A C A L 4 8

48 th Annual Conference on African Linguistics Indiana University Bloomington March 30-Apri l 2, 2017

ACAL 48 Local Organizing Committee SamuelObeng,ChairRobertBotne,Member

SamsonLotven,Member(OrganizingCoordinator)DamirCavar,Member

AntoniaSchleicher,MemberNoorAboMokh,Webmaster

ACAL 48 Sponsors AssociationofContemporaryAfricanLinguisticsOfficeofVicePresidentforInternationalAffairs

OfficeofAssociateDeanofSocialandHistoricalSciencesandGraduateEducation,CollegeofArtsandSciences

OfficeofAssociateDeanforInternationalAffairs,CollegeofArtsandSciencesOfficeofVice-PresidentforDiversity,EquityandMulticulturalAffairs

IndianaUniversityAfricanStudiesProgramAfricanAmericanandAfricanDiasporaStudies

NationalAfricanLanguageResourceCenter&CenterforLanguageExcellenceIndianaUniversityLinguisticsDepartment

i

48th ANNUAL CONFERENCE ON AFRICAN LINGUISTICS Program of Events

Thursday,March30,2017 IndianaMemorialUnion3:00p.m.–4:30p.m. RegistrationCheck-in EastLounge4:30p.m.–5:45p.m. PosterSessionw/Refreshment FrangipaniRoom6:00p.m.–7:00p.m. PlenaryPresentation FrangipaniRoom

JennekevandeWalHarvardUniversity

7:00p.m.–8:30p.m. OpeningReception StateRoom(SR)East&West

Friday,March31,2017 IndianaMemorialUnion8:00a.m.–9:00a.m. RegistrationCheck-in FrangipaniRoom LightBreakfast9:00a.m.–10:15a.m. Welcome FrangipaniRoom PlenaryPresentation

EkkehardWolff LeipzigUniversity

10:15a.m.–10:30a.m. BeverageBreak FrangipaniRoom10:30a.m.–12:00p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,SREast12:00p.m.–1:00p.m. Lunch(onyourown)1:00p.m.–2:15p.m. PosterSessionw/Refreshment FrangipaniRoom2:30p.m.–4:00p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,SREast4:30p.m.–6:00p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,SREast6:00p.m. Dinner(onyourown) Saturday,April1,2017 IndianaMemorialUnion8:00a.m.–9:00a.m. LightBreakfast FrangipaniRoom9:00a.m.–10:00a.m. PlenaryPresentation FrangipaniRoom

MichaelMarlo UniversityofMissouri

10:00a.m.–10:15a.m. BeverageBreak FrangipaniRoom10:15a.m.–11:45a.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,Sassafras11:45a.m.–1:00p.m. Lunch(onyourown)1:00p.m.–2:15p.m. PosterSessionw/Refreshment FrangipaniRoom2:30p.m.–4:00p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,Sassafras4:15p.m.–5:45p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,Sassafras5:50p.m.–7:00p.m. BusinessMeeting MapleRoom7:30p.m.–9:00p.m. Reception&Banquet(ticketed) FrangipaniRoomSunday,April2,2017 IndianaMemorialUnion8:00a.m.–9:00a.m. LightBreakfast TreeSuiteLounge9:00a.m.–10:30a.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,Sassafras10:30am–10:45a.m BeverageBreak TreeSuiteLounge10:45a.m.–12:15p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,Sassafras

ii

ThursdayEvening,M

arch30,2017

4:30

-5:45

Po

sterSession

1

Fran

gipa

niRoo

m

1TheLexicalU

nderspecificatio

nofBantuCausativ

esand

App

licatives

Wechsler

2Shon

aSubjectsareSub

jects

Kodn

er

3TheMorph

o-SyntaxofT

woType

sofFactiv

eClausesinSeereer

Torren

ce

4Re

lativ

izatio

ninKaakye

Abun

ya&Osam

5Em

aiCoo

rdinationStrategiesfo

rClauseLinkage

Schaefer&Egbokhare

6Co

mparativ

eStud

yofth

eNom

inalSysteminW

olof,B

edikand

French

Sall

7LinguisticGen

ocideAg

ainstD

evelop

men

tofSigne

dLanguagesinAfrica

Ason

ye,Edw

ard,Ezin

ne&

Anike

8To

wardaBe

tterKno

wledgeofSpe

ech-LanguageDiso

rdersinAfrica:

AnalysisofChildSpe

echDisorders

Takam

9Ph

onem

icQuantity

DistinctioninNormaland

Perturbed

Spe

echinTwi

AduManyah

10FootCon

structioninAnaanDen

ominalisa

tion

Udo

h11

Quantita

tiveMetho

dsinAfricanLinguistics-Pred

ictin

gPluralsinHa

usa

Guzm

ánNaranjo&Becker

12TheSubjun

ctiveMoo

dinGiry

amaandTanzanianNyanja

Ngowa&Ngonyani

6:00

-7:00

Plen

ary1

Chair:Ro

bertBotne

Fran

gipa

niRoo

m

TheNeedfora

nAlternativeSystem

ofN

ominalLicen

singinBantu

vande

rWal

iii

FridayM

orning,M

arch31,2017

9:00

-10

:15

Plen

ary2

Chair:Pa

ulNew

man

Fran

gipa

niRoo

m

Vo

calogene

sisin(C

entral)C

hadicLanguages

Wolff

10

:30-

12:00

Seman

tics1

Chair:Ro

bertBotne

Map

leSo

ciolingu

istic

s1

Chair:Joseph

Clancy

Clem

ents

Walnu

tTo

ne1

Chair:Ch

risGreen

StateRo

om

East

1ACloserLoo

katbi:An

Ep

istem

icInde

finite

An

alysis

Owusu

TheRu

stySpeakerP

aradox:

Nyang'iPe

rson

alProno

uns

andSemi-spe

aker-based

LanguageDescriptio

n

Beer

ThePh

onetic

Realiza

tionofHighTo

ne

SpansinLugand

a

Myers,Selkirk

&Fainleib

2Logoph

oricReferen

ce

inIbibio

New

kirkRh

etoricalEcologiesDriv

ing

LinguisticChangeinW

est

Africa

Agbo

zo&

Ode

bunm

iTo

neAssim

ilatio

nin

YorùbáAgentiveAffixed

Nom

inals

Ehinen

i

3Logoph

oricity

and

Co

reference

ConstraintsinGe

ngbe

Attitud

eRe

ports

Grano

&

Lotven

Language,G

ende

r,and

Ideo

logy:A

Sociolinguistic

AnalysisofIfeo

maFafunw

a's

'HearW

ord!'N

aijaW

oma'

Ofulue

RegisterLow

eringand

TonalO

verw

ritingin

Limbu

mDeverbal

Nou

ns

Nform

iAw

asom

iv

FridayAfterno

on,M

arch31,2017

1:00

-2:15

Po

sterSession

2

Fran

gipa

niRoo

m

1LanguageBarrie

rasH

indranceto

Inform

ationDissem

ination:ACriticalObservatio

nOpp

ong-AsareAn

sah

2OntheStateDistinctionandCaseinKabyleBe

rber

Felice

3Inde

xicalShiftinginDhaasanacand

Som

ali

Nish

iguchi

4ASurveyofN

egationPatternsinth

eKw

aLanguageFam

ily

Schn

eide

r5

Disapp

earin

gLexemesinth

eIgbo

Language:AnEffectofLanguageVa

riatio

nand

Change

Obiam

alu&Nkamigbo

6FocusC

onstructionsinIbibio

Anyanw

u,Nwogu,Orji&

Okoro

7Co

nson

antM

utatationinEsahie

Akanlig-Pare&Owusu-An

sah

8WordOrderinSen

ufoNafaraDP

sBa

ron

9Pe

rson

and

AnimacyInteractioninAkanandGa

Post-po

sitions

Korsah

10CausativeinLub

ukusuandOtherBantuLanguages

Wasike

11Presup

positionsand

OtherProjectiveCo

nten

tsinKisw

ahili

Jordan

12TheSyntaxand

Sem

anticso

fAkanHITVe

rbs

Eshu

n

v

FridayAfterno

on,M

arch31,2017(con

tinue

d)

2:30

-4:00

Syntax1

Chair:Steven

Frank

sMap

le

Lang

uagein

Politics&

Religion

Chair:AlwiyaOmar

Walnu

tTo

ne2

Chair:Da

vidOdd

en

StateRo

om

East

1NguniPhrase-fin

al

FocusP

articlesa

nd

Antisym

metryThe

ory

Carstens

&Zeller

APragmasem

antic

InvestigationofM

etapho

r(Un)transla

tabilityinArabic

ReligiousDisc

ourse

Elsaadany

Tone

,Ortho

graphies,and

Ph

onologicalDep

thin

AfricanLanguages

Cahill

2Piecesofthe

Pe

riphe

ry:A

Glance

intoth

eCartograph

yof

Ibibio'sCP

Dom

ain

Dohe

rty

DidSA

'sPo

liticalPartie

sProm

ote'M

ultilingualism

'Du

ringtheLastElections?

