8/18/2019 43 Review of Illich-Svitych Nominal Accentuation in Baltic and Slavic 1979 Lingua 51 4 346-354 1980

1/9

346 Remews

Coates , J , 1980 O n t he non equ iva lence o f M Y a n d C N L i n g u a 5 0 , 209 220Coates, J , G Leech, 1980 T h e m e a n i n g s o f t he moda l s i n m o d e r n B r i t ish and Am er ican

E n g h s h Yo r k P a p e rs i n L m g u i s t i c s f o r thcoming)

E h r m a n , M , 1966 T h e m e a n in g s of the moda l s m present d ay E n g h s h T h e H a g u e MoutonHermeren , L , 1978 O n m o d a l i t y m E n g h s h L u n d C W K . G lee rupH u d d l e s t o n , R , 1976 Som e theore t ica l i ssues i n the descnpt ion of the E n g h s h v e rb L i n g u a

40 331 383J o h a n n e s o n , N L , 1976 T h e E n g h s h m o d a l a u x i h a n e s a s t ra t i f lca t iona l a c c o u n t S tock

ho lm A l m q u i s t and Wikse l l I n t e rna t iona lLeech , G N , 1971 M e a n m g and the E n g h s h ve rb L o n d o n L o n g m a nLeech, G , J Coates, 1980 Sem ant ic inde termm acy and the m o d a l s In S G r e e n b a u m ,

et al ed s ) , Studies m E n g h s h hngu i s t i c s L o n d o n L o n g m a nLigh t foo t , D , 1974 T h e d i ach ron ic a n a l y s i s of E n g h s h m o d a l s In J A n d e r s o n , C J o n e s

eds ) , H i s tonca l hngu i s t i c s , V o l 11,219 249 A m s t er d a m N o r t h H o ll a n d

Pa lm er, F R , 1965 A h n g u i s t ic s t u d y of the E n g h s h v e r b L o n d o n L o n g m a nPalmer, F R , 1974 T h e Eng l i sh v e r b L o n d o n L o n g m a nPalmer, F R , 1 97 7 M o d a l s an d a c t u a h t y J o u r n a l of L m g u i s t i c s 13 , 1 23Palmer, F R , 1978 Fast tense t ranspor ta tion A reply Jou rna l o f L m guis t ic s 14 , 77 81Vo n W n g h t , G H , 1951 An essay i n m o d a l l o g ic A m s t e r d a m N o r th H o l l an d

V M I l l i c h S v i t y c h , N o m m a l a c c e n t u a t i o n m B a l t ic an d S l a v i c Tr a n s R i c h a r d LLeed and R o n a ld F Feldstein M IT Press, C a m b ri d g e, Mass , /London , England,

1979 xv + 189 pp , m apR e v i e w e d b y F r e d e r ik K o r t l a n d t , U n i v e r s i t y o f L e id e n , F a c d e r L e i te t en , R a p e n

b u r g 96 , L e i d e n , T h e N e t h e r l a n d s

M o d e r n S l a v i c a c c e n t o l o g y is based o n t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the l a t e P ro to S l av i ca c c e n t u a l S y s t e m b y S t a n g in h i s Slavomc Accentuation 1957) a n d t h e e s ta b h s h m e n to f t h e h i s t o n c a l c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e P ro to Ba l t i c and P r o t o S l a v i c a c c e n t u a lS y s t e m s a n d t h e i r c o r r e s p o n d e n c e s in o t h e r I n d o E u r o p e a n l a n g u a g e s Ve d i c , Greek ,G e r m a n i c ) b y I l l i c Sv i tyc in h i s mennaja akcentuacija v baltijskom ι slavjanskomSud ba akcentuacwnnyx paradigm 1963) T h e l a t t e r book h a s n o w b e e n t r a n s l a t e d

m to E n g l i s h W e m u s t b e g r a t e f u l t o t he t r a n s l a t o r s fo r m a k i n g t h i s e x t r e m e l yi m p o r ta n t m o n o g r a p h a cc e s s ib l e to t h o s e s t u d e n t s o f c o m p a r a ti v e h n g u i s t i c s w h o d on o t have a r e a d i n g knowledge o f R u s s i a n

