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Contemporary Armenian Community in Tbilisi Author(s): Satenik Mkrtchian Source: Iran & the Caucasus, Vol. 13, No. 2 (2009), pp. 299-310Published by: BrillStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25703808Accessed: 01-11-2015 22:15 UTC

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brill Iran and the Caucasus 13 (2009) 299-310

Contemporary Armenian Community in Tbilisi

Satenik Mkrtchian Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Academy of Sciences, Armenia

Abstract

This paper seeks to present a comprehensive picture of the Armenian community of Tbilisi, based on extensive ethnographic field-work carried out in Tbilisi during 2006-2008. The paper aims to explore the following main aspects of the Tbilisi Ar menian community: a) a brief history of the community's formation and its current

social-demographic situation, and b) the community's structure and agents. In addi

tion, the following questions will be addressed: What are the current problems and

challenges faced by the community today (how the community actors see these

challenges and what approaches they have to address the issues)? How do Tbilisi Armenians perceive Armenia? Components of the identity of the Armenian com

munity in Tbilisi also will be addressed, such as ceremonial and holiday traditions, symbols, and so on.

Keywords

Armenians in Tbilisi, Armenian-Georgian Relations, History and Identity

A Brief History of the Armenian Population in Tbilisi1

The history of the Armenian population of Georgia began very early. Our information about the first Armenian settlements in Georgia dates back to the end of the 6th and beginning of the 7th centuries. There was

also an ancient community in the city of Tbilisi (Abrahamyan 1964: 93

94).

Migration of Armenians to Tbilisi began to increase especially after the fall of the Bagratuni state in Armenia and the seizure of its capital Ani by the Byzantines (Abrahamyan, ibid.: 96; Muradyan 1988: 11; Ay

1 Historically Tbilisi was called in Armenian Tp'lis, until 1936 it was Tiflis; today,

the official name of the city is Tbilisi. The naming Tiflis is quite commonly used by Armenians nowadays, observably more than by Georgians.

? Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2009 DOI: 10.1163/157338410X12625876281226



300 S. Mhrtchian / Iran and the Caucasus 13 (2009) 299-310

vazyan 2003: 543-545). The Armenians participated in the political, eco

nomic, and cultural life of the country. They had their distinct role in the formation of the Georgian statehood.

During the 1170s, there were so many Armenians in Georgia that an

Armenian Diocese with its centre in Tiflis was established (Abrahamyan, ibid.: 97).

Armenians continued to migrate to Georgia in the 14-18th centuries, and this process increased significantly during the early 18th century. At the end of the 18th century, out of the total population of Tiflis, 20,000 inhabitants, 12,000 were Armenians (Polietkov/Natadze 1929:

30). In this period, many Armenian churches and other places of wor

ship were built in Tbilisi (Ayvazyan 2003: 543). In the beginning of the 19th century, some Armenian residents were

second and third generation descendants of immigrants and were offi

cially classified as "locals".2 At the end of the 18th century, Tiflis suffered under the rule of Shah

Agha-Mohammad Khan. The city was completely burnt to the ground. Throughout the 19th century, epidemics frequently occurred (1802, 1811,1830,1847) with negative impact on the overall population growth (Sargsyan 2005: 99). In 1817, the Armenian population constituted 75,6% of the total population in Tiflis. This figure decreased gradually: in the 1830s to 65%, 1850s to 54% (Polietkov/Natadze: 30), and in 1886, ac

cording to the official statistics, to 47,7% (Xaxanov 1898: 553), and made

up only 36,4% in 1899 (Ancabadze/Volkova: 1990: 29,30). Indeed, in the second half of the 19th century, the Armenians no longer had a majority in the city, merely a plurality (Suny 1994:116). According to a 19th cen

tury source, Georgians were mainly peasants and landowners, while the Armenian population was mainly involved in trade and crafts, and, therefore, concentrated in the cities (Xaxanov 1898: 553).