Ditsele

TonalIne

qualitiesinaFou

r-tone

Language:The

Caseof

Seen

ku'sMiddleTo

nes

McPhe

rson

3Co

mplem

entC

lauseC-

Agreem

entw

ithM

atrix

Subjecta

ndTen

sein

Ikalanga

Safir&

Letsho

lo

MoralPanicinGhanaian

PoliticalDisc

ourse:A

Prelim

inaryStud

y

Ofori

TowardsaTypologyof

'Ton

alCom

pactne

ss'in

Mande

Green

4:30

-6:00

Syntax2

Chair:Ro

nScha

efer

Map

le

Sociolingu

istic

s2

Chair:Sand

raKüb

ler

Walnu

tPh

onolog

y1

Chair:LauraMcPhe

reson

State

Room

East

1ASyntacticDescriptio

nofExperiencersin

Sereer-siin

Tamba

Researchand

Revolution:Text

MessagingasT

acticalToo

lRu

dd

ImplicationsofA

bsolute

Neu

tralisa

tionon

Harmon

ic

Seria

lism:A

JóolaCaseStudy

Hantgan

2Co

mita

tive

Constructio

nsinFon

Lambe

rt-

Bretiere

Ruralvs.UrbanZulu:The

Losso

fyiinRed

uplication

Cook

EfikNom

inalTon

al

AlternationsasP

hrasal

Morph

ology

Glew

we

3Co

mparativ

eCo

nstructio

nsinTafi

Bobu

afor

TheLexiconofth

eMixed

LanguageM

a'á/Mbu

gu

Mou

sAn

HGAn

alysisofW

ord-Final

VowelDeletionandRe

duction

inGulmancema

Baird

vi

SaturdayM

orning,A

pril1,2017

9:00

-10

:00

Plen

ary3

Chair:Stua

rtDavis

Fran

gipa

niRoo

m

To

neinth

eLuyiaVa

rietie

sofW

esternKen

yaand

EasternUgand

aMarlo

10

:15-

11:45

Syntax3

Chair:JamesEssegbe

yMap

le

Descriptiv

e

Chair:AlwiyaOmar

Walnu

tPh

onolog

y2

Chair:KrisEba

rb

Sassafras

1Ra

isingto

Objectin

Lubu

kusu

Mitchley

ADe

scrip

tiveOverviewofN

oun

Classesa

ndth

eMorph

osyntax

ofAgreemen

tinZaramo

Hung

VowelProcessesinGusii

Choti

2Sw

ahiliPassiv

eand

StativeExtensions

andtheirInteractio

nwith

theAp

plicative

Ngonyani

Common

PlantNam

esinSou

th

NiloticAkie

Legère

TheTypo

logyofN

CSequ

encesinCe

ntral

Tano

Akinlabi&

Owusu

3TenseAg

reem

entin

Nde

beleLight-verb

Constructio

ns

Pietraszko

TheInfle

ctionalParadigmofthe

Be

mbe

Verb

Legg

VowelSplitinKinshasa

Lingala

Kabasele

vii

SaturdayAfterno

on,A

pril1,2017

1:00

-2:15

Po

sterSession

3

Fran

gipa

niRoo

m

1AMusicalNotationAn

alysisofTon

alDow

ntrend

sinAn

aañRe

duplicative

Constructio

ns

Udo

h,Ekong,U

soro,Ita&Ntuk

2APh

oneticStudyofY

orub

aVo

welDeletion:ACaseofIncompleteNeu

traliza

tion?

Danis

3To

wardaTypo

logyofN

iger-Con

goCom

plem

entatio

nSchaefer,D

uah&Egbokhare

4Be

nefactiveAp

plicativesand

AnimacyinNde

bele

Siband

a5

SyllableSimplificatio

nProcessesinFròʔò

Traore&Fery

6Savingth

eFaceofK

ings:The

Ideo

logyofSup

eriorityinYorub

aDiscou

rse

Aluko

7Ultrasou

ndIm

agingof[d

],[ɖ],and[gb]inGen

gbe

Lotven

,Berkson

&Lulich

8An

OTAn

alysisofCon

sonantDeletioninIjeṣàYo

rùbá

Alabi

9ElucidatingDo

gonProsod

icStructures:The

CaseofLiquid'Flip-frop

s'inBen

i(Dogon

)Do

w,G

reen

&Hen

drickson

10ThePh

oneticPrope

rtieso

fKiheh

eStop

sSteimel&Nyamahanga

11Prosod

yandCo

hesio

ninÉkegusií(K

isii)Narrativ

eHieb

er

12Gh

anaianSocialInteractio

ns:A

nEthn

opragm

aticApp

roach

Thom

pson

13

Ba

futLoanw

ords:A

nOptim

ality

The

oryAn

alysis

Birnsche

in

viii

SaturdayAfterno

on,A

pril1,2017(con

tinue

d)

2:30

-4:00

Syntax4

Chair:Ke

nSafir

Map

le

Seman

tics2

Chair:Pa

tríciaAmaral

Walnu

tPh

onolog

y3

Chair:Ab

bieHa

ntgan

Sassafras

1WhInterrogativesin

Ibibio:M

ovem

ent,

Agreem

enta

nd

Complem

entizers

Major&

Torren

ce

NearS

ynon

ymsinLugungu

andtheirM

eaningDifferen

ces

Oriikiriza

Prosod

icRestructurin

gin

SomaliN

ominals

Downing&

Nilsson

2A-barA

greemen

tand

theTense-Aspe

ct

System

inBam

ileke

Med

umba

Keup

djio

LexicalD

ensityofth

eJUMP

DomaininM

aa

Payne

HereroVerbTo

ne

Ebarb&

Raksachat

3CausingbySocial

Interaction

Schn

eide

r-Zioga&

Mutaka

UniversalQuantificatio

ninth

eNom

inalDom

aininKiheh

eKasper-

Cushman

Sono

rantAcquisitionin

YorubaChildPho

nology

Isaiah

4:15

-5:45

Syntax5

Chair:Ph

ilLeSourd

Map

le

Seman

tics3

Chair:To

mGrano

Walnu

tPh

onolog

y4

Chair:Ke

llyBerkson

Sassafras

1Tw

oType

sofFocusin

Limbu

m(G

rassfie

lds

Bantu)

Nform

iAw

asom

,Driemel&

Be

cker

ATypo

logicalStudyof

Mod

ality

inLuh

yaLanguages

Gluckm

an,

Bowler,

Diercks,

Sifuna&

Alulu

AtypicalOpacityinRutoo

ro

Phon

ology

Bickmore

2Tw

oStrategiesfo

rAffirmativeRe

spon

se

toPolarQue

stionsin

BamilekeM

edum

ba

Keup

djio&

Wiltschko

TowardsaUnifie

dAccoun

tforn

ainAkan

Essegbey&

Hatav

Domainsand

Dire

ctionality

inGuaVow

elHarmon

yObiri-Yebo

ah

&Rose

3Ad

jectivesinSɛlɛɛ

Agbe

tsoa-

med

oEven

tSem

anticso

fAkan

Separatio

nVe

rbs

Agyepo

ng

TheSyllableStructureofBuli

Words

Akanlig-Pare

ix

Sund

ayM

orning,A

pril2,2017

9:00

-10

:30

Tense&Aspect

Chair:Ro

bertBotne

Map

le

Lang

uage&Id

entity

Chair:Solomon

Oyetade

Walnu

tMorph

olog

y

Chair:Ke

llyBerkson

Sassafras

1OptionalPastT

ensein

Wolof

Bochnak&

Martin

ovic

Male/FemaleParents'

Indigeno

usOccup

ational

Rolesa

ndTransfero

fIndigeno

usVocabulary

Anyanw

u,

Nwogu,

Orji&

Okoro

Num

bera

ndAnimacyinth

eTekeNou

nClassS

ystem

Hyman,

Lion

net&

Ngolele

2TheSemanticso

f-ile

inNyamwezi

Kanijo

Negotiatin

gIden

tity

throughPe

rson

alNam

es

amon

gNigerian

Pentecostals

Emeka-

Nwob

ia

TheAu

gmen

tinLogoori

Odd

en

3TheStative

Morph

emein

Kinyarwanda

Jerro

"We'reallSpeaking

Gibb

erish

Here:"D

iscou

rses

ofSpe

akerho

odinIyasa

Belew

Stem

-initialProminen

cein

Westa

ndCen

tralAfrica:

Niger-Con

go,A

real,or

Both?