T h e b o o k c o n s i s t s o f t w o p a r t s , the f i r s t d e a h n g w i t h B a l t i c a n d t h e s e c o n d w i t hSlavic This order o f p resen ta t ion was chosen b e c a u s e o f the greater s imp l i c i t y o ft h e B a l t i c a c c e n t u a l S y st em a n d i ts g rea te r s i m i l a n t y t o t h e P r o t o I n d o E u r o p e a nSystem I n t he s e c o n d S l a v i c ) p a r i o f the work Ba l t i c m a t e n a l s a re u s e d äs evidencefor cer ta in Indo-European accentual re la t ionships Cer ta in charactenstics of theBaltic and Slavic reflexes o f PIE nom ina le wi th l ong vowels o r long d iph thongs m theroot have made it necessary that such nouns be treated separately f rom those h a v m ga shor t vowel or a shor t d iph thong in the root ( 3 f )

As F de Saussure has shown, th e f ou r nomina l accent classes of contemporaryL i t h u a m a n reflect tw o Proto-Baltic accentual pa rad igms bary tone and mobile The

8/18/2019 43 Review of Illich-Svitych Nominal Accentuation in Baltic and Slavic 1979 Lingua 51 4 346-354 1980

2/9

Reviews 347

bifurcat ion into four classes was a result of the development which is known äs deSaussure's law: a stressed no nacu te syllable lost th e stress to a fol lowing acute syl-lable. 1 D e Saussure advanced the hypothesis that the Opposition between barytone

and mobile accentual paradigms in Li thuanian is histor ically connected with theOpposi t ion between barytona and oxytona in Proto-Indo-European. This hypo-thesis could only be tested by a direct comparison of the accentuation of inheri tednouns in Baltic with th e accentuation of the corresponding nouns in other Tndo-European languages.

The difficulty with this comparison is that the dis tr ibutio n of individu al wordswithin the accentual paradigm s of Lithu anian varies thro ugh out the dialects . Thedialect data on the accentuation of a given word are extremely important for estab-l ishing the original accentual paradigm in Lithuanian, since the evidence of thel i terary lang uage (based o n the souther n varieties of the western Aukstaitian dialect)is by no means always ind icative of the o rigin al state of affairs. ( . . . ) Apparen t ly, theinnovations favoring th e spread of the mo bile accentuation began in the southeastsection of the Lithuanian l inguistic area ( the modern southern Lithuanian Dzukdialects); they spread pr im arily to the eastern A uk staitia n, central Aukstaitian , andwestern Au ks taitian dialects, which adjo in this area o n the north east, nor th, an dwest. The most archaic state of affairs has been preserved in the adjacent northwest-ern and western Zem aitian dialects (and also in the now extinc t we stern Au ksta itiandialects of former Prussian Lithuania) on the one hand, and on the other hand in thebordering eastern Aukstai t ian and east Lithuanian Dzuk dialects. (. . .) The dialectsupon which th e literary language is based are therefore among those which displaya significant amount of accentual Innova t ion (15f ) . Illic-Svityc w as able to make

use of the data f rom the card files of the Li thuanian Dict ionary and the LithuanianDialect Atlas to overcome this difficulty. H e also made extensive use of the OldLithuanian accented texts, which constitute a source o f p r imary importance, inparticular the works of M. Dauksa (late 16th Century).2 The examination of theaccentuation of nom inals w ith short roo t s leads to a conclusion which fully suppor tsde Saussure 's hypothesis: PIE bary tone nominals are bary tone in Li thuanian andPIE oxytone nominals have mobile accentuation in Lithuanian if we make allowancefo r the O peration of de Saussure's law.

For nominals wi th long roots o ur I n fo rma t ion on the accentual paradigm o f awo rd is not l im ited, however, to Lithuanian m aterial. E xtremely im portant evidencein this regard can be obtained f rom th e tonal characteristics of the intial syllable ofth e cor responding word in Latvian (51). The mo st archaic Latvian accentual Sy stemis preserved in two unconnected areas. These tw o g roups o f dialects distinguishthree tones in initial syllable, original long syllables havin g sustained or brok en tone ,and original short sy llables having, äs a rule, falling tone. In the dialects o f westernLatvia, the falling tone merged with the b roken t one ; in the eastern Latvian dialects,th e sustained tone merged with th e falling tone. Endzelin established that in Latviandialects with three tones, nominals and verbs with sustained tone on the initialsyllable regularly correspo nd to L i thuanian nominals and verbs with long roots andbarytone accentuation, while nominals and verbs with broken tone on the initialsyllable correspond to Li thuanian nominals and verbs with long roots and mobile

accentuation. The contrast o f sustained and broken tone in in itial syllables i n Latvian

8/18/2019 43 Review of Illich-Svitych Nominal Accentuation in Baltic and Slavic 1979 Lingua 51 4 346-354 1980

