility by means of mass transport fully saturated for a population that, in São

Paulo, represents approximately 10% of the population throughout the State of São Paulo.

The region where we sought to find and analyze these large urban projects as economic and

territorial reshuffle manifestation is the metropolitan region of São Paulo, as an historic pole

of the formation of the following regions: the metropolitan areas of São Paulo, Campinas and

Baixada Santista and the urban clustering in Sorocaba and São José dos Campos, as

offered by Meyer, Gronstein and Biderman (2004) on the Map 02. It is interesting to escape a

bit about the idea of “Metropolis” only from the idea of centrality of a municipality that polarize

others, as known as “metropolitan region”, and expand to an understanding of “metapolitan

phenomenon” (Ascher, 1998) applied to São Paulo metropolitan region, as well as the “meta-

region” (Serrano, 2002) applied to the expanded “Macro-metropolitan complex”, a theoretical

assimilation exercise and an application of the concept here developed as metropolitan

discontinuous conurbation.

Map 02 – Macro metropolis in São Paulo State. (Meyer, Gronstein e Biderman 2004: 120).

Our theoretical reference about the city fits to the lefebvriano sense of the “urban

phenomenon” or just “urban”, for understanding this term which extending the notion of

defined object and defined by the term “city”. Accordingly,

...urbano (abreviação de ‘sociedade urbana’) se define, pois, não como realidade consumada, situada no tempo com defasagem em relação à realidade atual, senão pelo contrário, como horizonte e como virtualidade classificadora (Lefebvre, 1983: 23).

Thus, urban here is understood as “moving social practice”, assisted by the theoretical

knowledge in order to substantiate the urban (Lefebvre, 1983: 23):

Trata-se do “possível”, definido por uma direção, ao fim do percurso que chega até ele. Para alcançar esse possível, ou seja, para realizá-lo, é necessário primeiramente evitar ou abater os obstáculos que atualmente o fazem ‘inviável’. O conhecimento teórico pode manter na abstração

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dito objeto virtual, objetivo da ação? Não. A partir deste momento pode afirmar-se que unicamente é abstrato enquanto ‘abstração científica’, ou seja, legítima. (Lefebvre, 1983: 23)

In fact the large urban projects have served to establish in the territory these urban

strategies, ensuring, in accordance with the idea of a “city-region”, the implementation of

what, in terms of Klink, is indispensable for the “productivity” of the city: connectivity,

innovation and flexibility”. (Klink, 2001: 21).

It is possible that the actions in the municipal limits, while project devised or public policy,

have a fairly dual character: while some policies dealing with a smaller scale projects that

resolve shortcomings located (a paving, a transposition, the establishment of a shopping

center or social housing, a square, a nursery, the landscaping of neighborhood, for example),

it we can go creating social legitimacy and social environment for public work in projects

which need connection with the scope of the metropolitan region. This process occurs in

metropolitan cities differently, but there is a trend towards occurring in all of them since the

network means spread of effects.

In any case, regardless of the importance of the network for understanding of differential

aspects of reshaping in some territories and not in others, we insist on verifying the

preponderance of interest in certain places more targeted for restructuring, like de eastern

zone of the Paulistana Metropolis, which, in a way, impact throughout the metropolitan

region.

In this economic landscape, we can see that the wording of large urban projects to the

eastern area of the São Paulo metropolitan region has been justified so that its dynamics

intensifying according to its economic association.

In Santo André, economic conversion discourse in ABC had advised the preparation of a a

GPU to confront a considered economic stagnation framework to generating public initiatives

like the Eixo Tamanduatehy Project, which concerns both the process of economic and

territorial conversion on public management and policies; this project supports the public

program “Santo André City of Future”, with strategies for regional and municipal action in

addressing the effects of “globalization“.