Lion

net

10:45-

12:15

Syntax6

Chair:An

nBu

nger

Map

le

Ideo

phon

es&

Interje

ctions

Chair:Ab

bieHa

ntgan

Walnu

tLang

uagePolicy

Chair:MikeCa

hill

Sassafras

1An

tiagreemen

tin

Berberand

The

oryof

Agreem

ent

Kinjo

IntensifyingIdeo

phon

esin

ThreeLuhiaLanguages

Bowler&

Gluckm

an

LanguagePolicyand

LinguisticIdeo

logyinSen

egalSall

2GE

TCAS

EisViolable:

Eviden

cefo

rWho

lesaleLate

Merger

Sulemana

Interje

ctionsinGa

Ollenn

uLanguageand

National

Unity:A

CaseofIgbo

Trade

rs

inIbadan,N

igeria

Oyetade

3ACo

rpusStudyof

SwahiliRelatives

Mwam

zand

iAu

tomated

Classificatio

nofIdeo

phon

icSou

nd

PatternsinW

olof

Baglini&

Hjorth

1

List of Abstracts TheNeedforanAlternativeSystemofNominalLicensinginBantu...........................................................5

Vocalogenesisin(Central)ChadicLanguages..............................................................................................5

ToneintheLuyiaVarietiesofWesternKenyaandEasternUganda............................................................6

RelativizationinKaakye...............................................................................................................................7

PhonemicQualityDistinctioninNormalandPerturbedSpeechinTwi......................................................7

AdjectivesinSɛlɛɛ........................................................................................................................................7

RhetoricalEcologies DrivingLinguisticChangeinWestAfrica.....................................................................8

EventSemanticsofAkanSeparationVerbs.................................................................................................8

ConsonantMutationinEsahie.....................................................................................................................8

TheSyllableStructureofBùlìWords...........................................................................................................9

TheTypologyofNCSequencesinCentralTano..........................................................................................9

AnOTAnalysisofConsonantDeletioninÌjẹṣàYorùbá................................................................................9

SavingtheFaceofKings:TheIdeologyofSuperiorityinYorùbáDiscourse..............................................10

FocusConstructioninIbibio......................................................................................................................10

MaleandFemaleParents’IndigenousOccupationalRolesandIntergenerationalTransferofIndigenousVocabulary:EvidencefromIgbo................................................................................................................10

LinguisticGenocideAgainstDevelopmentofSignedLanguagesinAfrica.................................................11

AutomatedClassificationofIdeophonicSoundPatternsinWolof............................................................11

AnHGAnalysisofWord-FinalVowelDeletionandReductioninGulmancema........................................11

WordOrderinSenufoNafaraDPs.............................................................................................................12

TheRustySpeakerParadox:Nyang’iPersonalPronounsandSemi-speaker-basedLanguageDescription...................................................................................................................................................................12

“We’reAllSpeakingGibberishHere:”DiscoursesofSpeakerhoodinIyasa..............................................12

AtypicalOpacityinRutooroPhonology.....................................................................................................13

BafutLoanwords:AnOptimalityTheoryAnalysis......................................................................................13

ComparativeConstructionsinTafi.............................................................................................................13

OptionalPastTenseinWolof....................................................................................................................13

IntensifyingIdeophonesinThreeLuhyaLanguages..................................................................................14

Tone,Orthographies,andPhonologicalDepthinAfricanLanguages........................................................14

NguniPhrase-FinalFocusParticlesandAntisymmetryTheory.................................................................14

2

VowelProcessesinGusii............................................................................................................................15

Ruralvs.UrbanZulu:TheLossofyiinReduplication................................................................................15

APhoneticStudyofYorubaVowelDeletion:ACaseofIncompleteNeutralization?................................15

DidSA’sPoliticalPartiesPromote‘Multilingualism’DuringtheLastElections?.......................................16

PiecesofthePeriphery:AGlanceintotheCartographyofIbibio'sCPDomain........................................16

ElucidatingDogonProsodicStructures:TheCaseofLiquid‘Flip-Frops’inBeni(Dogon)..........................16

ProsodicRestructuringinSomaliNominals...............................................................................................17

HereroVerbTone......................................................................................................................................17

ToneAssimilationinYorùbáAgentiveAffixedNominals...........................................................................17

APragmasemanticInvestigationofMetaphor(Un)translatabilityinArabicReligiousDiscourse.............17

NegotiatingIdentitythroughPersonalNamesamongNigerianPentecostals..........................................18

TheSyntaxandSemanticsofAkanHITverbs............................................................................................18

TowardsaUnifiedAccountfornainAkan................................................................................................18

OntheStateDistinctionandCaseinKabyleBerber..................................................................................19

EfikNominalTonalAlternationsasPhrasalMorphology...........................................................................19

ATypologicalStudyofModalityintheLuhyaLanguages..........................................................................19

LogophoricityandCoreferenceConstraintsinGengbeAttitudeReports.................................................20

TowardsaTypologyofTonalCompactnessinMande...............................................................................20

QuantitativeMethodsinAfricanLinguistics-PredictingPluralsinHausa................................................20

ImplicationsofAbsoluteNeutralisationonHarmonicSerialism:AJóolaCaseStudy...............................20

ProsodyandCohesioninÉkegusií(Kisii)Narrative....................................................................................21

ADescriptiveOverviewofNounClassesandtheMorphosyntaxofAgreementinZaramo......................21

NumberandAnimacyintheTekeNounClassSystem..............................................................................21

SonorantAcquisitioninYorubaChildPhonology......................................................................................22

TheStativeMorphemeinKinyarwanda....................................................................................................22

PresuppositionsandOtherProjectiveContentsinKiswahili.....................................................................22

VowelSplitinKinshasaLingala..................................................................................................................22

TheSemanticsof-ILEinNyamwezi...........................................................................................................23

UniversalQuantificationintheNominalDomaininKihehe......................................................................23

A-barAgreementandtheTense-AspectSysteminBamilekeMedumba..................................................23

TwoStrategiesforAffirmativeResponsetoPolarQuestionsinBamilekeMedumba...............................23

AntiagreementinBerberandTheoryofAgreement.................................................................................24

3

ShonaSubjectsareSubjects......................................................................................................................24

PersonandAnimacyInteractioninAkanandGãPost-Positions...............................................................24

ComitativeConstructionsinFon................................................................................................................25

CommonPlantNamesinSouthNiloticAkie..............................................................................................25

TheInflectionoftheBembeVerb..............................................................................................................25

Stem-InitialProminenceinWestandCentralAfrica:Niger-Congo,Areal,orBoth?.................................26

UltrasoundImagingof[d],[ɖ],and[gb]inGengbe..................................................................................26

Wh-InterrogativesinIbibio:Movement,AgreementandComplementizers............................................26

TonalInequalitiesinaFour-ToneLanguage:theCaseofSeenku’sMiddleTones....................................27

RaisingtoObjectinLubukusu....................................................................................................................27

TheLexiconoftheMixedLanguageMa’á/Mbugu....................................................................................27

ACorpusStudyofSwahiliRelativeClauses...............................................................................................27

ThePhoneticRealizationofHighToneSpansinLuganda.........................................................................28

LogophoricReferenceinIbibio..................................................................................................................28

TwoTypesofFocusinLimbum(GrassfieldsBantu)...................................................................................28

RegisterLoweringandTonalOverwritinginLimbumDeverbalNouns.....................................................28

SwahiliPassiveandStativeExtensionsandtheirInteractionwiththeApplicative...................................29

TheSubjunctiveMoodinGiryamaandTanzanianNyanja........................................................................29

MonstersinDhaasanacandSomali...........................................................................................................29

DisappearingLexemesintheIgboLanguage:AnEffectofLanguageVariationandChange....................30

DomainsandDirectionalityinGuaVowelHarmony.................................................................................30

TheAugmentinLogoori.............................................................................................................................30

“MoralPanic”inGhanaianPoliticalDiscourse:APreliminaryStudy.........................................................31

Language,GenderandIdeology:ASociolinguisticAnalysisofIfeomaFafunwa’s‘HearWord!NaijaWomanTalkTrue’......................................................................................................................................31

InterjectionsinGa......................................................................................................................................31

LanguageBarrierasHindrancetoInformationDissemination:ACriticalObservation.............................32

Near-synonymsinLugunguandtheirmeaningdifferences......................................................................32

ACloserLookatbi:AnEpistemicIndefiniteAnalysis................................................................................32

LanguageandNationalUnity:ACaseStudyofIgboTradersinIbadan,Nigeria........................................32

LexicalDensityoftheJUMPDomaininMaa.............................................................................................33

TenseAgreementinNdebeleLight-VerbConstructions............................................................................33

4

ResearchandRevolution:TextMessagingasTacticalTool.......................................................................33

ComplementClauseC-AgreementwithMatrixSubjectandTenseinIkalanga.........................................33

ComparativeStudyoftheNominalSysteminWolof,BedikandFrench...................................................34

LanguagePolicyandLinguisticIdeologyinSenegal...................................................................................34

EmaiCoordinationStrategiesforClauseLinkage......................................................................................34

TowardaTypologyofNiger-CongoComplementation.............................................................................35