3/9

348 Reviews

reflects an older distnbution of n o m m a ls by accent class than does modern L i thuan-ian , where analogical processes o f merg ing t he a ccen tua l pa rad igm s have taken placeTherefore, ev idence f rom Latvian is decisive in f i lhng out sets o f correspondences fo r

nommals wi th long roots Ilhc-Svityc's ana lys i s of the distnbution o f nommals w i thlong roots n Latvian and Lithuaman conf i rms Hirt's hypothesis that the stress wasretracted to a syllable w i th a l o n g n o n a p o p h o n i c syl labic element As a result of th i sprocess, a n u m b e r of PIE oxytone f o r m s are barytone m Hast Balt ic Leavmg asideth i s group, nommals w i th long roots d i sp lay the same distnbution mto accentualp a r a d i g m s äs do nommals wi th short roots 3

The study of Slavic accen tua t ion was long hampered by the false a s s u m p t i o n thatde Saussure's law operated m Slavic In 1957, Sta ng demonstra ted that the caseswhere de Saussure's law is supposed to have operated either can or must be explamedm another w ay 4 Moreover, it is very d i ff icul t to expla in the movement o f ic tus m the

Slavic paradigms if o ne assumes the Ope ra t ion o f de Saussure's law, äs is clear f i o mthe absence of a shif t to acute endings , for example m the dual and acc pl forms ofthe Slavic paradigms, in contrast w i th Lithuama n Stang established a connec t ionbetween each accentual paradigm and a particular tonal charactenstic of the root(a) the acute tone is restricted to p a r a d i g m s w i th fixed stress on a non f ina l syllable,(b) the neo-acute tone is found m p a r a d i g m s where the next syllable is stressed in

other forms,(c) the fa l lmg tone occurs on the first syllable of paradigms w i th final stress m other

f o r m sSmce the neo-acute is due to a retraction of the stress from a jer or f r o m a non-

mitial vowel with fallmg Intonation, paradigm (b) had fixed stress on a nonmitialsyllable at an earlier stage (c f Stang 1957 168ff and pass im) Mei l le t had alreadypomted out that the mobile accentual paradigm (c) is ident ica l to the one in Baltic ifwe take mto cons ide ra t ion t hat an orig inal acute Intonati on m the root became cir-cumflex m Slavic mobile paradigms (cf Meillet 1902, also 1916) The great Sovielscholar Dybo drew attention to the complementary distnbu tion of the types (a) and(b) and put forward the hypothesis that the latter type arose phonet ica l ly äs a resultof a progressive accent shift (Dybo 1962, cf also 1968) Accordmg to th is hypothesis,a stressed vowel wh ich had ne i ther acute nor fallmg tone lost the stress to the follow-ing syllable m Slavic The comparative proof o f Dybo's law is supplied by llhc-

Svityc m the book under rev iew His conclusions can convemently be summanzedm a senes of quotations

In reconstructing the Proto-Slavic accentual paradigm of α s tems one can, ofc o u r s e, m a k e u s e o f m a t e n a l o n l y f r o m t h o s e languages, d i a l e c t s , o r texts m w h i c hth e O p p o s i t i o n o f m o b i l e versus o x y t o n e a c c e n t u a t io n h a s been r e ta m e d m o n e f o r mo r another O n t h e b a s i s o f these data th e c l a i m c a n b e m a d e t h a t th e P r o t o I n d oE u r o p e a n O p p o s i t i o n o f b a r y t o n e versus m o b i l e /o x y t o n e a c c e n t u a t io n h a s beenretamed m Proto Slavic α stems i n an altered form oxytone versus mobil e accentuat i o n P r o t o S l a v i c äs well äs Baltic mobile accentuation correspond to the oxytoneparadigm of Sanskrit, Greek, and the Germanic languages, the Slavic oxytone

accentual paradigm corresponds to the barytone accentual paradigm of the otherIndo-European languages ( inc luding Baltic) (84)

In examimng the Slavic masculme nouns which are reflexes of Pioto-Indo-

8/18/2019 43 Review of Illich-Svitych Nominal Accentuation in Baltic and Slavic 1979 Lingua 51 4 346-354 1980

4/9

Reviews 349

European m asculines, we find that they have, for the most part, mobile accentuation,without regard to the accentual paradigm o f the corresponding words in other Indo-European languages, mobile/oxytone o r ba ry tone (95). It can be assumed that

originally the coalescence of the two paradigms in Slavic was only partial. Thereseems to be some evidence f o r this in the data f rom Serbo-Croatian dialects from theisland o f Susak and northeastern Istr ia . In the Susak dialect a number o f m asculineo-stems (corresponding with mobile accentuation in all other Serbo-Cr oatian dia-lects) have an unu sual accentual paradigm with ox yton e accent in the oblique casesof th e s ingular; in the Cakavian dialects of Istria certain nominals of the same classhave paral lel oxytone f o rms in a number o f cases. As a rule, this accentuation isfound in nominals which have barytone correspondences in other Indo-Europeanlanguages; reflexes o f oxy tone fo rms in these dialects have th e usual mobile accentu-ation (103).