Depending on the internal debate to the region of ABC at the end of the 1980’s, about the

crisis that devolution industrial, called “productive restructuring”, had causing to the ABC

regional economy, some institutional instruments were used to act on the minimization of

adverse effects called “ABC's industrial evasion” has caused to the production of financial

resources for public investment, an to the elevation of the level of unemployment, especially

industrial, common to the seven cities in the region (Santo André, São Bernardo do Campo,

São Caetano do Sul, Diadema, Mauá, Ribeirão Pires and Rio Grande da Serra) that has

drawn up by an aging process of their urban and productive structures. This process

occurred throughout the region of the ABC and particularly in Santo André because

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...com o apoio e incentivo do poder local, buscou-se na década de 90 reordenar o uso do espaço urbano e incentivar a instalação e ampliação de atividades industriais, comerciais e de novos serviços, visando com isso atender a novas demandas do setor produtivo e também da população da região. (Montagner, 2004:8)

Another mechanism was installing a wide-ranging debate in the region ABC, with extension

to the whole state, due to its constitutional competence in metropolitan issues, regarding the

participation of society in the discussion held at local and regional institutions. As the

Consórcio Intermunicipal do ABC, created in 1990, adds only the mayors, other sectors were

claiming its participation in the institution, seemingly constantly denied statutory grounds. In

March 1997, was installed the ABC Regional Chamber, with the participation of State

Government (Governor and some Secretaries), the seven mayors, representatives of the

working class, business class, associations and entities of urban and regional character

(important highlight should be given to Fórum da Cidadania do Grande ABC, which brings

together various social institutions such as associations of undertakings and unions of

workers, adding groups of environment protection and environmental movements) to develop

and implement what is called “region's development strategy project”. In this new arena of

discussions, therefore, there were concluded agreements, from the idea of “consensus”, and

the Agência de Desenvolvimento Econômico do ABC was created in 1998, whose

competences include the production of basis and dissemination of up-to-date scientific data

and analysis of socio-economic landscape in the region of ABC.

As the issue of the “industrial evasion” affects more acutely some municipalities in the region,

differentiated strategies were drawn to meet the effects of production units output in the

region. The municipalities that hurts this problem are: (a) from the standpoint of reduction of

the contribution of industries, Santo André effectively; (b) from the point of view of the

inability to attract industries on behalf of their full integration into the APRM - area of

protection of water sources (in the RMSP), Ribeirão Pires and Rio Grande da Serra.

Santo André has past, in the same time, for building supramunicipal policies and regional

development entities, and for elaborating large urban projects based on the objective, and

respective discourse, of territorial and economic conversion, with elements of management

and public policy and very impregnated of strategic planning methodology: ”Santo Andre City

of Future” (case considered participatory, involving the local society to make the city

development big guidelines for a period of twenty years) and “Eixo Tamanduatehy Project”, a

large set of small urban operations, outlining a major surgery. (Figures 03 and 04)

The set of projects, with territorial and social bases, relate to both strategies, regional and

municipal, in the construction of the relationship between regional and the local on productive

restructuring scenario. With regard to the regional action, the Municipality paved a

“cooperation and conflict strategy” between social, political and economic actors, local and

regional, to generate regional agreements through ”consensus”; the other regional strategy

was to recreate the ABC in São Paulo metropolitan region not as a periphery, but as a “new

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centrality” when “a região deixaria de ser um subúrbio, qualificado por ser uma passagem

entre a capital e o porto, para se tornar um lugar, uma cidade com dinâmica própria” (Daniel,

1998: 3).

Figure 03 – OUC in Santo André (2003 sept), www.santoandre.sp.gov.br, access in 2004 July 20.

Figure 04 – OUC Eixo Tamanduatey Project and its constitutive small urban operations. (2003 sept), www.santoandre.sp.gov.br, access in 2004 July 20.

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For the construction of physical-territorial proposals derived from these formulations, in 1998,

prestigious professionals were recruited in the country and in Europe to draw up a diagnosis

for all the operation in the axis formulating three proposals with different approaches.

