1 2017 USC Meiji University Research Exchange Abstracts Thursday 2/16 Doheny Library 240 12:15-12:45 Prof. Sasaki Ken'ichi, Meiji University "Archaeological Investigations of the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb” I report the major results of analysis of haniwa ceramic figurines excavated at the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb in southern Ibaraki Prefecture, 50 miles northeast of Tokyo. I excavated the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb in March and August, 2015, and discovered large quantities of haniwa ceramic figurines. The most notable are a fairly complete haniwa ceramic model of a house and three fairly complete haniwa ceramic figurines of female shamans. In comparison to other examples of haniwa ceramic models of houses, the Dainichizuka find is a model of a residential structure, rather than a storehouse or ritual structure. This distinction is based on the existence of two windows, as opposed to only one window for a storehouse, and walls that support the roof, rather than pillars. More than five ledges are typical of the Ibaraki region in the late sixth century. And as to haniwa ceramic figurines of female shamans, the morphology of apricot-shaped eyes is typical of the Lake Kasumigaura region, and distinguished from the central Ibaraki region, where the bottom line of the eye is straight. The hair style of the three viewed from the top looks like a fundō weight of a Tokugawa-period balance. This hair style is typical of the Kanto region in the late sixth century. These observations all support a previous interpretation that the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb was built at some point in the late sixth century. 1:00-1:30 Doi Shôhei, Meiji University “The Process of Regional Unification in Eastern Peripheral Japan in the Third Century A.D.” It was during the Kofun Period that various regions of Japan came to be unified through the sharing of sets of mortuary rituals associated with the construction of keyhole-shaped mounded tombs. Japanese archaeologists interpret these keyhole-shaped mounded tombs as elite burials because of their very rich goods deposited with the dead and because of their large mounds and burial chambers. Furthermore, Japanese archaeologists have previously considered that local regions came to be unified under the leadership of the highest- and higher-ranking chiefs residing in the central Kinki region, historically referred to as the Kinai. In recent years, however, Japanese archaeologists have recognized that the processes involved in changing and unifying sets of mortuary rituals were regionally distinctive in peripheral regions of Japan, such as Kyushu, Hokuriku on the Sea of Japan coastal region of central Japan, and northeastern Honshu. Accordingly, it is important to understand regional variations of the transformation processes of mortuary rituals. In this presentation I examine the unification process in the Kanto region of eastern Japan, at the time when Kofun culture was penetrating the region from the west. That process was distinct from the unification processes of western Japan. To demonstrate that, I consider the following: 1) holes drilled through the bottom of pottery vessels after they were fired; 2) large storage jars offered at mortuary rituals; and 3) pottery vessels placed as if to enclose a tomb. I trace how these attributes diffused and were accepted locally.
Transcript
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2017 USC Meiji University Research Exchange Abstracts
Thursday 2/16 Doheny Library 240 12:15-12:45 Prof. Sasaki Ken'ichi, Meiji University "Archaeological Investigations of the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb” I report the major results of analysis of haniwa ceramic figurines excavated at the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb in southern Ibaraki Prefecture, 50 miles northeast of Tokyo. I excavated the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb in March and August, 2015, and discovered large quantities of haniwa ceramic figurines. The most notable are a fairly complete haniwa ceramic model of a house and three fairly complete haniwa ceramic figurines of female shamans. In comparison to other examples of haniwa ceramic models of houses, the Dainichizuka find is a model of a residential structure, rather than a storehouse or ritual structure. This distinction is based on the existence of two windows, as opposed to only one window for a storehouse, and walls that support the roof, rather than pillars. More than five ledges are typical of the Ibaraki region in the late sixth century. And as to haniwa ceramic figurines of female shamans, the morphology of apricot-shaped eyes is typical of the Lake Kasumigaura region, and distinguished from the central Ibaraki region, where the bottom line of the eye is straight. The hair style of the three viewed from the top looks like a fundō weight of a Tokugawa-period balance. This hair style is typical of the Kanto region in the late sixth century. These observations all support a previous interpretation that the Dainichizuka Mounded Tomb was built at some point in the late sixth century. 1:00-1:30 Doi Shôhei, Meiji University “The Process of Regional Unification in Eastern Peripheral Japan in the Third Century A.D.” It was during the Kofun Period that various regions of Japan came to be unified through the sharing of sets of mortuary rituals associated with the construction of keyhole-shaped mounded tombs. Japanese archaeologists interpret these keyhole-shaped mounded tombs as elite burials because of their very rich goods deposited with the dead and because of their large mounds and burial chambers. Furthermore, Japanese archaeologists have previously considered that local regions came to be unified under the leadership of the highest- and higher-ranking chiefs residing in the central Kinki region, historically referred to as the Kinai. In recent years, however, Japanese archaeologists have recognized that the processes involved in changing and unifying sets of mortuary rituals were regionally distinctive in peripheral regions of Japan, such as Kyushu, Hokuriku on the Sea of Japan coastal region of central Japan, and northeastern Honshu. Accordingly, it is important to understand regional variations of the transformation processes of mortuary rituals. In this presentation I examine the unification process in the Kanto region of eastern Japan, at the time when Kofun culture was penetrating the region from the west. That process was distinct from the unification processes of western Japan. To demonstrate that, I consider the following: 1) holes drilled through the bottom of pottery vessels after they were fired; 2) large storage jars offered at mortuary rituals; and 3) pottery vessels placed as if to enclose a tomb. I trace how these attributes diffused and were accepted locally.