In ana lyz ing the Indo-European correspondences o f Slavic neuter nom inals withshort roo t s o ne f inds that these correspond ences contain äs a rule only no min als withoxytone accentuation: they correspond to Indo-European forms with co lumnaroxytone accent in the singular and barytone in the plural. Indo-European neuterforms with barytone accent in the singular, äs will be dem onstrated below, have beentransferred1 into the masculine class in Slavic (105 ). The distribution describedabove for Proto-Indo-European neuter nominals in Slavic can be explained only ifone accepts th e hypo thes is by which final -om becomes -ü in S lavic, a hypothe sis whichhas frequently been advanced by a variety of invest igators (114). Thus, it m ay beclaimed that th e Slavic oxytone class of o-stem masculines developed from barytoneostem neuters. On the other hand, th e class of o-stems with mobile accentuation

included only original masculines (121 ). Traces of the Indo-European Opposition of mo bile/oxytone versus barytoneaccentuation are ev ident in vary ing degrees in all the rem aining stem types in Slavic.Barytone nominals are usually shifted into the oxytone accentual paradigm, andnominals with mobile/oxytone accentuation show u p äs nom inals with mobile accen-tuation. This dis tr ibut ion is also reta ined in cases w here S lavic has shifted a n um be rof words into other stem types in connection with th e loss of several unp rod uctivetypes (123).

The d is t r ibut ion o f nominals with long roots according to accentual classes inSlavic is very close to the Balt ic distr ibution. No minals with barytone accentuationcorrespond here, äs a rule, to barytone forms of other Indo-European languages;Slavic nom inals with m obile accentuation and n om inals with baryton e accentuationmay correspond to Indo-European forms with mobile/oxytone accentuation (l 32). It should be noted here that, corresponding to Proto-Indo-European oxytone (inthe singular) neuter fo rm s with long roots, we have mobile accentuation in Slavic,which is not the case with nominals having short roots (where th e Proto-Indo-European singular oxy tone forms show up äs the oxytone type) (135). As in Baltic,th e stress w as retracted to a preceding nonapopho nic long vowel in Slavic in accord-ance with Hirt 's law. The root tone changed f rom acute to circumflex in the remain-in g words with a long root and mobile accentuation, äs w as pointed out by Meillet.

Illic-Svityc concludes: A consistent analysis of the accentuation o f vario us types

of nominal s tems leads to the con clusion that th e Proto-Indo-European Opposit ion

8/18/2019 43 Review of Illich-Svitych Nominal Accentuation in Baltic and Slavic 1979 Lingua 51 4 346-354 1980

5/9

350 Reviews

of tw o accentual paradigms w as o r ig ina l ly retained in all the categories examined.Corresponding to the oxytone nominals n Sanskrit, Greek, and Germanic and ton o m i n a l s with m o b i l e accentuat ion in Baltic, Slavic h as nominals belonging to the

m o b i l e accentual class, nominals w i th original long roots in th is case having asecondary c ircumflex tone. Corresponding to barytone nominals of other Indo-European languages, Slavic has barytone nominals in the case of long roots and oxy-tone nominal s in the case of short roots; the tr ansfo rmatio n of the col umnar barytoneparadigm into a columnar oxytone paradigm in the case of items with short roots is aspecifically Slavic process. Unl ike Sansk rit, Greek, and Germanic, in the Slavic classof nominals w i th a non-apophonic long vowel in the root, accent shift to the rootsyllable must be assumed; since a s imi lar class is also found in Baltic, this processmust be considered very ancient (140). 5

After the publication of I l l ic-Svityc 's monograph w e must f inal ly reject the hypo-

thesis of some scholars (e.g. Kurylowicz, Shevelov) that the Bal to-Slavic Oppositionbetween fixed stress and accentual mobility is independent of the Indo-EuropeanOpposi t ion between barytona and oxytona. Here again, äs so often in other areas,modern research con f i rms the b r i l l ian t conception of F. de Saussure.