ASurveyofNegationPatternsintheKwaLanguageFamily.....................................................................35

CausingbySocialInteraction.....................................................................................................................35

BenefactiveApplicativesandAnimacyinNdebele....................................................................................35

ThePhoneticPropertiesofKiheheStops..................................................................................................36

GETCASEisViolable:EvidenceforWholesaleLateMerger.......................................................................36

TowardaBetterKnowledgeofSpeech-LanguageDisordersinAfricanCountries:AnalysisofChildSpeechDisordersinCameroon..............................................................................................................................36

ASyntacticDescriptionofExperiencersinSereer-Siin..............................................................................37

GhanaianSocialInteractions:AnEthnopragmaticApproach....................................................................37

TheMorpho-SyntaxofTwoTypesofFactiveClausesinSeereer..............................................................37

SyllableSimplificationProcessesinFròʔò.................................................................................................38

AMusicalNotationAnalysisofTonalDowntrendsinAnaañReduplicativeConstructions.......................38

FootConstructioninAnaañDenominalisation..........................................................................................38

CausativeinLubukusuandotherBantuLanguages..................................................................................39

TheLexicalUnderspecificationofBantuCausativesandApplicatives......................................................39

5

The Need for an Alternative System of Nominal L icensing in Bantu JennekevanderWal(HarvardUniversity) Acorepurposeofhumanlanguageistoconveyinformationaboutevents.Inmanylanguagestheinformationabout‘whodidwhat’isencodedinthesyntaxbygrammaticalrolessuchassubjectandobjectthatlicensetheoccurrenceofnominalsintheclause.Theserolesarealsoatthebasisofmanytypologicalgeneralisationsandtheoreticalmodelsofnominallicensing.However,theydonotseemthatimportantatallinthegrammarofBantulanguages(spokeninsub-SaharanAfrica),posingachallengeformodelsbasedontheseroles.Instead,itappearsthattherelativediscoursesalienceofargumentsaffectsnominallicensingatamorefundamentallevelthaninmanywell-studiedEuropeanlanguages:whetherareferentisgiveninformation,orcontrastedwithanalternativecandeterminewordorder,morphologyandsyntacticoperations.Buildingonlastyear’sACALplenarybyJeffGood,inthislectureIfirstindicatehowBantulanguagesareproblematicforourcurrenttheoryofnominallicensingbyexaminingarangeofphenomenaintheareasof1.agreement(subjectandobjectmarking),2.dependentmarking(tonecases,augment),and3.valency(passive,applicative,adverbial/argumentdistinction).Theseallshowthattraditionalnominallicensing(Case,grammaticalroles)isunsatisfactoryasanexplanation,butthatatthesametimetherearesyntacticrestrictionsonnominals.Thesecondpartofthelecturesuggestsanalternativelicensingsystembasedongrammaticaliseddiscoursesalience,andoutlineshowthiscouldbestudied.

Vocalogenesis in (Central) Chadic Languages H.EkkehardWolff(UniversityofLeipzig) Whydoesn’tthecomparativemethodworkforvowelsin(Central)Chadic?Whydopresent-dayChadiclanguageshavesuchdisparatevowelsystemswithbetweenonlyone(orevennone)and17vowels?Arethere,indiachronicperspective(andpossiblysynchronicallyunderlying),any‘true’vowelsin(Central)Chadic,orarewedealingwithasetof[±syll]‘vocoids’fromthestartratherthanwith[+syll]‘vowels’?Whereandhowdo‘weakradicals’(asknownfromSemiticscholarship)and‘longcomponents’/‘prosodies’(palatalization,labialisation,singleandcombined)comein,whichappeartosometimesaffectsurfacevowels,sometimesconsonants,andsometimesboth–acrosssyllablesandtheword?ThesearesomeofthequestionsthatcoulddrivecomparativeChadicistsinsane.Intheplenarytalk,Iwillpresentadiachronictheoryof‘vocalogenesis’for(atleast:Central)Chadictoexplainhowlanguageswithnooronlyonevowel,underlyingand/orarrivedatbyinternalreconstruction,couldbeassumedtoendupwithtenormorevowelsinsynchronicdescriptions.–MyrenewedinterestintheseissueswastriggeredbyRichardGravina’schallengingstudyonThePhonologyofProto-CentralChadic.TheReconstructionofthePhonologyandLexiconofProto-CentralChadic,andtheLinguisticHistoryofCentralChadicLanguages(PhDdissertation,LeidenUniversity,2014.)

6

Tone in the Luyia Varieties of Western Kenya and Eastern Uganda MichaelR.Marlo(UniversityofMissouri) TheLuyialanguagesofwesternKenyaandeasternUgandahavesomeofthemostcomplicatedsystemsoftonalmorphologyamongBantulanguages.Luyiavarietiescommonlyhave7-8ormoreinflectionaltonalpatternsinverbs,andasmanyas12arereportedinoneMarachidialect,possiblymarkingthepeakcomplexitywithinBantu.AlthoughsegmentalandlexicaldifferencesamongLuyiavarietiestendtoberelativelyminor,thereisconsiderablediversityamongLuyiaverbaltonalsystems.EasternvarietieslikeIdakhoandTachonihavehistoricallyconservativesystemswithacontrastbetween/H/and/Ø/verbroots.Intheselanguages,sometensesareinflectedwitha‘melodicH’thatlinkstoapositionatoneoftheedgesofthestem,e.g.secondmora,finalvowel.SouthwesternLuyiavarietieslikeKhayoandSaamiahavedevelopedintoso-called‘predictable’systemsinwhichtherearenolexicalcontrastsinverbroots,andalltensesareinflectedwithamelodictone.YetotherLuyiavarietieshavehybridproperties,withalexicalcontrastbetweentwotonaltypesofroots,andamelodictonalinflectioninallverbforms.Someofthesesystems,e.g.NyoleandNyalaEast,appeartohaveinvertedrootHtonesassynchronically/L/,whileothers,e.g.BukusuandWanga,aremoreambiguousastowhetherhistorically*Hverbrootsaresynchronically/H/or/L/.ThroughoutBantu,nominaltoneislesswellstudiedthanverbaltone,duetothefactthatnounsaremorphologicallysimplerandtendnottohaveinflectionalalternations.However,emergingresearchsuggeststhatatleastsomeLuyianountonesystemsrivaltheirverbaltonesystemsincomplexity.Forinstance,eightdistinctlexicaltonalpatternsareattestedindisyllabicnounstemsinthecentralLuyiavarietyWanga—ahistoricaldoublingofthefourpatternsreconstructedforProto-Bantu(LL,HH,LH,HL).TwopatternssurfaceallLinphrase-finalposition:tonelessomu-limi‘farmer’vs.L-finalaxasì‘maternalcousin’.Thesetwopatternsdistinguishthemselvesphrase-medially.ThreeothertonepatternsarecharacterizedbyasingleHthatoc-cupiesdifferentpositions:eʃi-láaro‘shoe’vs.omu-laáme‘heir’vs.i-koofyá‘hat’.ThreefurtherpatternsarecharacterizedbytwoHs,againdifferinginthepositionsoftheHs:eʃi-muúꜜná‘squir-rel’vs.eʃiꜜ -túúyu‘rabbit’vs.liiꜜ -téété‘grasshopper’.AsseemstobethenorminLuyia,thereisalsosignificantinternaldiversityinthelexicaltonalpatternsofnouns.Forexample,fourmainlexicalpatternsareattestedinBukusu.Thereisthefamiliartonelesspattern,e.g.omu-limi‘farmer’.TheotherthreepatternshaveaHontheaugment,anddifferfromoneanotherinwhetherthereisasecondHonthestem,and,ifso,itslocation:kúmu-xono‘arm’vs.kúmu-xomwá‘whip’vs.kúmu-βáno‘knife’(realizedaskúmú-βánoduetoaruleofplateau).ThistalkaimstobeginthechallengingtaskofexplainingthediversificationandcomplexificationofmodernLuyiatonesystems.

7

Relativization in Kaakye LevinaAbunya(UniversityofGhana)E.KwekuOsam(UniversityofGhana) Thispaperdescribesrelativeclauses(RC)inKaakye.ItshowsthatKaakyeRCispostnominalandtheheadanditsreferentwithintheRCareobligatorilyexpressed.KaakyeusespronounretentionandgapstrategiestoindicatethepositionstheheadoccupiesintheRC.Withpronounretention,aresumptivepronounco-referencestheheadinperson,numberandanimacytostatethereferentoftheheadwithintheRC.AllNPpositionsontheAccessibilityHierarchyarerelativizable.Kaakyeemploysthe‘bracketingdevice’inrelativizationwheretwoenclosingrelativemarkersareplacedatthebeginningandendoftheRC.Evidencefromthelanguagesuggeststhattherelativemarkershavedevelopedfromdemonstratives.