Coordinated by Eduardo Leira, his staff developed the concept of “centrality instead of

periphery”, discussing new ways to extend the terms of accessibility to ABC and proposing a

combination of new metropolitan centers – Santo André and Guarulhos – through the

Diagonal ABC, a proposal relating to the Metropolitan Rodoanel. From the formulation of

“North-South diagonal” of Leira, the Jacú-Pêssego Avenue began to appear in the

discourses about metropolitan articulation by this team of consultants in all project

presentations (Figure 05)

Figure 05 – Eixo Tamanduatehy Project –piece of work coordinated by Eduardo Leira (PMSA, 1999).

Joan Busquets and team have developed typologies of urban design for the whole axis,

proposing joints between the Avenida dos Estados, the railways and the Tamanduatehy

River with generous green spaces for the use with dry time and space of flooding in times of

rain. (Figure 06)

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Figure 06 - Eixo Tamanduatehy Project – piece of work coordinated by Joan Busquets (PMSA, 1999).

Christian de Portzamparc and team had the scope of design blocks in relationship with

Avenida dos Estados transformed in a “boulevard”, applying its known typology of “open

block” (articulation of Cerdá and Le Corbusier, from a criticism of both and how the blocks

and architecture are currently in large cities, in accordance with the architect, without

architectural and landscape relationship between the buildings). (Figure 07)

Figure 07 - Eixo Tamanduatehy Project – piece of work coordinated by Christian Portzamparc (PMSA, 1999).

It is important to realize the meanings of this public initiative that exposes the urban problem,

considering the project as one of the principles of the so-called ”conversion” of an entire city's

central area intended for private investments that roam the project.

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The urban operation Rio Verde-Jacú as the center of a large metropolitan project

The OUC Rio Verde-Jacú has its axis in the work of the Avenida Nova Trabalhadores, better

known as Jacú-Pêssego, which will link the Ayrton Senna road until the municipality of Maúa

in full the wording of the proposal.

In the southern portion of the project, the Avenue extension is still by the city of São Paulo, in

the territory of São Mateus (one of the 31 divisions of the municipality) until the municipality

of Mauá which has a project to link it to Avenida Papa João XXIII that would articulate to

Rodoanel in its south portion (under construction), to lead the vehicle flow for highways

Anchieta and Imigrantes (Map 01 and Figure 01)

This great urban project became the axis of a public program of the municipality of São

Paulo, in the management 2001-2004, for the economic development called “Programa de

Desenvolvimento Econômico da Zona Leste” (PRODEL – Eastern Zone Economic

Development Program). The initiative to formulate the PRODEL came from the City Hall of

São Paulo and received the accession of the prefectures involved, mainly Santo André and

Mauá, interested in the operationalization of such works as ”levers“ for the productive

connection possibilities and of cash flows of goods. Mauá does not have connection with any

road directly, although have an important industrial park, based on petrochemical sector, and

Santo André needs to articulate with São Bernardo do Campo and Diadema, in order to

achieve the highways Anchieta and Imigrantes, respectively. For Santo André there is an

additional interest on the connection, since Mauá, with the Avenida dos Estados, support of

the Eixo Tamanduatehy Project, in whose extension is the South-North vector called

”Diagonal Sul“ and ”Diagonal Norte“ in the Strategic Master Plan of the municipality of São

Paulo, as indicated earlier. (Figure 08)

Figure 08 - São Paulo – OUCs in the Strategic Master Plan (São Paulo, PDE/2002).

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Within the OUC Rio Verde-Jacú is the “Itaquera industrial pole” approved since the 1980s in

the Legislative Assembly of the State of São Paulo, called “ZEDE – Zona de

Desenvolvimento Econômico “ (economic development zone) in the PRODEL and in the

Strategic Master Plan as “ZIR – Zona Industrial em Reestruturação” (restructuring industrial

zone). (Figure 09)

Figure 09 – OUC Rio Verde-Jacú – General localization (PMSP, 2004b).