Thus, the Armenians, which had lived in Tbilisi from an early period, formed a significant presence in the 19th and 20th centuries in com

parison with other ethnic groups, and possessed a superior position and active participation in the economic, socio-political, and cultural

spheres as well. In 1844, there were 21 Armenian churches with 65

priests in Tbilisi. By the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th cen turies, 62% of Tbilisi's trade and industrial enterprises belonged to Ar

menians (Ayvazyan 2003: 545), with one half of large enterprises, and most of the largest being Armenian (Suny 1995: 118). Since the 40s of

2 For details about Armenians migration to Tbilisi, see Ancabadze/Volkova 1990: 33-36.



s. Mkrtchian / Iran and the Caucasus 13 (2009) 299-310 301

the 19th century, Armenian mayors succeeded one another in Tiflis. In

1841, the first mayor of the city became Izmirov; his successors were

Khatisov (Khatisyan), Ter-Grikurov, Shadinov, Pridonov, Galutev, Sara

jev, E. Artsruni. The latter donated his personal library (currently the Public Library of Tbilisi) to Tbilisi, and the mayor Khatisyan donated his house to the city, where the City hall of Tbilisi is currently located (Ay vazyan 2003: 546).

During this period, Tbilisi was considered a "peculiar" Armenian po litical centre as well (e.g. the formation of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation political party in 1890, National Board of Trustees cared for the people and orphans rescued from the Genocide, etc.) (Ayvazyan 2003: 544). In the 19th century, Tbilisi was the centre of the East-Arme nian enlightenment, literature, and culture.

Current Statistics

According to the 1959 census, Armenians constituted 21,3 % of the

population of Tbilisi. In 1970, they made up 16,9% and in 1979?14,5% (52,767 people) (Ayvazyan 2003: 545). Historically, Georgia has always been a multi-ethnic country. Different ethnic groups lived there for centuries and had a significant role in the development of Georgian cul ture. Georgians traditionally constituted only a larger minority, in fact.

However, by the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, the number of ethnic Georgians began to grow, most rapidly during the Soviet period.

In 1991, after Georgian independence was restored, its ethno-de

mography changed. According to official data, the population of Georgia decreased, mainly as a result of emigration. The majority of those who left the country were representatives of ethnic minorities. The number of ethnic minorities decreased two-fold, while the number of Georgians decreased by only 3% (Minasyan 2006: 11, 14). According to the 2002

census,3 Armenians constituted 7,6 % (82,600 people) of the total

population of Tbilisi, 33% of the total number of Armenians in Georgia (248,900 people). In 2002, Georgians constituted 84,1% of the population of Tbilisi, while other ethnic-minorities (Azerbaijanis, Russians, Kurds, Ukrainians, Greeks, etc.) together formed 8,3% of the city population (Culadze/Maglaperidze/Vadackoria 2004:162).

3 The last census in Georgia was recorded in 2002, where the population data of Abkhazia and Tckhinval were not involved.



302 5. Mkrtchian / Iran and the Caucasus 13 (2009) 299-310

Community Structures and Agents

At present, the Tbilisi Armenian community life lacks an umbrella structure and is not controlled by any existing structures: the Church, NGOs, cultural centres, or any other agency. In reality, various Arme nian cultural, educational, and spiritual centres exist, but there is no

"central governance" for the community. The main concern of community actors (those Armenians of Tbilisi

who are somehow engaged in the organisational, ideological, financial, or practical activities of the community) is the fact that the community is split into different groupings, individuals, and organisations, and in ternal consolidation is very low (Vardanyan 2006: 98).

Developments in recent years show that there is a tendency for communal structures to consolidate around the Diocese of the Arme nian Apostolic Church in Georgia, however, the Armenian organisations and entities are of different natures and are autonomous.

In the opinion of community actors, very few Armenians, about 0.5%

(some 500), living in Tbilisi regularly participate in communal struc tures.

A union named Kane ("The Call") was established in the capital of

independent Georgia in 1992-1993, following the collapse of the Soviet Union. People working there "were doing their best to remain Arme nian and maintain things Armenian11. Later, the "Union of Georgian Ar

menians", which was particularly important in uniting the Armenian

community in the post-Soviet Georgian Republic during the 1990s and

offering an urgent response to the "Armenian issues" of the time, was

formed. During the last 3-4 years, new manifestations of public activi ties have been observed in the community mainly in the form of Non

governmental Organisations. Officially, 30 Armenian NGOs are regis tered in Tbilisi, but only few of them are active (Vardanyan 2006:100).