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As a result of my analysis, I have discovered that in the middle stage of the Early Kofun Period (early fourth century A.D.), mortuary customs of different local regions came to be mixed. Prior to this stage, each local region maintained locally unique mortuary customs. In the middle stage, however, local regions adopted different mortuary customs originating from other local regions, thereby transforming their own mortuary customs. This phenomenon can be interpreted as an element of the regional unification process from the standpoint of mortuary archaeology. It is very important to note, however, that the direction of diffusion was not one way. Already in the Late Yayoi Period (the first to early third centuries A.D.) local regions interacted with one another, and this phenomenon of the middle stage of the Early Kofun Period was, I believe, the continuation of inter-regional interaction among local regions since the Late Yayoi Period. Furthermore, tombs that had incorporated different styles of mortuary rituals originating from different regions were keyhole-shaped with a square rear mound, or they were larger than other neighboring tombs. It is likely that locally influential people were buried in these tombs. I conclude that diffusion of different mortuary customs, their local adoption, and subsequent transformation of mortuary customs at small- and medium-sized tombs at the time of the construction of large mounded tombs was a result of the unification of local regions that had existed since the Late Yayoi Period. 1:45-2:15 Satô Kenri, Meiji University “How Does the Archeological Record Help Us Understand Human Groupings: A Comparison of Ceramic Forms and the Design of Human Habitations” This paper approaches prehistoric human groups from archaeological records. Japanese archaeologists have assumed that spatial distribution of pottery that was regionally distinctive and continuously changed was a representation of a human group. Behind this assumption is the large quantity of prehistoric pottery of various time periods that have been excavated all over Japan. Japanese archaeologists have classified the prehistoric pottery of Japan into numerous types representing different regional and chronological phases, based on the morphology, surface decoration, production techniques, and assemblages. In this presentation, I discuss the case of the southern Kantō region of eastern Japan during the Late Yayoi Period (first to third centuries A.D.). In this region at that time, while the Kugahara type pottery characterized by cord-marked surface was distributed in the coastal region of the Tokyo Bay, the Chōkōjibara type pottery characterized by a comb pattern was distributed in heights to the west of the Tokyo Bay region. It is noteworthy that the Chōkōjibara type pottery is always found in association with the Kugahara type pottery. In order to account for this interesting phenomenon, several hypotheses have been proposed, the most convincing of which is that two human groups originating from different regions resided together in a single settlement. I consider this hypothesis problematic because the evidence for it is nothing more than pottery. I argue that semi-subterranean houses should be taken into consideration when studying this phenomenon. In my analysis, I have classified semi-subterranean houses into different types based on the floor area and structure, and I have investigated the spatial and temporal distributions of each type of semi-subterranean houses. As a result, a type of semi-subterranean houses with multiple fireplaces correlates closely with to the types of pottery bearing a comb pattern, including the Chōkōjibara type. This suggests to me the possibility that the construction plan of semi-subterranean houses is also evidence for distinguishing human groups, along with pottery types. If this is indeed the case, it is possible to speculate the nature of human groups in the absence of
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pottery. Correlations between pottery types and types of semi-subterranean houses should be tested against more data in other regions and time periods.