The assumption of the wording of the program, “change region by economic development”

would be available through three lines of action: “attract investments, jobs and quality

occupations”, “training human resources and research personal“, ”integration within the

metropolis ” (PMSP, 2004c). The assumption appears articulated to the idea that the Eastern

Zone of São Paulo is the center of the RMSP, with 32,68 km2, 22% MSP area, with 3.3

million inhabitants equaling 1/3 of the population of the municipality of São Paulo.

The scale of urban operation increased comparatively with the Strategic Master Plan

statement (Map 01 and Figure 08): 77,6 km2, with only ZEDE incorporates 7 km2 (PMSP,

2004a), in a municipality with 1.509 km2 and the metropolitan region with 8.051km2, 2.139

km2 developed and some 17.800.000 inhabitants (IBGE/2000).

There are three structural lines of the program, considered “lines of action to generate

economic growth, urban transformation and social inclusion”, with the following formulation

(PMSP, 2004a):

• “Territorial and physical integration” - resulted in the OUC Rio Verde-Jacú (municipal

law 13872, 13/07/04), based on the road complex Jacú-Pêssego, Avenida Radial

Leste extension until Guaianazes and deploying internal road network in the eastern

zone to allow flows and communications in the region, facilitating labour mobility and

consumption.

• “Institutional development” - resulted in Selective Incentives Program for the

perimeter of the urban operation Rio Verde-Jacú (municipal law 13.833, 27/05/04), as

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well as the imposition of a ”Managing Committee” with representatives of bodies of

the City Hall and civil society entities and the structuring of a “Technical Office“ in

order to be “para ser um órgão empreendedor, na busca do investidor, no diálogo

com os agentes locais, na coordenação das ações de várias esferas do governo e na

busca de financiamento público e privado”. Important goals of deployment of this

body are “garantir agilidade na aprovação de projetos e aprovar automaticamente

propostas que seguirem parâmetros pré-estabelecidos.”

• Investment in training and “education and knowledge” in the region – drove the

institution of municipal higher technical education institution (Fundação Municipal de

Ensino Superior e Técnico). (Municipal law 13.806, 10/05/04), with deployment of two

high schools - public health and engineering and administration.

Data on the Eastern Zone, produced in 2004 by CEBRAP - Centro Brasileiro de Análise e

Planejamento - to compare the eastern and southern regions of the municipality of São

Paulo (in the formulation of a metropolitan development plan that would be a factor of

possible new negotiations through management for the period following a possible re-

election) show the fragile economic of the Eastern sub-region, very populous and with

highest population growth (Diniz, 2004):

• Increases its population during the period 1991 to 2004 (493 000 against 789 000);

• In 1996, the region had about 1.5% of establishments throughout the municipality,

employing 44,000 persons; represented 1.5% of total occupation of the municipality in

15 groups of activities and 58% of staff busy;

• In 2001, the region contained 1.7% of establishments throughout the municipality,

employing 40,000 people, (8.1% fall), with 18 groups of activities and 67% of staff

busy;

• Increase of diversification in economic sectors, but the fragility of the industry

continued;

• The service sector shows the worst framework weak (without financial activities, for

example).

While it was in discussion in the House of Councillors, the City Hall continuing studies on the

South, in order to develop another urban operation around near the Jurubatuba Channel

near of Guarapiranga Reservoir.

In relation to the Eastern, southern presents data demonstrating greater intensity of industrial

activity (Diniz, 2004):

• Decreases the population from 1991 to 2004 (225 000 against 168 000);

• In the south area increases production between 1996 and 2001 (8,7% against 10%,

while in the eastern there are low productive capacity and inter industrial articulation.