The NGOs finance their own activities through members' volunteer

efforts, small individual donations, or the partial support of the Arme nian Diocese. Their organisational capacities and fundraising opportu nities are insufficient to receive financing from bodies fostering civil

society or to be eligible for grants to bankroll their operations. Addi

tionally, Armenian NGOs still miss the civic issues and advocacy in their

functioning. In Tbilisi, the NGOs currently operate in parallel with traditional

mechanisms and structures?the Church, the theatre (the Tbilisi State Armenian Dramatic Theatre), schools, mass media, and cultural groups

(Vardanyan 2006:102).



5. Mkrtchian / Iran and the Caucasus 13 (2009) 299-310 303

The Church

Traditionally, in Tbilisi, the Armenian Diocese had its definite role in

preserving Armenian identity. At present, two churches are functioning in the city, St. Gevorg and St. Echmiadzin. The St. Gevorg church in Tbi lisi serves as a "centre", "a little Armenia" for Tbilisi Armenians. The church serves as "a place for meetings and gatherings", "where all are

Armenian, everyone speaks Armenian, and on Armenian issues" (field work materials). Sunday Liturgy is at 11:00 am, after which the yard around the church is packed.

In recent years, the activities of the Armenian Diocese in Georgia and its cultural-educational programmes have performed a key role in

bringing young people together. The Blagonravov family residing in Russia has taken the responsibility of patrons of the church of St.

Gevorg, and they are not the only example of such practice. The Diocese has issued a magazine, Norashen, from 2006 to 2009. Thanks to the "chronicle" of the Diocese in Norashen, the activities and mission of the Diocese have become more transparent and accessible to a wider group of people. However, the Diocese currently has several legal problems (see below).

The Theatre The Petros Adamyan Tbilisi State Armenian Dramatic Theatre is

unique in being the only state-funded Armenian theatre outside Arme nia. Besides Georgian state financing, the theatre has received support from the Armenian Government at various times since the collapse of the USSR. In 2006, the theatre celebrated its 150th anniversary under the patronage of the Prime Minister of Armenia, Andranik Margaryan. The role of the theatre was described in one of the articles in Norashen: "For Virahays [Georgian Armenians] the Theatre is a piece of Armenia with its performances and other events intended to preserve Armenian ness" (Manukyan 2006: 26). The theatre is considered an "Armenian

speaking environment" (one of the young Tbilisi Armenians related: "I

go there rather to hear Armenian spoken"), a cultural centre and a

symbol for Tbilisi Armenians. In the forum portal for Georgian Armeni ans at www.armenia.ge, community actors post messages urging the

community to purchase tickets and support the theatre

Armenian Schools Armenian schools have become "Armenian centres" in parallel with

(and as a result of) their educational functions, acting as significant points of culture, identity, and the transfer of historical memory. Ar



304 S. Mkrtchian / Iran and the Caucasus 13 (2009) 299-310

menian history is taught during literature classes, though it is not in cluded in the school curricula, and events dedicated to famous Arme nian poets and writers are organised. Many communal events are ar

ranged by and for the school staff, pupils, and parents. Currently, eight Armenian and Armenian-Russian mixed public schools are in operation. The number of the student body is small (Armenian N 5 and N 104 schools have 100 and 160 pupils in 2006, respectively, the others?even

less). According to the Ambassador of Armenia to Georgia, only one in

every 40 Armenian students attends an Armenian school in Tbilisi (Ha

rutyunyan 2006). For comparison, before the 1950s, some 40 Armenian schools operated in Tbilisi (Ayvazyan 2003:546).

In 1996, the St. Eghya Sunday school affiliated with the Church started with 10 students, reaching 80 students in 2005. In its 10th year, about 1,000 Armenians became literate in Armenian through the Sun

day school's efforts. Since 2006, the Armenian Cooperation Centre in

Georgia (ACCG), one of the Armenian NGOs currently actively operating in Tbilisi, has also been offering Armenian language courses, though as

the president of the organisation noted, the number of the students is not large.