The c lar if icat ion of the historical relationships between Indo-European, Baltic,and Slavic accentuation enables the investigator to place the established changes ina chronological perspective and to draw a picture of the accentual and prosodicSystem at the intermediate stages (cf. Ebeling 1967; Kortlandt 1975) . The developmentof the system receives a simple explanation if one assumes that the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals were lost in Slavic at different stages depending o n their position

in relation to the place of the stress.The last m a j o r gap in the history of Slavic accentuation was filled by W. Winter,

who pointed out that a PIE short vowel before a voiced stop became long and acute n Balto-Slavic, whereas a short vowel before a voiced aspirate remained short (in:Fisiak 1978 : 431 ff) . This ru le accounts for the glottalic articulation of the root vowelin La tv ian peds 'footstep', sest ' to sit down', uöst ' to smell', vedars 'belly', hegt ' torun', nudgs 'naked', uöga 'berry', äzis 'billy goat', etc. It also explains the caseswhere Illic-Svityc i s confronted w i th an unexpected long vowel in Balto-Slavic: Latv.veids (54), laüzs, peds, jügs (56, 63), Slavic smordü, Iqgü, nagu, vidu (134-139), alsoveno, which is identical with Gr. eednon, PIE ^H^uednöm. Lith. pädas (37) and Slavic

podu ( 108f ) are not f r o m PIE *pödom, but f rom *podhH 1om, äs Winter has pointedout (I.e.), cf. Lith. priedas, Slavic pridu from PIE *preidhH iom ( 112) . Slavic bogü(101) is a borrowing from Iranian, and ogm is not from PIE *6gnis (130), which doesnot explain the ini t ial u of Lith. ugnls, but f r o m PIE *ifgwnis (cf. Kor tland t 1979).Slavic snegü and brodü (Lith. sniegas and brädas are not f r o m PIE *snoig wos (102)and *bhrödos (123), but from *snoig whos and *bhrodhos. Slavic rogü (Lith. rägas isnot from PIE *rogos (102) , but from *Hrog whos or *urog whos, if it is of PIE origin atall.

The reflexes of original neuter and masculine /o-stems are different in Lithuanianbecause the masculine nom. sg. ending *-ias was contracted in East Balt ic , whereas

no contraction took place in the neuter ending *-ia, e.g. gaidys 'rooster', medzias'forest' (34). Elsewhere I have stated the view that the difference is due to the positionof the accent at that stage: *gaidiäs versus *media, cf. gen. sg. gaidzio (Kortlandt1977: 324).

8/18/2019 43 Review of Illich-Svitych Nominal Accentuation in Baltic and Slavic 1979 Lingua 51 4 346-354 1980

6/9

Reviews 351

I do not agree with I l l ic-Svi tyc that the collective f o r m s in -ä which in Proto-Indo-European were used äs p lura l forms for neuter o -s tems were regularly opposed to thes ingula r forms by the position o f accent (40). It is probabl e that this accentual Oppos i -tion was conf ined to a l imited class of n o u n s . It must be borne in m i n d that barytoneaccentuation was generalized in Greek neuters, so that the material f r o m this languagecannot generally be used äs evidence.

The appearance of k instead of s from PIE *k in Lith. pekus 'cattle' does notsuggest that the word is a borrowing into Bal tic (48) because this is the regulär reflexbefore consonantal u plus back vowe l (cf. Fisiak 1978: 241 ) . The original flexion was:nom. *pesu, gen *pekvas.

According to Illic-Svityc, Hirt's law did not retract the stress from an acute syllable(64). If this were correct, the retraction in the paradigm of the α s t ems w o u l d b ephone t i ca l ly regulär in the gen. sg. and pl. forms only, and analogical in the nom.and loc. sg., dat., ins t , and loc. pl., and all dual forms. This is untenable. Moreover,the accent was retracted in R U S S , gryzla '(she) gnawed', PIE *g wruHghlaH, cf. Gr.

brukhö, where it is diff icult to assume analogical stress. The absence of retraction inLatv. päli ' smut ' i s due to the fact that the word was t r isyl labic . Moreover, accentualmobi l i t y seems to have been p roduc t ive in Latvian neuters at a prehistoric stage, e.g.kresls 'chair', stets 'sieve', väks 'cover', where Lithuanian and Slavic point to aneuter with fixed stress on the stem.