考古資料から人間集団をどう把握するか？土器型式と住居設計原理の比較
本発表では、考古資料から先史時代の人間集団をどのように把握できるのかを考える。
日本列島では、先史時代の土器が多数発掘され、その研究の蓄積も多数にのぼる。特に、土器群の形
態・装飾・製作技術・組成などに関する時期と地域ごとの差異を基準として、多数の土器型式が設定さ
れている。これまで、ある土器型式群が型式学的に連続し、なおかつ隣接地域の土器型式群と顕著な
違いがある場合、それぞれを異なる人間集団と考える傾向が強かった。
本発表では、弥生時代後期（AD１～３世紀）における東日本の南関東を対象とする。東京湾沿岸で
は縄文の帯で文様構図を描く久ケ原（くがはら）式土器、その西側の丘陵地帯では櫛描文が盛んに用
いる朝光寺原（ちょうこうじばら）式土器が分布する。しかし、後者では、常に久ケ原式土器も共存するた
め、それぞれの集落の人間集団をどのように考えるか、いくつかの仮説が提出されている。そのうち、出
自の異なる２集団が集落内で共存するとみる仮説が有力視されてきた。しかし、土器だけから人間集団
を把握するのは問題がある。この地域に多数存在するもう一つの考古資料が竪穴住居であり、この問題
を考えるには竪穴住居も取り上げるべきだと、私は考える。
本発表では、その竪穴住居を取り上げて集団の把握を試みる。はじめに、住居の構造から住居型式
を設定し、その空間的・時間的な広がりを分析した。その結果、複数の炉をもつ特徴的な住居設計原理
が、櫛描文を持つ土器型式と密接な関わりがあることが判明した。すなわち、土器型式と同様に、住居
の設計原理も特定の集団と結びつく可能性を示したのである。さらに、土器が出土しない場合でも、住
居型式からその設計・居住者を特定できる可能性も示すことができた。今後は、土器型式と住居型式と
の相関をさらに検討する必要がある。
2:45-3:15 Sakurada Marie, Meiji University “The Royal Consort Before the Ritsuryô System” It is the common opinion that the kisaki (royal consort), the title for a wife of the tennô in the time before the implementation of the ritsuryô system, supports the theory that the title ôkisaki, referring to the tennô’s legal wife, was a predecessor of the title kôgô (senior queen-consort), later changing into a clear hierarchy. However, per examination of ôkisaki in historical records prior to the implementation of the ritsuryô system, ôkisaki did not mean “legal wife.” For that reason, ôkisaki was not the predecessor of the title kôgô. Additionally, in the Nihon shoki, titles for “legal wife” besides kisaki are listed under the ritsuryô system. Those titles, however, were not all utilized equally under the ritsuryô system, and the Nihon shoki record does not demonstrate a clear hierarchy under kisaki. Further, without the existence of the legal wife term ôkisaki, one can say that a clear hierarchy for kisaki under the ritsuryô system did not exist. Nevertheless some royal consorts possessed an influential voice, could be enthroned as a female sovereign, or were chosen to preside over retainers like the tennô. While this was not the case for all royal consorts, at times when the post of tennô was vacant the influence of the royal consort is clear. Thus, one can consider that the royal consort had a different status than under the ritsuryô system. I will consider how the royal consort before the ritsuryô system did not exist as ôkisaki. The administrative code created a different hierarchy. And yet, it is true that some royal consorts exercised a forceful voice within the court and could be enthroned as a female sovereign.