Phonemic Quality Dist inction in Normal and Perturbed Speech in Twi KofiAduManyah(KNUST,Kumasi,Ghana) Non-pathologicalperturbedspeechisexamined.Previousstudiesindicatethatconsonantlengtheningaftershortvowelsmaycontributetoenhancingphonologicaldistinction.Whathappenstoquantitydistinctionunderincreasedspeakingrateconditionsandthecompressionthatmeasuredparametersmightundergo?Theoverwhelmingevidencefromacousticdatashowsthatincreaseinspeechrateleadstoacompressionofabsolutedurationsofvowelsaswellaspost-vocalicconsonants.Irrespectiveoftheexpansionorcompressionoftheacousticsignal,phonemicquantitydistinctionemergesconsistentlyintheVCdomain,andseemsindeedtobearobustphonologicalfeatureintheTwilanguage.

Adjectives in Sɛlɛɛ YvonneAgbetsoamedo(UniversityofGhana) ThispaperdescribesthevariousmeansbywhichpropertiesattributedtoentitiesareexpressedinSɛlɛɛ,aGhana-TogoMountains(GTM),Kwa(Niger-Congo)languagespokenbythepeopleofSantrokofiintheVoltaRegionofGhana.Sɛlɛɛhasthreegroupsofadjectives:(a)twounderivedadjectives,kplɛ‘big’andlɛ‘good’;(b)adjectivesderivedfromverbsbyaddingenclitic–letotheverbroot;forinstancetheverbsɛɛ‘toberipe’becomessɛɛle‘red’;and(c)alargegroupofideophonicadjectiveswhichischaracterizedbyreduplicativestemsandlongvowels.Theseincludekpɔlɔkpɔlɔ‘slippery’,kpalakpala‘sour’andtiii‘rigid’.

8

Rhetorical Ecologies Driving Linguist ic Change in West Africa G.EdzordziAgbozo(MichiganTechnologicalUniversity)TolulopeOdebunmi(MichiganTechnologicalUniversity) InWestAfricaof the21stcentury code-switching andpidginhavemovedfrombeingusedfor informalconversationsto beingrhetorical tropes,especially inmarketingads.MTN,atelecommunicationcompany,showsthisintheirad:MTN,e-debeekekeMTN,it-isbeautiful [Ga-Adagme] justMTN,itisjustbeautiful.ApoliticalpartyinGhanausedthisexpressionastheir2012and2016campaignslogan–NDC,edebeekeke.Herethereisacode-switchingamongGa-Adagme,GhanaianPidginandEnglishacronym.ThisstudypointstoachangingpatternoflanguageuseandoffersanewperspectiveofthedecolonialprojectincontemporaryWestAfrica.

Event Semantics of Akan Separation Verbs DorothyAgyepong(UniversityofCapeTown)Separationverbscanbeclassifiedintotwomaincategories;CUTandBREAK.CUTverbslexicalizeacausalagentwhereasBREAKverbsdonot.Forthisreason,BREAKverbsandnotCUTverbsareabletoparticipateinthecausative/inchoativealternation.ThispaperexaminesthesemanticpropertiesoftheseverbsinAkan,Kwa(Niger-Congo)andarguesthatdatafromAkanshowsomedeviationsfromthisclaim.InthepresenceofcertaintypesofNPs,thequintessentialBREAKverbbehavessemanticallyandsyntacticallylikeCUTverbsandviceversa.Thepaperpresentsthevariouscontextsofsuchdeviations.

Consonant Mutation in Esahie GeorgeAkanlig-Pare(UniversityofGhana,Legon)VictoriaOwusu-Ansah(UniversityofGhana,Legon) Esahie,alsoknownasSewhi,isaTano/Central-ComoelanguageofthebroaderKwalanguagefamilywhichisspokenintheSouth-easternpartofGhana,andpartsoftheIvoryCoast.Itdisplaysacomplexseriesofconsonantalternationsknownasconsonantmutationintherealizationofallomorphsofmorphemes.Unlikeassimilatoryprocesseswheresoundsinadjacentpositionsexertchangeinfluencesoneachotherbasedonfeaturaldifferencesperse,inthecaseofconsonantmutation,thesoundchangesareinducednotsomuchbysuchfeaturaldifferences,butprimarilybymorpho-syntacticfunctions.Inthispresentation,weexaminevoicing,strictureandplacemutationsthataretriggeredintheprocessofmarkingnumberinnominalsaswellastense/aspectinflectiononverbsinthislanguage.

9

The Syl lable Structure of Bùl ì Words GeorgeAkanlig-Pare(UniversityofGhana) ThispaperdiscussesthestructureofthesyllableinBùlì,aGurlanguagespokeninthenorthernpartofGhana.ItcontendsthatthemaximalsyllableinthelanguageisaCV-syllableandthateventhoughatthesurfacelevel,CVC-syllabletypesarerealized,thesearemostlysurfacealternatesofdisyllabicCVCVforms.InthesurfaceCVCform,therealizationofthecodaisalsoconstrained.Onlythreenasalsandtwoobstruentsoutof23consonantsmayoccurhere.Amongthem,onlyone,anasaliscoronal,andtheonewhichhastheleastincidenceofoccurrence.ApparentVCandV-syllabletypesarealsonormallyarticulatedwithaglottalstopinonsetpositionandinloanwordswithcoda,suchcodaarere-syllabifiedintoonsetthroughepenthesis.VC-syllablescharacteristicallyhavethe[Coronal,+Anterior]nasalinthecoda,whichinnormalspeechnasalizesthevowelandgetsdeleted.FurtherevidenceinsupportofaCV-syllabletypeforBùlìisderivedfromcomparingcognatesfromcloselyrelatedGurlanguages.WhereinBùlì,thesecognatesarerealizedasCVC,intherelatedlanguages,theyareCVCV-syllableforms.

The Typology of NC Sequences in Central Tano AkinbiyiAkinlabi(RutgersUniversity)AugustinaOwusu(RutgersUniversity) TheCentralTanolanguagesofGhanaandCoteD’Ivore,includingAkan,Nzima,Anyi,BauleandAnuf,havevaryingdegreesofalternationinNCsequences.Inthispaperwediscussthevariationamongthelanguages.InAkan,voicedobstruentsbecomenasals,keepingtheirunderlyingplacesofarticulation.Voicelessobstruentsontheotherhandarefaithfultotheirunderlyingforminvoicing,nasalityandplaceofarticulation.InAnyi,voicedobstruentsbecomenasals,asinAkan.However,voicelessobstruentsbecomevoicedafterthenasal,unlikeAkan.Finally,affricates,voicedorvoiceless,resistchange.ThefactsofNzimaformsarebroadlysimilartothoseofAnyi.However,onlytherelicsoftheNCalternationremaininBaule,whereonlythelabialobstruent[b]completelychangesto[m]afternasals.Thefactsofthefourlanguagesareaccountedforwithinteractionsthesamesetofmarkednessandfaithfulnessconstraints.

An OT Analysis of Consonant Deletion in Ì jẹ ṣà Yorùbá VictorT.Alabi(IndianaUniversity) IexamineconsonantdeletioninÌjẹṣàdialectofYorùbáusingOptimalityTheory.TheYorùbálanguage,amemberoftheBenue-CongolanguagefamilyisspokenasalinguafrancainSouth-WestNigeria.SeveralYorubadialectsarespokeninthisregion,e.g.theÌjẹsàdialect,spokenbythepeopleinIléṣà,Ọ" ṣunState.Icomparethe(Standard)YorùbáandÌjẹṣàYorùbáexploringthedeletionsofglide/w/andliquid/r/beforeanyroundedvowelinÌjẹṣàYorùbáwith*Onset-W:assignaconstraintviolationfortheconsonant/w/;and*Onset-R:assignaconstraintviolationfortheconsonant/r/;beingthehighestrankedconstraints.

10

Saving the Face of Kings: The Ideology of Superiority in Yorùbá Discourse YewandeAluko(IndianaUniversity) ThispaperisaresearchintotheideologyofsuperiorityreflectedinsomeYorùbáproverbs,idomaticexpressions,euphemisms,andcircumlocutions,employedinsomespeechevents.ApplyingFaircloughandvanDijk'sapproachestoCriticalDiscourseAnalysisandMey'sPerspectivizationondatacollectedfromnativespeakersoftheYorùbálanguage,novelssituatedintheYorùbáculture,andYorùbáMovies,itwasobservedthatsomeofthesecommunicationstrategieswerenotonlyreflectingpolitenessbutarealsoideologicalrepresentationsofsuperiority,andthisindexicalizesthevaluetheYorùbáplacesonpositionandstatus.