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PRODEL would give priority to enterprises from private investment in industrial bases (mainly

capital goods and textiles/fashion), for the installation of units in ZEDE, and not of tertiary

advanced as we believe were the only interesting for the implementation of urban operations,

such as the Águas Espraiadas, Faria Lima and Água Branca (that have not yet established

as a focus of massive investment attraction of the tertiary sector) (Sandroni, 2002).

In the ZEDE, which industrial function perimeter had already been delimited there were two

decades (and not yet implemented in its entirety until now), the OUC Rio Verde-Jacú

provides for the implementation of the constitutional instrument of “obliged parceling out,

construction and use” with an indication of legally free right to build for a few years to attract

industrial investments.

It is possible to realize here is an attempt, isolated, to reverse the process of advancement of

tertiary, a constitutive sector of the economy in “globalization”, fetching rewind to the

establishment of industrial chains that would corresponding to the fordist industrial

development stage (machinery and equipment), even though in the textile industrial segment

it had been prioritized the activities related to fashion and apparel.

The called “Focus on Eastern's industrial development” presents a weakness because, while

the industrial zone in the Eastern is already state law as “ZUPI – Zona Predominantemente

Industrial” (predominantly industrial usage area), extended in 2003 due to the law adopted in

São Paulo State, it appears that, during the formulation of PRODEL, the industrial investment

in there was rather dispersed; one of the explanatory hypotheses refers to a possible

retention speculative value, waiting public investments to shore up private ones.

Furthermore, there is an articulation in the municipal regulation framework for promoting

economic development with the federal industrial policy framework. The two sectors of

industry targeted for deployment in the eastern zone's economic development of the

municipality of São Paulo are textiles and capital goods (9.5 % of the MSP's industrial VA).

Analyses done by the municipality of São Paulo to give technical support to PRODEL

(CEBRAP, 2004), as well as a metropolitan character program with possible municipal re-

election, offer a number of alerts that are linked to the municipal and regional performance of

a program like this one. When analyzing the capital goods sector of drugs (14,7% MSP's

industrial PV), this study indicates that:

...do ponto de vista nacional esta aliança se justifica por serem estes setores amplamente deficitários no comércio internacional, de sorte que a criação de instrumentos que aumentem os elos internos da cadeia produtiva destes segmentos contribuiria para a redução da vulnerabilidade externa. ... estes ramos de atividade têm gastos em P&D muito superiores aos demais setores do município, sobretudo no caso de produtos químicos, com especial ênfase para a indústria farmacêutica. (Amitrano, 2004:24)

These sectors have the capacity to generate employment and direct and indirect income

while pharmacists predominate in the South of the municipality of São Paulo and in

17

Guarulhos. So, it was viable investment for industrial ventures attraction related to capital

goods for the production of machinery and equipment:

No que concerne à estruturação do espaço econômico do município as repercussões de tal adensamento podem ser bastante positivas, uma vez que o setor encontra-se relativamente disperso na capital. Uma alternativa possível é a promoção de atividades na fronteira entre as zonas sul e leste do município, região já ocupada por empresas do setor de bens de capital. Além disso, estes segmentos têm média e alta propensão a vendas externas. O reforço de condições adequadas de exportação, o que inclui desde a melhoria do sistema modal até o porto de santos e aos terminais de carga do aeroporto de Viracopos, pode ter repercussões positivas tanto do ponto de vista macroeconômico como local, uma vez que maiores exportações, certamente, se traduzirão em maiores níveis de emprego, renda e arrecadação para o município de São Paulo. (Amitrano, 2004:28-29)

In that period (2001-2004) the municipality of São Paulo leaders were from PT (Workers

Party) and wanted the re-election for the follow period (2005-2008). In addition to technical

discourse of economic indicators pointed out by viabilities, it is the field of both political

discourse - maintenance of power in the Federal sphere (allied to the municipal government

in power until 2004) and the articulation with the industrial policy under federal drafted IPEA

Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (Applied Economic Research Institute) - which

would be an important step towards the strengthening of a political alliance between São

Paulo and the central government.