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律令制以前の天皇のキサキについて
律令制以前の天皇の妻＝キサキは、通説では「皇后」の前身で天皇嫡妻の「大后」（＝オオキサキ）とそ
れを支える制度によって、明確に序列化されているとみなされてきた。しかし、律令制以前の史料にみ
える「大后」という語句を検討してみると、その語句に嫡妻という意味はない。そのため、「大后」は「皇后
」の前身ではない。また、『日本書紀』には、嫡妻以外のキサキにも律令制下のような称号が付されてい
る。しかし、そのような称号を検討してみると、必ずしも律令制下と同様の観念では使用されておらず、『
日本書紀』からはキサキの間に序列があったことを証明することはできない。以上のように、天皇の嫡妻
たる「大后」は存在せず、ほかのキサキの間にも律令制下のような序列は存在しないといえる。とはいえ
、キサキには発言力を持ったり、女帝として即位したりした人物もいる。そのようなキサキを検討してみる
と、天皇と同様にキサキが群臣推戴によって選ばれていること、それがすべてのキサキではないこと、天
皇空位時に特定のキサキが発言力を行使していることがみうけられる。つまり、キサキには、律令制下と
は異なる序列が存在したと考えられるのである。以上のように、律令制以前のキサキは、通説のような「
大后」は存在しないものの、令制とは異なる序列が存在し、それにより特定のキサキが発言力を行使し
たり、女帝として即位したりしたのである。 3:30-4:00 Nadia Kanagawa, USC “What Should Be In a Name: Petitioning the Sovereign to Change Names and Titles in Early Classical Japan” Over the course of the Nara period, nearly ten thousand Yamato subjects petitioned for and received new names and titles from the sovereign. Designations were critical markers of status and belonging in the classical state, and receiving the grant of a new name or title was not only a point of direct contact with the sovereign but also an important way to maneuver for higher rank and office. While many scholars have examined name and title systems as part of the process by which Yamato sovereigns consolidated their power and configured the people of their realm, far fewer have considered how the many subjects who actively participated in these systems understood their logic and purpose. The sources for such a study are admittedly limited, but among the hundreds of records of name and title changes in the official chronicles there are a handful of entries that include the petition submitted to request the change. This paper focuses on these petitions, using a close reading of the justifications that they give to gain insight into how individual subjects interpreted and responded to state policy on designations.
古代日本の改賜姓請願の中にみる「氏姓」について
奈良時代に天皇の勅による改賜姓を受けた人々が一万人を超える。古代日本において、「姓」は身分
や階級と密接に関係していた。天皇に姓を授与されることは、天皇との密接な繋がりを示し、官位の昇
進のために非常に大切な事だった。これまでの多くの研究は、大和政権の政治的体制を確立していく
過程における氏姓制度の意義を問題としているが、ここでは氏姓制度に自主的に参加した人民側から
この制度の目的と論理を考えてみたい。このための歴史史料は少ないが、『六国史』の多くの改賜姓記
事の中ではいくつかの改賜姓請願の例も含まれている。この発表ではその改賜姓の請願の根拠に焦点
を当てることによって、国家の政策に対する人民の理解と対応を明らかにしたい。
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4:15-4:45 Prof. Inokuma Kaneki, Tokyo National Museum “Research in the Material Culture of the Old Japanese Royal Court” In the kind of class-structured society that existed in the pre-modern era, a person’s lifestyle corresponded to that person’s rank in the class hierarchy. Members of the court sought to pass down their ways of life to their descendants based on the formal manners and customs of the court, with the aim of preserving their special hierarchic status. The body of knowledge concerning these formal customs is known as 有職 (yūsoku). The essential aim of the court’s formal customs was to maintain order in the hierarchy. Courtiers were kept in line by their bureaucratic position, class, and ancestry. This order was physically embodied in the practice of ceremonial rituals that made use of the palace, furnishings, and costumes. In other words, the buildings, implements and clothing of the court were not only tools but also articles of material culture that, through their form and design, had the social function of signifying a courtier’s position and lineage, and the state of court ceremonial. As such the style of the court was formed through these articles of material culture. This use of material culture to differentiate between members of society and ceremonial events is a universal phenomenon that can be seen throughout world history. It is particularly marked, however, in 礼制 (J: reisei, C: lǐzhì, or the system of protocol) that developed in ancient China. The form of government of the Chinese court, called 朝廷 (J: chōtei, C: cháotíng), which was based on the principles of protocol, was not only passed down to successive dynasties in China. Since it was a universal system of government that spread to the Japanese archipelago, the Korean peninsula, the Vietnam region, and the Ryūkyū Islands, the Chinese court style also influenced courts in other parts of Eastern Asia. My discussion of the style of the monarch’s court in Japan is divided into the categories of rituals 祭祀 (saishi), the New Year’s Imperial Greeting ceremony 朝賀 (J:Chōga, C:Cháohè), and official events 公事 (kuji). 1) 祭祀 (saishi) The items of material culture used in the 大嘗祭 (Daijō-sai), or Great Food Offering ceremony were devices intended to project ancient customs. By preserving them, those ancient customs have been passed on down to the present day. 2) 朝賀 (Chōga) In embodying the principles of the chōtei court, the court style was formed by material culture such as palaces, furnishings and costumes that imitated items used in the Chinese icourt of the Tang Dynasty. 3) 公事 (kuji) The characteristics of era, region and ethnicity in courtesy-based East Asian imperial courts are most apparent in their inner courts (private space). In Japan’s inner court, annual events of the season emerged to form a court culture that was rich in elegance.