The account which Illic-Svityc gives of the reflexes of Proto-Slavic tones in thevarious languages (76) is not quite correct. The reflex of the acute tone in Czech islength only in the first syllable of disyllabic words if it is open and the second syllabledoes not contain a l ong vowel, cf. gen. pl. krau of krava 'cow', 3rd pl. fezl of fezati' to cut ' , also masc. words such äs cas, ded, had, hnevjih, kraj, pluh, rak. Falling toneon a long syllable is retained äs such in Serbo-Croatian only in monosyllabic anddisyl labic forms. It is shortened in trisyllabi c forms, fo r example, mladöst 'youth',gen. sg. praseta of präse ' suck i r ig -p ig ' .6 The pretonic long vowel did not retain itslength phonetically in such forms äs Czech ruka because it was already pretoni c beforethe Operation of Dybo's law, cf.jazyk, malina, bezeti, SCr.jezik, mälina, bjezati. Thelong vowel in SCr. ruka was introduced on the analogy of the barytone forms, forexample, acc. sg. ruku, cf. the oblique p l u r a l form riikama, where the short vowel wasretained because it is trisyl labic (see Kort landt 1975: 30).

In Slovincian, oxytone nouns have been transferred partly to the mobile and partlyto the barytone accent class (84). As a rule, the stress of nouns with a monosyllabicstem is f ixed if the stem vowel is long and mobile if the stem vowel is short. 7

Slavic sünü 'sleep' (100) and pisü 'dog' (103) are probably original barytona whichhave escaped the analogical transfer into the mobile accent class because there wasno model with the same root st ructure. The masculine o-stems with mobile accentua-tion which have correspondences (either oxytone or barytone) in other Indo-Euro-pean languages are of the types *CoCos and *CVRCos. I l l ic-Svityc's Suggestion thatthe final accentuation of sünü and pisu arose after the loss of the jers meets withchronological difficulties and does not explain the d i fferent accentuation of SCr. andSin. dän 'day' .

Ill ic-Svityc holds that stressed *-om developed into -o, unstressed *-om into -u,unstressed *-iom into -je (114-117). Ebeling (1967: 581) has pointed out that this

view is phonetically improbable, chronologically untenable, and morphologically

8/18/2019 43 Review of Illich-Svitych Nominal Accentuation in Baltic and Slavic 1979 Lingua 51 4 346-354 1980

7/9

35 eviews

un i l lumina t ing (cf . a lso Kor t landt 19 78b: 281 fF). O n the basis o f both chronologicalcons idera t ions and the Old Pruss ian evidence we have to assume that f inal *-ombecame *-nm in early Balto-Slavic wi thout respect to the place of the stress (seeKor t l and t 1975 : 44f, 1 9 7 8 b : 287ff) . The S lavic neuter ending -o is of p r o n o m i n a lor ig in . I t was i n t r oduced only in or iginal oxytona because the ba ry tone neu te rsmerged w i th the mascu l ines , the acc. sg. end ing o f which w as a lways unstressed.

B o t h the fixed stress and the t i m b r e of the stressed vowel of Sin. spar, spQra, spgro'abundant' (126) point to the presence of a nonsyllabic prefix. The medial vowel ofProto-Slavic *süporü received th e stress äs a result o f Dybo's law.

The accentual pattern o f Sin. pleme ' tribe', which po in t s to f ixed stress on thesecond sy llable in late Proto-Slavic (131) , arose äs a result of Dybo's law f rom thebifurcat ion of the type w ith ini t ial accentuation, which has been preserved under theacute tone in seine 'seed'.

There is a class of barytone neuters w i th acute tone in Slavic which have corres-pondences w i th baryto ne accentuat ion in Li thuanian and the broken tone in Latvian(137). The preservation of the neuter gender in Slavic shows that these words areor ig inal o xy tona w hich received fixed stress on the stem äs a resul t o f Hirt's law. Theaccentual mob i l i ty w hich the Latvian tone suggests is apparently due to a secondarydevelopment.

Illic-Svityc does no t a s sume a tonal difference on a nonacute stressed ini t ial syl-lable between fixed and mobile accentual paradigms (144). If this were correct , wew o u l d expect traces o f the o r ig ina l d i s t r ibu t ion o f phonet ical ly and analogically end-stressed f o r m s , which we do not f ind. Dybo (1962: 8) drew the logical conclusion

f rom the phonetic character of the progressive accent shift and pointed out that thela w req uires the existence of a ton al O ppo sit ion on no nacute stressed init ial syllablesat a s tage w hich is anter ior to the late Proto-Slavic retractions of the stress. In fact ,every n on acu te stressed vo wel lost the stress to the fo l lowing syllable with the excep-t ion o f vow els in ini t ial syl lables o f m ob i le paradigms. This development w as posteriorto the re t ract ion of the s t ress to a preposi t ion f rom barytone forms of mobi le para-digms and gave rise to new falling vowels in noninitial syllables, which were sub-sequent ly e l imina ted äs a resul t o f Stang's l aw.8