An evaluation of political and institutional actions of the PMSP orients the understanding

about the OUC Rio Verde-Jacú as an experimental metropolitan management project,

articulated in the body by agencies such as the “Fórum de Desenvolvimento da Zona Leste”

(Eastern Zone Development Forum) and the “Conselho Municipal de Desenvolvimento

Urbano” (Municipal Council of Urban Development). This intention of metropolitan

management is identified in all approved laws by the House of Councillors with a certain

articulation with a few members of the Legislative Assembly of State of São Paulo –

especially those, from Worker Party linked to ZUPI in Itaquera and articulated directly to the

municipalities, such as Guarulhos and Mauá. In this way, in that urban operation and in

PRODEL, management resources from municipal and metropolitan society have been

launched but had not yet reached impact on the Legislative Assembly and the operation had

been interrupted in 2005, with a new political force in the municipality.

Evaluating some impacts of the large urban projects studied

Minor is not the fact that part of cities administrations involved in the discussion of programs

and projects with strong emphasis on metropolitan cooperation during the period of municipal

mandates from 2001 to 2004 (São Paulo, Santo André, Mauá and Guarulhos), was

commanded by leaders of the same political party – the workers, all Federal Government

allies from the election of President Lula in 2002. Santo André and Mauá were even being

governed by this force since 1997, and Santo André and São Paulo had their first “petistas”

governments during the period 1989-1992.

18

In the case of the municipality of São Paulo, the body of supporting of the operation indicated

the need for “Estabelecimento de um modelo de relacionamento entre governo municipal e a

sociedade local com base na participação dos três níveis executivos da Federação

(municipal, estadual e federal)” (PMSP, 2004a). However, no metropolitan consequences

after the deployment of the program were indicated in that study. One of the weaknesses in

this field refers to the foregoing, related to one of the three structural lines of the PRODEL:

the so-called “selective incentives”, or the waiver of fiscal resources in order to possibility the

attraction of industrial investment, especially in ZEDE in Itaquera. This type of proposal, as

part of an economic-territorial public policy based in the metropolitan region keeps

competition between cities.

The OUC Rio Verde-Jacú, although its focus in the Eastern periphery, was steeped in the

idea of competition between seats, discoursing on the area east potentially to be a place of

modernizing productive investment. Accordingly, the linkages of the city of São Paulo with

municipalities of the Eastern zone in the RMSP were essential. However, the vision of

competition between places was predominant for prioritizing those municipalities that have a

privileged location on the routes of national and international production, logistics and

communications like Guarulhos and part of ABC. The concomitant development of the

analyses of investments in the area south of the municipality of São Paulo and the liaison

with Osasco, via urban operations along the “marginais” of Tietê and Pinheiros rivers

demonstrates the investment method option based on competition inter-places (CEBRAP,

2004).

It is particularly interesting the confirmation, from the assessment of urban operations in São

Paulo and Santo André, economic-territorial activation of the eastern area of RMSP, that

after the belief, in the 1980s, that development could occur anywhere in the territory, given

the ability of capital, allied to communication technologies, to be connected anywhere,

growth continues in metropolitan areas (Ribeiro, 2004). The OUCs implementation initiatives

in RMSP clearly inform about the vision that these operations could happen in that places

because their conditions to attract economic flows by its privileged location within the

agglomeration and metropolitan well-equipped logistical point of view and specialization of

labour. Furthermore, the region informs processes of poverty, environmental degradation

and urban violence consistent with the idea that the intensification of metropolization is the

“hurricane's eye for social issues” (Ribeiro, 2004).