日本の宮廷を対象とする物質文化的研究
前近代の階層社会では階層ごとの生活様式が形成されており、公家階層が構成する宮廷では宮廷礼
法に基づく生活様式が伝承された。この宮廷礼法の知識体系を有職ゆ う そ く
という。宮廷礼法の要点は身分秩
序の維持にあり、その秩序は宮廷人の官職・階級・家柄などによって正され、殿舎・調度・服飾などを用
いた宮廷行事を実践するなかで形而下的に具現された。即ち、宮廷における建築・器物・衣服は生活
用具であるばかりでなく、その形式や意匠によって宮廷人の身分地位や宮廷行事の状態などを表象す
る社会的機能を有する物質文化であり、それらによって宮廷様式が形成されていた。このように物質文
化を用いて社会構成員の差別や儀式行事の状態を表象する行為は、古代中国で発達した礼制におけ
る顕著な現象であった。礼制の理念に基づいた朝廷という政治体制は中国の歴代王朝に継承されたば
かりでなく、日本列島・朝鮮半島・越南地域・琉球諸島などにも普及した普遍的政体であるので、中国の
宮廷様式は東アジア各地の宮廷にも影響を及ぼした。以上のような趣旨を踏まえて、本研究では日本
の宮廷様式を祭祀系・朝賀系・公事系に分類する。①祭祀系：大嘗祭に用いられた物質文化は古い習
俗を投影する装置であり、これらによって太古の習俗が現代まで伝承された。②朝賀系：朝廷の理念を
具現するために、唐の宮廷で用いられていた物質文化の形式に基づいた宮廷様式が整備された。
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③公事系：礼制に基づく東アジア宮廷では内廷に時代・地域・民族の特色が現出する。日本の内廷で
は年中行事が発達して雅趣に富んだ宮廷文化が形成された。 5:00-5:30 Gulnoza Kurbonova, Meiji University “Women in the Genji Monogatari, Especially Fujitsubo and Murasakinoue” In the Genji monogatari, a woman’s refinement and character are seen as more important than rank or descent. Within the Tale, many women are described as having a beautiful (utsukushii) personality and disposition. From a very young age the main character, the Shining Prince Genji, yearns romantically for the Queen Consort Fujitsubo, and he is always looking for a woman like her. For Genji, Fujitsubo is the most desirable type of woman. The young Murasaki, Fujitsubo’s niece, is about ten years old when she appears in the Tale. Genji is eighteen, and at a monastery in the mountains north of the capital, he sees this girl who looks just like Fujitsubo, and she replaces the latter in his affections. He steals her away to his residence at Nijôin, and then raises her to make her into his ideal woman. And as she grows into adulthood, Murasaki seems just like Fujitsubo, making Genji happy as his desires come to fruition. Nevertheless while Murasaki resembles Fujitsubo, her personality and disposition are different. Murasaki wins because of her intelligence, but her personality causes problems for Genji. In this presentation, I will examine in some detail the vocabulary used to describe the personalities of Fujitsubo and Murasakinoue, a vocabulary that shows their human qualities as they appeared to Genji.