Focus Construction in Ibibio OgbonnaAnyanwu(UniversityofUyo)AaronNwogu(UniverisityofCalabar)MarkOrji(UniveristyofCalabar)ImmaculateOkoro(UniveristyofUyo) TheIbibiofocusconstructionspresentasyntacticprocessthatmovesthefocusconstituenttotheleftperiphery,thusallowingfocusedmaximalprojections(i.e.elementsofthetypeXP)tosurfaceattheleft-adjacentpositiontothemorphemeke,thefocusmarkerleavinganemptycategoryintheIP-internalpositionItisarguedinthepaper,thatthefocusstrategyinIbibiorequiresaleftwardmovementofthefocusedconstituentintothespecifierorheadpositionofafunctionalprojectionsFocPwhosehead,Focisspecifiedas[+F].ItisfurtherproposedthatIbibiofocusconstituentsaresubjectedtoalicensingconditionthatissatisfiedinovertsyntax(i.e.atPF)withtherequirementthatanyconstituentspecifiedas[+F]mustbeinSpec-Headconfigurationwitha[+F]headandvice-versa.Itisundersuchasymmetricalcheckingdomainthatthefocusedconstituentmustraiseinovertsyntaxtocheckitsfocusfeatures(Aboh2004;Rizzi1991,1996,1997;Brody1990;Chomsky1995).

Male and Female Parents’ Indigenous Occupational Roles and Intergenerational Transfer of Indigenous Vocabulary: Evidence from Igbo OgbonnaAnyanwu(UniversityofUyo)AaronNwogu(UniverisityofCalabar)MarkOrji(UniveristyofCalabar)ImmaculateOkoro(UniveristyofUyo) Thepaperexaminesmaleandfemaleparents’indigenousoccupationalrolesandtheirinfluenceonintergenerationaltransferofindigenousIgbovocabularyitems.Thedataforthestudyweregatheredfrommaleandfemalerespondentsbetweentheagesof15to25yearswholivewithbothparentsengagedinindigenousoccupationsinthesub-urbanareasofthecapitalcitiesofthefiveSouth-EasternStatesofNigeriawhereIgboisindigenouslyspoken.ThefindingsofthestudyrevealthatthereisevidenceofendangermentofindigenousIgbovocabularyitemsassociatedwithbothmaleandfemale

11

indigenousoccupationalactivities.Boththemaleandfemalerespondentshadhigherperformancepercentagescoresintheirknowledgeandidentificationofindigenouslexicalitemspeculiartothewomenoccupation.Thefemalerespondentshowever,hadhigherperformancepercentagescoresinthelexicalitemsassociatedwiththemen/womenoccupationalactivitieshence,itisthefemales,thatconstitutestrongagentsintheintergenerationaltransferoftheIgbolanguage.

Linguistic Genocide Against Development of Signed Languages in Africa EmmanuelAsonye(UniversityofNewMexico,Albuquerque)MaryEdward(UniversityofBrighton,Easbourne)GeorgelineEzinne(SavetheDeafandEndangeredLanguagesInitiative)NdidiAnike(SavetheDeafandEndangeredLanguagesInitiative) ThispaperarguesthattheAfricanDeafcommunitiesarerichinsignedlanguageswhichhavecontinuedtosufferfromlackofdevelopmentduetolinguisticgenocide;itarguesthatAfricansignedlanguageshaveuniquegrammaticalstructuresdeservingtobedeveloped,anddemonstratepatternsoftheeffectsoflinguisticgenocideonsignedlanguagesinAfricaandtheirusers.Amultidisciplinaryapproachwasusedinthedatacollectionandanalyses-simplequestionnairesandinterviewsfromdeafindividuals,deafeducatorsandsignlanguageinstructors.FindingsshowthatthesesignlanguageshavedevelopeduniquestructuralfeaturesdistinctfromtheASLoranyotherimposingsignlanguage.

Automated Classif ication of Ideophonic Sound Patterns in Wolof RebekahBaglini(StanfordUniversity)ArthurHjorth(NorthwesternUniversity) CommoninAfricanlanguages,ideophonesaremarkedwordswhichiconicallydepictsensoryexperiences.Becauseoftheirnon-arbitraryform-meaningassociations,ideophonestendtohaveunusualphonotacticsThisprojectusescomputationaltoolsBayesianclassificationtoinvestigatethedegreetowhichphonotacticfeaturesdistinguishideophonesfromnon-ideophonicverbsinWolof(NigerCongo,AtlanticBranch;Eth:Wo).Weextractedasetofthreedistinctphoneticfeaturesfromacorpusof200+ideophonesand900+non-ideophonicverbsdrawnfromtheWolofWikipedia.Usingthesefeatures,wetrainedandtestedaBayesianclassifierandfoundthatitwasabletoidentifyideophoneswithahighlevelofaccuracy.

An HG Analysis of Word-Final Vowel Deletion and Reduction in Gulmancema MaggieBaird(DartmouthCollege)

Gulmancema(Gur,BurkinaFaso)displaysanoveralldispreferenceforword-finaltensevowelsphrase-medially.Repairsincludevowelreductionandvoweldeletion,whichvarybothacrossandwithinphonologicalcontexts.ThisworkwillprovideanoverviewofthecomplexdatapatternsanddescribeaweightedconstraintapproachtothedatapatternsusingaMaximumEntropyHarmonicGrammar.

12

Weightedconstraintsarepreferredtorankedconstraintsduetovariabilityinthedataandtoaccountforcasesofconstraintganging,includingsuperadditivity.

Word Order in Senufo Nafara DPs BertilleBaron(GeorgetownUniversity) SenufoNafaraDPsshowtheparticularlyrareunmarkedwordorder[NAPDefDemNumeral].Inthiscartographicaccount,theproposedderivationusesroll-upandspec-to-specmovementoperationstogeneratethiswordorder(Aboh2004,Cinque2005).Thisanalysisreliesontwomainclaims:thereisaninflectionaldomainƩPunderNuminwhichmodifiersareinthespecifierpositionoftheirownfunctionalprojections(Aboh2004);andEPP-featuresaregeneralizedtoalluɸ-features(Baker2003,Carstens2005).ThisanalysisbuttressesAboh’sworkonGbeandshowspromiseinaccountingforotherWestAfricanlanguagesshowingrareDP-internalwordorders.

The Rusty Speaker Paradox: Nyang’i Personal Pronouns and Semi-speaker-based Language Description SamuelBeer(UniversityofColoradoBoulder) Insemi-speaker-basedlanguagedescription,formsfoundinfreeornaturalspeech(e.g.innarratives)areoftenmorereliablethanformsproducedunderduress(i.e.indirectelicitation).Ontheotherhand,semi-speakers’useofavoidancestrategiesinnarrativesoftenmeansthatparadigmsbasedonnarrativedataareinevitablyincomplete.UsingthepersonalpronounsystemofNyang’i(Kuliak,Uganda),alanguagerememberedbyasinglesemi-speaker,Iillustratetheabovemethodologicalparadoxandexploretheutilityofcomparativeandinternalreconstructioninharmonizingdatacollectedviathedisparatemethods.

“We’re Al l Speaking Gibberish Here:” Discourses of Speakerhood in Iyasa AnnaBelew(UniversityofHawaii) ThispaperpresentsaninvestigationoflanguageideologiesregardingspeakerstatusinIyasa,anendangeredBantulanguageofCameroonandEquatorialGuinea.Usingadiscourse-analyticapproachtodatafromsociolinguisticinterviews,thisstudyexaminesthewaysinwhichIyasapeopleconstructtheidentityof‘good’or‘authentic’speakerhood—suchaspositioningrural,elderlymenaslanguageauthorities—andthewaysinwhichlocallanguageideologiesmaycomeintoconflictwiththosebroughtalongbyanoutsideacademicresearcher.Finally,thisstudyconsiderstheimplicationsoflocalideologiesofspeakerhoodforconductingeffectivelanguagedocumentationandrevitalization.

13

Atypical Opacity in Rutooro Phonology LeeBickmore(UniversityofAlbany) Rutooro,aUgandanBantulanguage,exhibitsbothMidVowelHarmony,whereahighvowellowerstomidwhentheprecedingvowelismid,aswellasConsonantMutation,wherecertainsuffixesinducelenitionoftheimmediatelyprecedingconsonant.Giventhedescriptionsofthesetwoprocesses,theyarguablystandinableedingrelationship.ButwhatactuallyresultsinRutooroareformswhichareneithertheresultofthebleedingorcounterbleedingofthesetworules.Itisarguedthatresultingopaquesurfaceforms,unlesssomewhatarbitrarilycomplicated,exemplifyanatypicalopacity,andareproblematicforbothrule-basedandconstraint-basedaccounts.