Mainly the OUC Rio Verde-Jacú evaluated here is deployed in areas of majority low income

population and subject to permanent vulnerabilities and risks, incorporate elements that refer

to new forms of relationship between industrial capital and labour, with a field of partnerships

between enterprises, trade unions, universities and municipalities, in the period post-fordist

(Lipietz and Leborgne, 1988). Such reasons are found in the design of the OUC Rio Verde-

Jacú and its legislative products (as well as of fiscal incentives, the creation of an institution

19

of higher education and technical) to combine new technologies to a new industrial

production.

The assessment of the main technical consultancy studies involved (ATKEARNEY, 2003a/b

and 2004) enables some thoughts. By the point of view of economic viability within the

sectors examined, in spite of the management of a fairly sophisticated database, the “domino

type effect” of a program like this has not been observed, as well as the beneficial and evil

effects on the regions concerned. It is not enough to measure the impact in relation to the

formal employment generation and impact on economically active population - EAP – or in

relation to GDP – gross domestic product. It is essential to apply impact simulation

techniques in relation to the reporting capacity, underemployment and unemployment,

informal reality pressing in São Paulo metropolitan region. This is because it is inevitable the

outbreak of a migratory process for the region, led by the deployment of a “development

pole” or industrial park.

This demographic pressure, as well as the pressure of employability, generates a specific

demand for each sector of public services, such as: sanitation, housing, health, education,

recreation, among others. Thus, one can say that the studies which guided the formulation of

the operation precisely lack on metropolitan vision about alternatives of public investment

resources in other types of projects that could have a greater impact on employment

generation, or other type of employment, connected to the popular economy. Unlike the

emphasis that the technical reports give to the question of exportation of products generated

in the region from the deployment of the program, not everything is the export, and local or

domestic savings are possible wealth-generating sources that should be considered.

The program, structured in accordance with economic consultancy guidelines, guarantees to

investors high profitability conditions without, however, consider the social costs involved that

finally would press on local authority's finances, including national, since the metropolitan

implementation is not possible because that institutional space does not exist in Brazil.

With regard to the territory, there were not analyzed the environmental impacts on

ecosystems, ecological-environmental measures, in any timescale approach (the area of

ZEDE, the area of the urban operation, the eastern city of São Paulo, the eastern

metropolitan area, São Paulo metropolitan region as a whole), nor in respect of an

economically articulated region as the so-called “Extended Metropolitan Complex”.

Even though the study reflects some sub-regional comparison scopes to the interior of the

municipality of São Paulo, comparisons are short because the simple indication of the

location of economic activity is insufficient to reflect the mobility or dynamic of impacts in

facilities and infrastructure in regional small scale, which does not give elements to plan

future population growth and its demands on urban and metropolitan territory.

20

Urban operations in Santo André followed its implementation from its articulation to the

master plan approved in December 2004 and São Paulo operation was interrupted with the

assumption of a new elected political power for the period 2005-2008.

The implementation of actions is, therefore, municipal, and is subject to decisions in this

context that give success or failure in accordance with the commitment in managing

performed. However, even though there was the possibility of operate the plan or project in

isolation, in terms of attracting investment, to Santo André or to São Paulo, the prospect of

achieving these investments is much larger in the combined logic, because there is a great

potential to realize regional economies and efficiencies by proximity to consumer market. It is

not ignored the fact that both projects in that combined logic articulates a third, the projected

expansion of Guarulhos international airport, and that the central goal continues to be its link

with the port of Santos, one of the largest and most important port equipment in Brazil.

At the same time it is important that, at the end of municipal management for the period

2001-2004, from the success of the construction and approval of PRODEL, São Paulo city

had structured a consultancy for the construction of subsidies to formulate a Metropolitan

Development Program, based essentially on development policies for Eastern and Southern

areas of the municipality and for metropolitan region of São Paulo (CEBRAP, 2004) that

would developed in a desired new mandate that has not occurred. In this respect is essential

to consider the position of the Government of the State of São Paulo, the same political force

that the winner in the municipality of São Paulo for the period 2005-2008: alleging lack of

resources to build the snippet Eastern Rodoanel, Jacú-Pêssego Avenue (the urban operation

axis), has been regarded since then as substitute of Rodoanel in the region. This decision,

currently in implementation, distorts the formulation of urban operation and induces traffic

patterns, mobility and land use and occupation incompatible with the socio-economic

development for East towards their territorial and social inclusion. Furthermore, the State

Government itself indicates the fragility of its scope of planning, since the Rodoanel should

not interconnect directly to urban structural urban avenues, as the Jacú-Pêssego, in its

original concept.