源氏物の女性―藤壺と紫の上を中心に
『源氏物語』において、女性の身分や出自よりも教養や人柄が重要視されているように思われる。物
語に数多く登場する女性たちは、それぞれ「美しい」性格・性質的な面をもって特徴づけられている。主
人公光源氏が、若い時から父桐壺帝の后である藤壺を心から恋い慕っており、藤壺のような女性を望み
求める。源氏にとっての藤壺はまたとない理想的な女性であった。といよりは、源氏本人によって理想化
された、彼が一番望ましいとする女性のタイプであったと考えられる。藤壺の姪そして「ゆかり」の人とし
て物語に十歳ぐらいの少女若紫（のちの紫の上）が登場する。源氏が十八歳のとき、北山のある僧都の
坊で、面影が藤壺そっくりのこの少女を見出し、藤壺の代わりとしていつも見ていたいと思う。あるとき、
紫の上を二条院に盗みとって、自ら自分が希求するような理想的な女性に育てようとする。成長するに
つれて、藤壺そっくりになっていく紫の上を見て、自分の望みが叶っていると光源氏も喜ぶ。しかし、紫
の上が面影という点では藤壺に非常に似通っていても、性格および性質は異なっている。表立って才た
けている様子を見せることがなかった藤壺に対して、紫の上は利発さの勝ちすぎていた人柄であった。
また、紫の上には少し厄介な「気」（嫉妬の癖）もあり、これらが源氏にとって困ったところであった（朝顔
巻）。本発表において、藤壺と紫の上の人柄を形容する語彙を詳細に検討して、光源氏にとっての藤壺
と紫の上の人間について確認する。
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2017 USC Meiji University Research Exchange Abstracts
Day Two, Friday 2/17, Social Sciences Building 250 10:30-11:00 Chris Bovberg, University of California Berkeley “The Jôkyû Disturbance of 1221, A Case Study of Warrior Government” My dissertation investigates the early development of “warrior government” in the Kamakura bakufu (1180-1333) by examining key turning points. I attempt to identify what this construction, “warrior government,” signifies. What did it mean to be a “warrior”? What did their organization do? How did it relate to, complement, or stymie the court government? How do these questions inform our conception of the “medieval” period? I argue that to better understand how new military and police positions and powers were developed and incorporated into Japanese governing structures, a greater focus on the process of the expansion of authority is necessary. I contend that the bakufu was a dynamic institution, changing to adapt to new circumstances and crises as they arose, while remaining, at least conceptually, under the umbrella of the court government. This process was driven by personality, events, and other uncoordinated forces, as bakufu leadership sought solutions to the problems in front of them, not as a military takeover. The Jōkyū Disturbance (1221) is a salient example of a turning point in this development. Bakufu forces emerged victorious over the royal coalition, but it faced increasingly serious challenges after the battle was won. Power vacuums emerged at the center and local levels of government, sporadic episodes of violence continued across the countryside, and confusion and uncertainty threatened the stability of the established order. And yet, even though the bakufu was militarily unrivaled, it expanded only to the point of overcoming these difficulties – it never eclipsing or replacing royal authority. For example, it established new law enforcement officers to keep the peace while issuing new laws to establish their agents’ civil accountability, rather than using the power it had amassed to simply aggrandize the position of its own regime. In short, despite its unprecedented expansion, it remained fundamentally conservative. Kamakura extended its reach across the country, but did so to preserve the status quo of the rest of the systems and institutions under the tennō’s government. This demands that we rethink the standard narrative of “warrior rule” and common conceptions of a separate “warrior” establishment and instead consider Kamakura administration as defying easy categorization. 11:15-11:45 Cassandra Dierolf, USC East Asian Studies Center “Research Concerning Property and Inheritance Rights of Women in the 12th and 13th Centuries” For my master’s thesis I have researched women’s property and inheritance rights as they appear in the laws of the later Heian and Kamakura Periods. First, I examined the law book known as the Hōsōshiyōshō written by the Sakanoue family in the very late Heian/very early Kamakura Period. The legal scholars of the Sakanoue family recorded the precedents set by and their understanding of laws concerning women’s property and inheritance rights as practiced by noble families of the time. Next, I examined the legal text known as the Goseibai shikimoku, established by the Kamakura bakufu to shape the process of lodging suits in bakufu courts by their houseman warriors in the Kamakura Period (1185-1333). I also researched what is known
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as the Tsuika hō, created after the Goseibai shikimoku, after a number of lawsuits occurred, and the rulings of those cases became new or supplementary laws. Within the Hōsōshiyōshō, the Goseibai shikimoku, and the Tsuika hō, there are a number of clauses that concern the rights of women in holding land. Particularly, in an examination of Clause 24 (est. 1232) of the Goseibai shikimoku, and Clauses 327 (est. 1239) and 330 (est. 1285) of the Tsuika hō, the limiting of women’s property rights over a fifty-year period is very clear. In this presentation, to illustrate the change in women’s property rights, these three clauses will be discussed in some detail. 修士論文のため、平安時代後期から鎌倉時代の法律における女性の財産権や継承権を研