It is a p i ty that the translators have not, apart f r om a sing le exception, correctedthe printer 's errors in the original text . Besides, the English text has i ts addit ional

share of mispr ints . Here I shall l imi t m yself to l ist ing the most d is turbing errors:nominatives and verbs (52) read nominals and verbs (3x) ; nominatives with longroots (53) read n o m i n a ls w i th long roots; acc. pl. *zimu (80) read . *zimy\ Proto-Indo-European and ox ytpne fo rm s (80) read Proto-Indo-European ba ry tone and oxytonefo rms ( 2 x ) ; mlklt in the Tixoronov Sbornik (99) read: mlkät in the TixonravovSbornik; Susak in nor theastern Is t r ia (103) read Susak and nor theastern I s t r ia ;Slavic adjectives w i th oxy tone AP. . . (124f ) is the headin g of the follow ing examples ;Slavic w-stems wi th oxy tone A P reflect P ro to- Indo-European fo rms (128) read P ro to-Indo-European bary tone f o r m s : this is the heading of the fo l lowing examples. In thenotes : f rom A r m e n i a n s ( 1 5 5 , 2 1 ) read y ie lds Arm enian s; nomina l s t ems in -(je)e

and -jo (156 , 33 ) read in -(j) e and -jo; w i t h th e s ymbo l ' (157 , 42 ) read w i th o u t th es y m b o l ' ; a la te widening of e (165 , 55 ) read a late spread of e; to note 59 (165) addis unknown .

8/18/2019 43 Review of Illich-Svitych Nominal Accentuation in Baltic and Slavic 1979 Lingua 51 4 346-354 1980

8/9

Reviews 353

The histoiy of Baltic and Slavic accentuation is complex because of the hetero-geneity of the matenal and the unusual abundance of relevant details The epoch-makmg monographs by Stang and Illic-Svityc have made much of the earlier workm this area of comparative linguistics obsolete Stang's book is diff icult reading for

anyone who does not have a basic knowledge of the many languages mvolved Oneof the nice thmgs about the book under review is that it can be read by anyone whois famihai with the comparative method It is exemplary from the methodologicalpomt of view I can therefore highly recommend the book äs an mtroduction to thestudy of the subject for both Indo-Europeamsts and Slavists

Notes

This la w is relatively recent m L i t h u a m a n and d id not opera te m the other Balt ic lan-

guages, cf Balnstita 13(2) (1977), 3272 Data on th e dist i i bu t ion o f nou ns accoi d ing to the i r accentual pa iadigm s m bis language

were exhaustively collected by S k a i d z i u s (1935) O f couise, Illic-Svityc d id not yet haveaccess to K u d z m o w s k i ' s excellent w o r k (1977)

3 On the Old Prussian data cf Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 88(2) (1974),299ff

4 S t ang 1957 15ff On the s tudy o f Slavic accentuation smce 1957 see Zeitschrift fü r vei-gleichende Spiachforschung 92 (1978) , 269ff

On the po ss ib ih ty tha t the accent letiaction to a syllable wi th nonapophomc length was

an Indo-Eu i opean dialectal pi ocess wh ich also affected Celtic and Italic see the contnbutionsby Dybo (1961) and I lhc-Svityc (1962) , and cf m y c o m m e n ts ( K o i t l a n d t 1975 76ff)

6 This s imple r u l e seems t o b e u n k n o w n t o a l a ige n u m b e r of scholais Thus, t he short r inS Cr sfce 'heai t ' does not pomt to an acute tone , äs e g Wa t k i n s and Hamp seem to t h ink

(m W inter 1965 1 1 7 , 1 3 3 ) Proto-Slavic *sndice had fa lhng tone and m obi le accentuat ion,äs is cleai fro m the Slovene and R ussian evidence The c ircumflex, which was regular lyshor tened in Serb o-Cro at , had ansen äs a result of Meillet 's law, cf Latvian sirds, wi th Bal to-Slavic acute tone äs a resul t of Wmter's law

7 Cf Indoget manische Forschungen 40 (1922) , l f f , and Ko rtlan dt 1978a 788 Cf Ebelmg 1967 584ff (stages A5c, A7, A12, AI5), and Kor t landt 1975 28, 32f

References

D y b o , V A , 1961 In Vo p i o s y s lavjanskogo jazykoznani ja 5 , 9ff

Dybo, VA , 1962 O rekonstrukcn udaremja v pras lavjanskom glagole Vo pro sy slavjan-skogo jazykoznani ja 6, 3-27