In the construction of the discourses of transformation, regarded as new resources

management, the large urban projects are metaphors of the management of capital in time

and in space. While public discussion, in urban planning that incorporates social

participation, there are varied agents that gather the process, including social movements

(that commonly expresses divergent discourses). Social participation wants to be itself a

temporal stewardship element of large urban projects, insofar as there are agents that claim

their space in the social struggle (Forum de Desenvolvimento da Zona Leste in São Paulo,

Forum da Cidadania do Grande ABC). Internal agents to political power (leaders of the

Executive and legislative municipal, State or federal) may also want to rely on social

participation in order to their perpetuation in power (management of electoral promise's

21

discourse), trying to capture the sphere of social organization, which is historically local in

Brazil.

To approach these larger urban projects associated in the Eastern metropolis, articulating it

North to South, both internally as with other metropolitan areas, it is appropriate to indicate

some issues around the design of Metropolitan-wide projects.

As regards isolated efficiency from each project and their relationship with the combined

logic efficiency, the constitutive parts of the link between Guarulhos international airport and

port of Santos, through strategic industrial areas such as Itaquera, Mauá and Santo André,

linked by Rodoanel, should be totally deployed to the regional final goal of accessibility in

terms of economic production and maintenance of such national pole and equity control of

production.

Considering the actions articulated in a metropolitan large urban project constituted by

different municipal authorities, their efficiency can only be clearly scaled from the conclusion

of the whole axis urban traffic, operations and works involved. Which can be expected of

each project isolated? More competition between cities is one of the most likely results.

From the OUC Rio Verde-Jacú, even without their deactivation from 2005 onwards, it is

expected a long period of “waiting“ for real estate interest to invest in a broad perimeter and

the Government has structural works to complete and even deploy relating to Eastern's

internal accessibility and the consolidation of the Itaquera industrial zone. In addition, a

complementation of the urban operation must still be phrased in draft law, pushing the

current perimeter, which ends on Avenida Ragueb Chohfi, until the limit with the municipality

of Mauá. This municipality, in turn, should put its ZDE – economic development zone,

provided for in the 1998 master plan, which brings together industrial enclaves and

productive services in Capuava and Sertãozinho, where Avenida Papa João XXIII would link

to Rodoanel, key piece in the constitution of the planned airport-port connection.

From the Eixo Tamanduatehy Project, the struggle for attracting investments located

primarily in the tertiary sector should follow rather intensified. This project, in isolated

efficiency scale, perhaps less unattended can proceed with the expected magnitude without

structural works linking the airport and port. The scenario for Santo André would not change

how much has changed over the past 15 years, unless those metropolitan articulation works

were implemented. Even if projects use and benefit from some form of local development

discourses to their reason, it is fundamental indicating the importance of linking to other

metropolitan projects, with relevance to the Metropolitan Rodoanel.

The discourses that underpin the formulation of projects in its articulation in a metropolitan

and intermetropolitan territory, will not build, in isolation, solidarity realities in the region,

since these are located in the context of achieving macro-economic and macro-regional

level. Economic conversion of a municipality, the location geopolitically built and metropolitan

22

centrality cannot be reached as a sustainable way only by discourses (in speeches or in

consultancy writings) but should be fetched regionally with articulation and visualization of

possible gains in combined logic with public policies for economic and social development

from assisted management features in a new legal and institutional environment.

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