究した。まずは、平安末期から鎌倉初期にかけて、坂上氏により「法曹至要抄」という
法律書を調べた。法曹官僚の坂上氏はその時の公家に関する法律の前例や分かることを
記された。次に、鎌倉時代の鎌倉幕府が武士階級を統制するための制定された御成敗式
目という法律制度を調べた。そして、御成敗式目の後、訴訟がいくつか起こされ、その
訴訟の判決から新しい条項が成立し、「追加法」と呼ばれている法律を研究した。この
法曹至要抄と御成敗式目と追加法には、女性が所領を持つ権利に関する条項がいくつか
ある。御成敗式目の２４条（１２３２年）と追加法の３２６条（１２３９年）、３３０
条（１２８５年）を見ると、５０年ぐらいの間に女性の財産権が制限されるようになっ
たことが明確になる。本発表では、女性の財産権の変化を見せるため、この三つの条項
について詳しく論じる。 11:45-12:15 Nicolette Lee, USC School of Religion “Legitimacy and the Power of Reading at Medieval Japanese Royal Convents” The paradigmatic image of a Japanese Buddhist nun is the widow nun who lives a cloistered life. Similarly convents for elite women have been regarded as places for unmarried women to perform rituals in order to protect their family lineage. Rather, most of these women were sent as young children to assume religious vocations and led a social life. They enjoyed visits to the palace and pilgrimages with other courtiers, ladies-in-waiting, and nuns. Furthermore Muromachi-period (1333-1573) royal convents fulfilled the important role as literary salons—they were sites of literary production, consumption, and circulation. We know this from evidence demonstrating exchanges of literary works like picture scrolls (emaki) between convents and their networks of aristocratic and shogunal patrons. In my project, I am investigating the literary exchange of texts among nuns from the tennō’s family and their patrons, primarily by using Prince Fushiminomiya Sadafusa’s (1372-1456) journal, the Kanmon nikki (1426-48). I will examine how the convent, aristocratic families, and shogunal patrons were mutually focused on owning, circulating, and sponsoring literary works as a means to accumulate cultural possessions that symbolically legitimated the family lineage and authority. In particular I will focus on royal nun Rien’s (1422-?) life, which offers a window into complex relations between her familial patrons, the royal and shogunal families. She was the youngest daughter of Sadafusa, younger sister of the sovereign Go-Hanazono (1419-71), and adopted daughter of shogun Ashikaga Yoshinori (1394-1441). By focusing on this network of cultural lending and borrowing, my project explores elite women’s lives at the intersection of the literary arts and religion.
も入っている。 12:15-12:45 Dan Sherer, USC History Department "The Purpose and Significance of the Tenshô 4 (1576) Nichiren-sect Kanjin Campaign in Kyoto” In 1576, the Council of Head Temples of the Nichiren sect in Kyoto held a city-wide fundraising (kanjin) campaign. While there are detailed accounts showing who donated, how much they donated, and how the money raised was spent, the campaign remains a mysterious affair. Fundraising campaigns in Japan were typically universal; this one was sectarian. Fundraising campaigns in Japan had a clear stated goal, usually building or repairing temple buildings. This one however paid for gifts to warriors (primarily during the regime of Oda Nobunaga) over a period beginning in 1572 and ending in 1577. In this presentation, using sources concerning the campaign, I will explain how and why it was undertaken. 天正四年、京都の日蓮宗本山会合が洛中勧進を行った。寄贈者の名前と帰依僧、寄付金の
額も集めたお金の支出も、詳しく記されいるが、この勧進がまだ不思議なことである。中世日本
の勧進は宗派を問わず、すべての人を対象とした。天正四年洛中勧進は日蓮宗に限った。そ
のうえ、普通に勧進は寺社の修造や造営などの表明された目標がある。天正四年洛中勧進は
表明された目標がなく、その募金が元亀三年から天正五年にかけて幕府・織田政権の関係者
への贈与の費用を負担した。本報告は天正四年勧進の関係資料を説明して、勧進の目標と意
義を明らかにしたい。
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2:00-2:30 Prof. Nojiri Yasuhiro, Meiji University "Why Did People Make Fake Documents in the Early Kinsei Era?” Prior to Japan’s early modern period, a large number of written historical documents were created. Today we call them “old documents,” komonjo, and they are investigated and categorized by historians. Research begins with the cataloging process. When a catalogue is created, we gain a sense of the individuals that brushed the documents and the organizations that catalogued them. And by reading the contents of komonjo, we can ascertain the historical realities of the time. When investigating and categorizing such documents, from time to time scholars encounter strange komonjo. For instance, there are documents in which the contents clearly diverge from reality, such as false genealogical or inheritance records. These are called “faked documents,” gimonjo. I am interested in why such documents were made in the early modern era and what the reasons tell us about society at the time.