The main Armenian language printed media in Tbilisi are the official

weekly newspaper Vrastan, and the diocesan monthly magazine Norashen (since 2006), in addition to some local newspapers, such as Are

vzk, Vank in Armenian, as well as Nor Serund and Multinational Georgia in Russian.

Since December 2003, each Wednesday at 4:00 pm an Armenian TV

programme, Moambe, lasting 25-30 minutes, is broadcasted on the Geor

gian Public TV with repeats on Sundays. The programme includes news

updates, information on famous community figures, interesting and ex

traordinary people, "without any politics and news from Armenia" or

the Diaspora (Vardanyan, 2006: 115-116; Ter-Baldasaryan, 2007: 13). Be sides this state financed Armenian-language programme, the Armenian

population in Tbilisi could watch Armenia's official state channel. Now

they watch also Shant TV through satellite broadcasting. However, not

everyone can afford satellite television, some do not like the content of the programming, and others do not see it as a necessity. In addition,

many Tbilisi Armenians hardly understand the Armenian of the pro grammes.

Currently, a five-minute Armenian news bulletin is broadcasted on 102.5 FM. In 2005, the first website for and about Tbilisi Armenians

{wmv.armenia.ge) was launched by the ACCG. Some cultural (dance and



s. Mkrtchian / Iran and the Caucasus 13 (2009) 299-310 305

music) groups also function in Tbilisi. Armenian schools also have their

groups. In addition, a tiny choir exists at the church of St. George. Over recent years, another cultural unit was born, the Gari Davtyan

Family Theatre-Museum where puppet shows are performed and other

community events are organised.

Current Problems and Challenges for the Community

The first key issue considered by community activists and leaders is the isolation of community members (i.e. ordinary people), as well as the lack of coordination in the activities of the organisations and associa tions. As one of the young actors of the community mentioned, there is no communal life as in traditional Armenian Diaspora communities,

"maybe because many of us feel at home here as Armenians and con

sider this city as our OWN" (fieldwork materials). Another young leader described the issue in the following terms: "We should strengthen ties with Armenia and start relationships with other Diaspora groups and Artsakh (Karabakh), and integrate into the world Armenian network. It is our fault if we are not known in the world. If not for Javakhk, no one

would even remember the Armenians in Tbilisi. Our community would

gain visibility, if we managed to arrange mass events with wide partici pation by ordinary people there" (fieldwork materials). Other activists stated: "There are no rich Armenians in Tbilisi who would support community life or donate funds for structures to work more effectively" (fieldwork materials). Moreover, the Armenian population faces the so cio-economic problems of all former Soviet countries. In addition, the number of the Armenians in Tbilisi has decreased considerably, and

many representatives of the business and art and the intelligentsia have left the country.

Another set of problems and challenges relates to the "loss of the Armenian Tiflis" or "traces of the Armenian impact on Tiflis". Some

community actors recommend that more attention is paid on publicis ing the former wealth and power of Armenians in Tiflis. They also men tion that something should be done to preserve their history, (official documents, certificates, photos, and other items in private archives), not only of separate houses/buildings and families, but of institutions. For example, the recent much-talked-of case in the Armenian press re

lated to the house of Hovhannes Tumanyan, the famous Armenian

writer, in Tbilisi, which had been sold to a private owner (for details, see

Harutyunyan 2009). They also believe that the number of those feeling "proud to be Armenian" is gradually dwindling. People are not even aware of their "rich and heroic Armenian history", and there is a need




to organise PR and publicity campaigns, "or else in a period of time

many of us will deny our origin" (fieldwork materials). The most prominent issue faced by the community today is the

situation of the Armenian schools. They are becoming less and less

popular for the Armenian population in Tbilisi and, as a result, now face additional financial difficulties in light of reforms under which the

budget is calculated on the basis of the number of pupils being taught. To this is added the great problem of recruiting a new generation of teachers. One faction of community activists sees the solution in re

cruiting more students to rehabilitate the prestige of the Armenian schools. However, the majority understands the issues faced by parents

(e.g. the inability of the Armenian school network to provide possibility to enter universities inside Georgia). Community activists expect the Armenian Government to provide support in solving this issue and, in

fact, it does help by supplying books and other materials. The Armenian Diocese has a problem regarding its official status, as

other religious denominations in Georgia, and has petitioned for the re turn of about six Armenian churches, five out of which are situated in Tbilisi. This issue has been on the agenda of official Armenian-Georgian relations. However, recently one more episode of a vivid dispute over St. Norashen, one of those five has occurred.