Bafut Loanwords: An Optimality Theory Analysis KathyAnnBirnschein(BaptistCollegeofMinistry)

InthispaperIanalyzeEnglishloanwordsfromBafut(Tamanji2009),anEasternGrassfieldsBantulanguageofCameroon,usinganOptimalityTheoreticalframework.IdemonstratethatBafuthasfourinviolableconstraintsthatdisallowconsonantclusters,requireaminimumwordlength,limitthesyllablecodatoanasal,andrequirethattheleftedgeofthestemalignitselfwiththeleftedgeofthesyllable.Itemploysvowelepenthesisandconsonantdeletiontoresolveconsonantclustersintheonsetandcoda,respectively,andsorequiresthreeviolableconstraintsrankedwithrespecttoeachotherandbelowtheinviolableconstraints.Tamanji,Pius.2009.AdescriptivegrammarofBafut.http://www.africananaphora.rutgers.edu/images/stories/downloads/casefiles/bafutgs.pdf(Accessed6July,2016)

Comparative Constructions in Tafi MercyBobuafor(UniversityofGhana) Thispaperdescribesconstructionsforcodingsimilarity,equalityorsuperiorityamongtwoormoreentitiesinTafi,aKA-Ghana-Togo-Mountainlanguage.SuperiorityandequalityareexpressedinSVCs:V1denotesthePARAMETERwhiletheV2s(‘exceed’and‘be.equal’)co-lexicaliseboththeMARKandINDEXofthecomparison.Similarityinvolvesverblesstopic-commentstructures,theconnectivenânsí‘like.say’whichmarksandindexestheSTANDARDortheverbyi‘resemble’astheMARKandINDEXlinkingtheCOMPAREEandtheSTANDARD.Comparisoncanalsobeinferredfromverbssuchasbusó‘do.first’.Tafidoesnotformallycodeasuperlative.Itisinferred.

Optional Past Tense in Wolof M.RyanBochnak(LeipzigUniversity)MartinaMartinovic(LeipzigUniversity) Wediscussthetensemorpheme(w)ooninWolof(Niger-Congo),wheretenseisnotanobligatorycategory.Plungian&vanderAuwera(2006)analyze(w)oonas“discontinuouspast”,meaningroughly“pastandnotpresent”.Weargue(w)oondenotesaplainpasttense,similartooptionaltensesintheNativeAmericanlanguagesWashoandTlingit,andthatthemeaning“...andnotpresent”isacessation

14

implicature,whichcanbedefeated,arisingduetotheexistenceoftenselessclauses.Ouranalysisaddstothemountingcross-linguisticevidencethat“discontinuouspast”doesnotexistasagrammaticalcategory,butratherthatcessationinferencesareduetotheoptionalityofpastmarking.

Intensifying Ideophones in Three Luhya Languages MargitBowler(UCLA)JohnGluckman(UCLA) Ideophonesaredescribedas“markedwordsthatdepictsensoryimagery”(Dingemanse2011:25);theyarearedocumentedinmanylanguages,particularlyinAfrica(Voeltz&Killian-Hatz2001,Hintonetal.1994,amongothers).Ideophoneshavereceivedrelativelylittleattentionintheformalliterature,despitetheinterestingpuzzlesthattheyraisefortheoriesofmorphology,syntax,andsemantics.WeprovideacasestudyofideophonesinthreeLuhyalanguages(Luragooli,Lunyore,andLutiriki:Bantu,Kenya),showthattheydifferfromotherdocumentedideophonesystemsinAfrica,giveadegree-basedproposalfortheirsemanticcontribution,anddiscussthetheoreticalpuzzlesthattheyraise.

Tone, Orthographies, and Phonological Depth in African Languages MichaelCahill(SILInternational) MarkingoftoneinAfricanorthographiesisachallenge,notonlyforanalyticalreasons,butalsobecausemostdesignersofthesehavebeeneducatedinanon-tonallanguage.ThispaperreviewsvariouswaysthatbothlexicalandgrammaticaltonearemarkedinseveralEastandWestAfricanlanguages,aswellaswhentoneisnotmarked.InlightofmorerecentphonologicaltheorythanChomskyandHalle(1968),Iexaminethephonologicallevelatwhichtonemarkingshouldbebased,bothforunderlyingtonesandfortheresultsoftonerules.Finally,Iclosewithtentativerecommendationsfororthographicalimplementations.

Nguni Phrase-Final Focus Particles and Antisymmetry Theory VickiCarstens(SouthernIllinoisUniversity)JochenZeller(UniversityofKwaZulu-Natal) ZuluandXhosaexpress'only'withthephrase-finalparticlekuphela.(1) Ngu-Sipho kuphelao-ya-sebenza kuphela. COP.AUG-1a.Siphoonly 3S.REL-DISJ-cook only 'It'sonlySiphowhoonlyworks'Weshowthatkuphelamustc-commanditsassociate,likeEnglish'only'.Thatkuphelaappearstotheassociate'srightisaseriouschallengeforantisymmetrytheory(Kayne1994)underwhichhierarchymapsinvariantlyintolinearorder.WealsoshowthatrecentLCA-inspiredapproachestophrase-finalparticlesfail(seeBiberaueretal2014,Erlewine2016)andconcludethatkuphelaisanadjunctexemptfromtheLCA(Takano2003).

15

Vowel Processes in Gusi i JonathanChoti(MichiganStateUniversity) ThistalkisadescriptionandanalysisofvowelprocessesinGusii,arelatively under-describedBantulanguageofKenya.Thetargetphonologicalprocessesareobservedacrossadjacentmorphemes andwords. This work accounts for these alternations in terms ofphonetic andphonologicalconditioning. The relevantprocesses include fusion, gliding,deletion,harmony,lengthening,andinsertion.Theseareillustratedin(a-e):

a./e-bi-ino/AUG-CL7-tooth‘smallteeth’

à[ebi:no] (fusion)

b./o-mo-ana/AUG-CL1-child‘child’

à[omwa:na](gliding,lengthening)

c./o-go-soom-i-aAUG-CL15-teach-CAUS-FV‘toteach,teaching’

à

[ogoso:mi]

(deletion)

d./ó-mo-kɔ /AUG-CL1-brother/sister-in-law‘brother/sister-in-law’

à[ɔmɔkɔ ] (harmony)

e./N-tom-e/1SG-send-FV‘Isend’

à[(i)ntome] (insertion)

Rural vs. Urban Zulu: The Loss of yi in Reduplication ToniCook(UniversityofVermont) ThispaperpresentsZuludatafromruralandurbanareasofSouthAfrica’sKwaZulu-Natalprovince.Thevariableinquestionisword-internalyiinthereduplicationofmonosyllabicverbstems.Theresultsshowthatyiisstratifiedalongsociolinguisticlines,withthismorphemebeinglostinreduplicationamongurbanspeakers.Althoughthesespeakersretainyiintheimperativeofmonosyllabicverbs,itisunavailableinreduplication.Alongwitharural-urbandivide,thedatasuggestanageeffectaswell,withyoungerruralspeakerslesslikelytoproduceoracceptreduplicationscontainingyithanolderruralspeakers.Thistrendindicatesthatratherthanstablevariation,itisbetterunderstoodasachangeinprogress.

A Phonetic Study of Yoruba Vowel Deletion: A Case of Incomplete Neutral ization? NickDanis(RutgersUniversity) AphoneticstudyofYorubavoweldeletion(/CV1+V2/→[CV2])showsthatthevowelthatremainsafterdeletionisslightlybutsignificantlylongerthanashortvowelinnon-deletionalcontexts(p<0.001).Theexperimentcontrolledforinherentvoweldurationandvoicing/mannerofarticulationofthesurroundingconsonants.Previousphonologicalaccounts(e.g.Akinlabi&Oyebade1987;OlaOrie&

16

Pulleyblank2002)analyzethisprocessasfullvoweldeletion,butbecausetheresultingvowelisincompletelyneutralizedwithasimplevowel,alternativeanalysesarediscussed.ThisalsorelatestoasimilarresultwithYorubatone(Ajíbóyèetal.2011)inthesamesyntacticconfiguration.

Did SA’s Pol it ical Parties Promote ‘Multi l ingualism’ During the Last Elections? ThaboDitsele(TshwaneUniversityofTechnology) ThespiritofSouthAfrica’sConstitutionisthat‘multilingualism’shouldbepromotedasameanstofostersocialcohesionandnation-building,withaviewtouniteitspeopleinacountrywithacenturies-longhistoryofracialsegregation.However,EnglishandAfrikaansremainthecountry’sdominantlanguages.Thisstudyaimedatinvestigatingtheextenttowhichpoliticalpartiesusedthecountry’s11officiallanguagestopromote‘multilingualism’duringthelastelectionsheldonAugust3,2016.DataweregatheredinTshwane(orgreaterPretoria)andfocusedonthebiggestpoliticalpartiesinTshwane.

Pieces of the Periphery: A Glance into the Cartography of Ibibio's CP Domain John-PatrickDoherty(UniversityofKansas) Cartographicstudiesoftheleftperipheryidentifyaconstantorderingofphrasesattheclausaledge.ThisorderishypothesizedastheresultofapredeterminedfunctionalsequencethatispartofUniversalGrammar.ProposalsforthisuniversalsequencemaketestablepredictionsabouttheorderingofprojectionswithinanyCP.Thesephrasesarevisiblethroughactivationbysyntacticphenomenathatmakethemovert.Ibibio(Niger-Congo)featuresaricharrayofperipheralelementsandstructure.TherelativeorderingofthephrasesinIbibioexaminedherereflectsproposeduniversalunderlyinghierarchicalstructureoftheleftperiphery,butmayrequireadditionalprojections.