In this presentation I focus on a strange village record that bears a Nara-period date, Tenpyô 1 (729) but which was actually created in the sixteenth century. What is this record and its background? The contents claim to specify the village’s boundaries. Although the village faced the sea, the majority of the district was mountainous, and land-use rights for the mountains were frequently contested by a neighboring village. During the Warring States era in the latter half of the sixteenth century, even though the state of judicial affairs was gradually being put in order, the proprietor responsible for making judicial decisions had changed. These were the sorts of geographic and social circumstances that led to the creation of faked documents.
2:45-3:15 Prof. Luke Roberts, University of California Santa Barbara “Lives of Samurai Women of the Edo Period” This talk will describe the lives of samurai women of the Mori house in Tosa domain in the Edo period. The Mori house was an average 200-koku house of the rank of mounted guard. Patterns of government documentation tend to erase the presence of samurai women and make it difficult to recover stories of their lives, yet the abundant Mori family records allow us to reconstruct stories of their lives while uncovering many of the untruths in daimyo government records that were created to preserve an image of stable patriarchy. 3:30-4:00 Christoper Reichenbacher, University of California Santa Barabara “Raiden Tame’emon (1767-1825) and the Limits of Connection in Rural Japan” In the mid-18th century Japan experienced an explosion of popularity in entertainment culture. As its popularity skyrocketed, exchange between the major cultural centers and rural areas in Japan increased exponentially. Professions, which were outside of the typical hierarchy built upon this boom and integrated themselves into societal daily life. Consequently, travel activities became increasingly more vivid.
In this context, sumo wrestling too gained a prominent place within society. Seasonal sumo wrestling events found themselves taking place not only in large metropolitan areas, but also near rural temples and in riverbeds. The increasing demand for sumo triggered the emergence of traveling wrestler groups and a promoter system. As one of the first promoters and company heads of the nationwide movement of sumo campaigns, Raiden Tame'emon took part in setting up his own tournaments in the countryside. His travel log "Handbook of Sumo in all Countries" (Shokoku sumō hikaechō 諸国相撲控帳) is likely the most complete accumulation of information on such activities. In my presentation I will approach his diary by focusing on his routes of travel as well as the scope of rural audiences. By doing so I will provide insight into what traveling meant for wrestlers, promoters, and spectators. It will further help to reveal the networks and connections that determined life during the first phase of the professional sumo franchise. 4:15-4:45 Prof. Oyokawa Minoru, Shimane University “Contributions of Source Study to Understanding Aspects of International Cultural Interactions in Meiji Japan” This paper consists of three parts: 1) the definition of Quellenkunde [“source study”] 2) cataloguing Japanese archaeological artifacts in museum collections as practical examples of source study, and 3) potential contribution of source study to understanding the modernization process of an academic discipline. Quellenkunde [source study] was first defined by German historian Ernst Bernheim (1935), who argued that Quellenkunde was a method or technique to gain understanding about the objective of research from a source, and that the nature of Quellenkunde depended on the research objectives.
I will then introduce projects that entail cataloguing Japanese archaeological artifacts in museum collections as practical examples of source study conducted by myself and colleagues.
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As a case in Japan, my colleagues and I have been working on materials collected by the Japanese anthropologist Tsuboi Shōgorō [1863-1913] and the Prince Nijō that are now in the collection of the Tokyo National Museum. And as cases overseas, Prof. Sasaki and I are cataloguing artifacts collected by Edward Sylvester Morse in the collections of the Peabody Museum at Harvard; the Peabody-Essex Museum in Salem, Massachusetts; and artifacts that were on display at the World Columbian Exposition held in Chicago in 1893 but are now in the collection of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. I argue that these projects represent not simply the cataloguing of artifacts. They may also make contributions to our understanding of the modernization process of academic disciplines in Japan. In addition our project of cataloguing Japanese artifacts in North American museum collections will contribute to broadening and spreading knowledge about the Japanese past. And even more importantly, I believe that these projects have the potential to help us develop new perspectives on sources while triggering new approaches and new research projects. In this sense, Quellenkunde is not only a methodological framework, it is also a theoretical one.
本発表では、まず、資料論（学）の定義と目的、方法について紹介し、研究の全体構想を示す
。資（史）料学：Quellenkunde（source study）とは、歴史の研究法としてドイツの歴史学者 Ernst