D y b o , V A , 1968 Akcentologi ja i s lovoobrazovame v s lavjanskom Slavjanskoe jazykoz-name 6, 148-224

Ebelmg, C L , 1967 Histoncal laws of S lavic accentuation In To honor R oman Jakobson ,577-593 The Hague Mouton

Fisiak, J (ed ), 1978 R ecent developments m histoncal phono logy The Hague. M o u t o nI lhc-Svityc, V M , 1962 In Kr atkie soobscemja I n s t i t u t a slavjanovedemja AN SSSR 35 ,

63ffIlhc-Svityc, V M , 1963 Imen naja akcentuacija v balt i jskom l slavjanskom Sud'ba akcentu-

acionnyx paradigm M o s k v a

8/18/2019 43 Review of Illich-Svitych Nominal Accentuation in Baltic and Slavic 1979 Lingua 51 4 346-354 1980

9/9

354 Reviews

Kor t landt , F , 1975 Slavic accentuat ion A s tudy in re la t ive chronology Lisse Petei deR idde r

Kor t l and t F , 1977 In Baltist ica 13(2) , 3 1 9 f TKor t land t , F , 1978a A h is tory o f Slavic accen tuat ion R eview o f P Garde, His to i re de

l accen tua t ion slave Lmgua 44, 67-91Kor t l and t F 1978b On the h i s t o ry of the genitive p l u r a l in Slavic Baltic, Ge rman ic , and

Indo-European Lmgua 45 , 281-300Kor t l and t , F 1979 In Z b o r m k za filologiju i hngv i s t iku 22(2) 57ffK u d z m o w s k i , Cz , 1977 Indeks -s townik do Dauksos Po stile 2 vols PoznanMeillet, A , 1902 In R usskij fi lologiceskij vestm k 48, 193 200Meillet A , 191 6 In M emo ires de la Societe de L ingu i s t ique de Paus 1 9, 65-84S k a r d z i u s , P , 1935 Dauksos akcentologi ja K a u n a sStang, C S , 1957 Slavonic accentuation OsloWinter W (ed ) , 1965 Evidence fo r l a ryngea ls The Hague M outo n

Yara Goulait Liberato, M ario A Penni (eds ), Ensaios delmg uistica I Faculdadede letras da UMFG, Belo Horizonte, 1978 174 pp

Reviewed by Jaromir Tlaskal, N a Oiechovce 61, 162 00 Praha 6 , Czechoslovakia

C'est le developpemenl considerable de la l inguistique au Bresil, d'un cöte, et lebesom de discussion entre specialistes, de l'autre, qui ont motive la publication dupresent volume, le premier d 'une nouvelle sene II est compose de six articles, dontquatre etudient differents problemes du portugais parle au Bresil (phonologie, syn-taxe, semantique), Tun comporte une analyse linguistique d es methodes de l'alpha-betisation, l 'auteur du dernier exammant la s t ructure d 'une vieille langue mdigene duBresil

M a Beatnz Nascimento Decat, Sujar, un ou deux verbes ? Selon la conception deJackendoff (1972) l'expression anglaise OPEN doit etre generee a partir de troisentrees differentes p o u r distinguer l 'adjectif, le verbe transitif et le verbe intransitifTout en discutant cette Suggestion, l ' auteur argumente que les verbes O P E N et S U J A R'salir' apparaissent tous le s deux soit c o m m e transitifs Carlos abnu aporta 'Charlesouvnt la porte', soit comme mtransit ifs A porta abnu 'La porte s'ouvnt' Ce faitdevrait etre süffisant pour que les entrees verbales soient limitees a une seule L'ideede l 'agent (mdividu qui p rovoque l 'action) est mamtenue meme la ou celui-ci n'estpas expnme lexicalement Sa presence/absence depend du fait que 1'item lexical a etemclus dans la s t ructure p rofo nde G loriasujou o vestido 'G lo r i a saht son vetement ' ounon O vestido sujou ' Le vetement se saht' II n'est donc pas necessaire d e compter surdeux verbes S U J A R (transitif, intransitif), vu que le passage d'une structure a l'autre sefera a l'aide d'une transformation

Les donnees de Jackendoff qui veulent distingu er O P E N transitif de O P E N intransitifsemblent se fonder plutot sur la s tructure de surface que sur la s t ructure profondeL'msertion lexicale se faisant sur la s tructure de surface, eile ne permet pas unegeneralisation plus large des faits constates Par consequent le modele a une entree,propose par l 'auteur, et susceptible d'etre etendu sur d'autres verbes A B R I R , Q U E B R A R ,