Various community activists also cited "anti-Armenian publications in several mass media outlets" (Bostanjyan 2006: l) and acts of discrimi nation against their minority status (e.g. the scandal surrounding a

"xenophobic declaration" by the Member of Parliament Beso Djugeli in

Mnogonacional'naya Gruziya monthly, N 6 (70), June 2007: l). Solutions to the problems and challenges that the Armenian com

munity of Tbilisi is facing are seen in the active participation of and

support from "Mother Armenia". It is often stated that the community needs Armenia: "Without the support of Mother Armenia and the Dias

pora we are lost. All the Diaspora supports Armenia, and Armenia has to

support us" (fieldwork materials). Community members at various lev els expect more serious and sizeable support and attention on the part of the Armenian Government; some note that this will be possible only when Armenia becomes a strong, developed country. Also, the level of Armenian participation in the Georgian economy is considered to be

quite low, though there is a great potential.

ARMENIA IN THE PERCEPTION OF TBILISI-ARMENIANS

Perceptions and feelings regarding Armenia among young Armenians in Tbilisi are quite different, starting from the concept of Armenia as a



s. Mkrtchian / Iran and the Caucasus 13 (2009) 299-310 3 07

"neighbour" of Georgia to the concept of Armenia as a "homeland". "Historical homeland" is quite a common designation of Armenia

among the Tbilisi Armenian population, while Georgia is considered as "home country". Sometimes "Armenia" and the "Republic of Armenia" are uncoupled from one other, Armenia being considered a broader

phenomenon: "It embraces traditions, people, history, and the Church". As Russian speakers (attached to Russian culture and education), many young Tbilisi Armenians lack a strong emotional attachment to either Armenia or Georgia and have only a vague feeling of a home country: "I consider Armenia as a historical homeland. I am not native anywhere. Everywhere I am a little alien?in Armenia, in Russia, in Georgia. I am an Armenian with a Russian education who speaks Russian and lives in

Georgia. I am caught between three fires" (fieldwork materials). An other perception is diametrically opposed to the preceding and views both countries as related and interconnected: "It is a stupid question to choose which of these two is one's home country, as when a child is asked which parent he (she) loves more" (fieldwork materials).

Some Components of Identity

April 24, the Memorial Day of the Armenian Genocide and the celebra tion of Sayat Nova Day (Vardaton "Holiday of Roses") are significant for the local and pan-Armenian dimensions of Tbilisi Armenian identity.

Vardaton4 is a very popular holiday among Tbilisi-Armenians and is

traditionally celebrated on the last Sunday in May, at the church of St.

Gevorg in Tbilisi, where Sayat Nova is buried. Formerly, the Armenian

population of Tbilisi celebrated the holiday at a bigger square called Maidan,"the heart of Tiflis". There is no need to advertise the celebra tion: people traditionally come and listen to the songs and poems of

Sayat Nova and hear speeches by community leaders and artists, as well as guests from Armenia and Georgian representatives. Community ac tors consider this as a special holiday for Tbilisi Armenians and regret that it has lost its larger dimension as a holiday for the whole city of Tbilisi. Correspondingly, Sayat Nova and the idea of multicultural, multi-ethnic and peaceful co-existence are quite common symbols among Armenians in Tbilisi, especially among the older generation.

The commemoration of the Armenian Genocide (and April 24 as

Memorial Day) is crucial for Armenian identity both in Armenia and in

4 For the first time it was celebrated in 1913 with the initiative of famous Armen ian and Georgian writers H. Tumanyan. G. Bashinjaghyan, I. Grishashvili, and I. Ime

dashvili with the participation of 40 ashugs to glorify Sayat Nova.



308 S. Mkrtchian / Iran and the Caucasus 13 (2009) 299-310

the Diaspora with various levels and forms of representation. However,

among Tbilisi Armenians, it is not a central component of their identity, and the Memorial Day events, too, are not widely attended. However, in recent years, young Armenian leaders and community representatives have been trying to make these events larger, organising a protest demonstration in front of the Turkish Embassy in Georgia in addition to

the other events traditionally arranged by community agents. The or

ganisers had to make many announcements and devote much effort to

encourage people to take part in these events. Tbilisi Armenian identity has another local dimension, quite wide

spread and intense?the consciousness of the "Armenian Tiflis" and

pride of the glory Armenians once enjoyed and their ownership of

property and investment in Tiflis (e.g. they can list the beautiful con struction of the centre of Tbilisi owned or built by Armenians, Arme nian Mayors of the city, Armenian artists of those times, etc.). One

group of community leaders and activists regards it as imperative to

promote and popularise this idea and sense of consciousness among Armenians in Tbilisi, while the other considers that this feeling has be come more like "delirium" for many Tbilisi Armenians, and they should shift to the current "sad" realities. Correspondingly, the city of Tbilisi as an entity to identify with is quite a common feature for Tbilisi Arme nian identity. Thus, for many Tbilisi Armenians it is very important and emotional to be "Tbilisian"/"Tiflisian" ("Tiflisec'i"), and "a native of

Tbilisi", rather than holding Armenian or Georgian citizenship. Corre

spondingly, symbols of Old Tbilisi (Tiflis) are quite common and popular in the homes of Tbilisi Armenians. In contrast, one seldom sees images of Mt. Ararat among them, especially in the case of the older and middle

generation. Only recently, a shop called "Ararat" was opened, reported by the owner to be "symbolic", in Havlabar (a region surrounding the Avlabari square in Tbilisi, perceived as "Armenian corner" of Tbilisi)

right across from the Armenian theatre to sell food and drinks produced in Armenia.5 A young Tbilisi Armenian in an internet forum commented on the mission of the shop with the following wording: "I hope this shop, "Ararat", will raise something in them?the Armenians who think of Ararat as a cognac" (www.armeniage/forum/; posted: Sat Oct 21, 2006

11:29 am). It seems also symbolic: Tbilisi Armenian artists only recently

5 Though the shop was quite popular and had enough clients (not only Armeni

ans, but also others interested in Armenian cognac and confections of Grand Candy, an Armenia-based factory, it has also been soon closed, the main reason of which seems to be the fact that the owners were not entrepreneurs and had not enough resources to keep it as business for a long period.



S. Mhrtchian / Iran and the Caucasus 13 (2009) 299-310 3 09

began to paint Ararat, and these paintings have not been sold much. Here also, we should go back to the local and pan-Armenian dimensions and mention that symbolically, nearly simultaneously the closing of the "Ararat" shop, another shop called "Sayat Nova" was opened near the St. Gevorg Church. That is to say, the pan-Armenian symbol "Ararat",

being not very popular has made way for the local symbol "Sayat Nova". This shop offers both Armenian and Georgian souvenirs and some brand-items like Armenian cognac, Georgian wine, paintings, gift-cards, and so on. A monument to Sayat Nova and dedicated to the "friendship of Armenian and Georgian peoples" was put in the Maidan square in 2009. There are two "Armenian corners" inseparable from the Tbilisi Armenian identity. Khojivank cemetery and Havlabar are worth men

tioning in terms of the Armenian community and the components that make up the description of Tbilisi Armenian identity.

In Khojivank cemetery, the official name of which is "Pantheon of Armenian Writers and Public Leaders", many famous Armenian writers are buried, such as Raffi, Hovhannes Tumanyan, and Gabriel Sun

dukyan. The cemetery has a long and dramatic history starting in the 17th century and now being much smaller than it used to be. The place has been very popular among Armenians in Tbilisi and is considered a

place of worship, especially by older generation. Havlabar, as mentioned, is a district surrounding the Avlabari square

in the central part of Tbilisi where the Armenian's of Tbilisi have tradi

tionally resided. In Tbilisi, it is popularly known as "little Armenia on

the hill" with its so-called Italian yards of old private houses, many of which now face abandonment by their inhabitants because of migration and the need for renovation.

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