Elucidating Dogon Prosodic Structures: The Case of Liquid ‘Fl ip-Frops’ in Beni (Dogon) MichaelDow(UniversitédeMontréal)ChrisGreen(SyracuseUniversity)RyanHendrickson(UniversityofMichigan) LiquidsinBeni(Heath2009)aresubjecttostrictlinearrestrictionsacrosscertainroot-suffixboundaries,whereallcombinationscollapseonto[l…r](e.g.,/ɔru-li/à[ɔli-ri]‘moist-INCH’).Thesepatternsareparticulartoderivationalmorphology(e.g.,[li:li]‘accompany’),andinflectionalsuffixesfailtotriggerstemalternations.Inouranalysis,lateralizationfeedslateraldissimilation(e.g.,/ɔru-li/>|ɔli-li|>[ɔli-ri]).WelooktolateralizationandotherprocessesasevidenceofBeni’sprosodicstructure,wherethesecondsyllableonsetpositionofwordsshowmetricalweakness,inlinewithprevioustrochaicanalyses.

17

Prosodic Restructuring in Somali Nominals LauraJ.Downing(UniversityofGothenburg)MorganNilsson(UniversityofGothenburg) ItisuncontroversialthatinSomalinomorethanoneHightonecanoccurperPhonologicalWord(PWord).MoreproblematicistodeterminewhichmorphologicalconstructionscontributeaHightoneandtoprovideaformalaccountofthepositionandnumberofHightonesthatoccur.Preliminaryresultsofourstudyoftheprosodyofnominalconstructions,basedonelicitationdata,showsthatsomemorphologicalconstructionsdonothavetheHightonepatternsexpectedfromworklikeHyman(1981),Saeed(1999)andGreen&Morrison(2015).Weproposethepatternsaretheresultofprosodicrestructuring,whichappearstobetypicalofthesekindsoftonalsystems.

Herero Verb Tone KristopherEbarb(UniversityofMissouri)MilntraRaksachat(UniversityofMissouri) ThistalkoverviewsthetonalphonologyofHereroverbs(Bantu,Namibia,R.30).Weidentifythreetonalclassesofverbs,anddescribetheeffectofthetoneclasses,inflectionaltonemelodies,andhigh-tonedaffixesonverbalstemtonepatterns.Wealsodiscusstherelationshipoflexicaltoneclasseswithapatternofsegmentalallomorphyrelatedtotense-marking.Someconstructions,e.g.theRecentPast,areinflectedwithafinalvowel(FV)thequalityofwhichisdeterminedpartlybytheverb’stonalclass,thenumberofstemsyllables,andtheidentityofthefinalconsonantandvoweloftheroot.

Tone Assimilation in Yorùbá Agentive Aff ixed Nominals TaiwoEhineni(IndianaUniversity) ThispaperexaminestoneassimilationinYorubaderivedcontexts.BasedondatawithinthecontextofagentiveaffixedformsinYoruba,IarguethattoneassimilationinYorubaaffixedagentivenominalsisinfluencedbythetonalitystructureofthebasewhereonlytheMLandMHverbbaseformsassimilatetonefromanominalizingprefixandalsothetonalqualityoftheaffix.Thatis,prefixescarryingLowtone,unlikeMidtoneprefixes,maytriggertoneassimilationwithintheaffixalconstruction.

A Pragmasemantic Investigation of Metaphor (Un)translatabil ity in Arabic Rel igious Discourse KamelAElsaadany(GulfUniversityofScienceandTechnology) Thisstudyinvestigatesmetaphor(un)translatabilityinQuran.ItaimstoanalyzedifferenttranslationsofselectedmetaphorsinQuranandtoexploretheproblematicareasintranslatingthem.ItstheoreticalframeworkadoptsapragmasemanticapproachinanalyzingmetaphortranslationsintheQuran.Thestudyfindingsshowthatthereisnoone-to-oneequivalencebetweenthemetaphoricelementsinArabic/English.TheprocessoftranslatingmetaphorsinQuranintoEnglishisproblematicbecauseofthelinguisticandsocio-culturaldiversityofbothArabicandEnglish.Theprinciplesofconceptualmetaphortheoryprovedsuitableforeverydaymetaphors,buttheyencountermanychallengesinrendering

18

metaphorsinreligioustextsthatchallengetranslatorswhostruggletoconveytheintendedmeaningofQuranicmetaphors.ThechallengeisclearforbothorientalandwesterntranslatorsofmetaphorsintheQuran.

Negotiating Identity through Personal Names among Nigerian Pentecostals NgoziUgoEmeka-Nwobia(EbonyiStateUniversity,Nigeria) ApplyingFishman(2006)’sprincipleofSociologyofLanguageandReligionthepaperexploresthenexusbetweenPentecostalismasasubcultureanditseffectonpersonalnamesasalinguisticresourceforidentityconstruction.Datafrom selectedPentecostalchurchesandschoolsinNigeriarevealashiftfromAfricannamesthatreflectthelinguistic,philosophicalandgeographicalinformationofthenamegiver/bearer.ThereisgrowinglinguisticpreferencefornamesinEnglishformsbutwithretentionofindigenousthoughtpatterns.Thepaperarguesthatnames,justlikelanguageprovidemeansofexpressionofidentity;andreligionplaysapivotalroleinlanguageshiftandmaintenance.

The Syntax and Semantics of Akan HIT verbs EmmaSarahEshun(UniversityofGhana) ThispaperexploresthesyntacticandsemanticpropertiesofHITverbsinAkan,aKwa(Niger-Congo)languagespokeninGhana.HITverbsinAkanexhibitmonomorphemic,serialverblexicalizationandreduplicationproperties.Dowty(1991:576)arguesthatinThematicrolesasPrototype,theProto-rolesdonotclassifyargumentsexhaustively,someargumentsmaysharethesamerole.Thestudyrevealsthatindeserializedconstructions,someinanimatesubjectentitiesuniquelyshareAgent/Instrumentroleasunitaryelementanddisplayimpactofcausativecharacter.SomeHITconceptsalsoexhibitpolysemousdenotations.ThestudyusesdatafromvariouspublishedAkansources;FanteBible,novelsanddictionaries.

Towards a Unif ied Account for na in Akan JamesEssegbey(UniversityofFlorida)GaliaHatav(UniversityofFlorida) GrammaticalaccountsofnainAkanidentify2differentforms:low-tonenà(LT-na)andhigh-tonená(HT-na)towhichdifferentfunctionsareattributed.Wearguethatallusesofnaaresubcategoriesofasuper-category,Root-na.Root-nalinksthena-clausewithsomethinginthecommonground,i.e.,somethingthatappearedinthepreviouscontextorispresupposed.ItisspelledoutasaLT-naorHT-na,dependingonthekindoflinking.LT-namarksdiscoursecoherencerelationssuchasfocusandnarrative-sequence.HT-naisanintensionalmarkerwhichlinkstimesorpossibleworlds.

19

On the State Distinction and Case in Kabyle Berber LydiaFelice(McGillUniversity)InKabyle,nominalsmayappearintheFreeStateorConstructState.FreeStatenominalsarecharacterizedbypresenceoftheprefixa-.ConstructStatenominalslackthisprefix.NominalsintheFreeStateappearaspreverbalsubjects,complementsofcertainprepositions,andobjectsoftheverb.NominalsintheConstructStateappearaspostverbalsubjectsandcomplementsofcertainprepositions.IassumethattheFreeStatemorphemeisanintrinsiccasemarkeroccupyingK0.NominalsintheConstructStateareDPsthatmustbelicensedstructuralcase,whilenominalsintheFreeStateareKPsthatreceivecasefromtheFSmorphemea-.IproposethattreatingtheFSvowelasK0accountsforthefulldistributionofFreeStateandConstructStatenominal.

Efik Nominal Tonal Alternations as Phrasal Morphology EleanorGlewwe(UCLA) CertainEfiknominalconstructionsexhibitfixedtonalmelodiesthatoverwritenouns’underlyingtones.Previousanalysesofthesealternations(Welmers1973,Kim1974,Cook1985)arepurelyphonological.Workinginaconstraint-basedframework,Iproposethatthetonalalternationsareactuallyphrasalmorphology(McPherson2014).Thetonalmelodiesareoverlaysencodedinlexicalizedconstructionalschemasthatrelateidiosyncraticphrasalphonologywithspecificsyntacticconstructions.Theconstructionalschemasareenforcedbyconstraints.TheEfikcaseextendstheobservedrangeofphrasalmorphologybydemonstratingthatconstructionalschemaconstraintsandphonologicalconstraintscaninteracttodetermineaconstruction’ssurfacetones.

A Typological Study of Modality in the Luhya Languages. JohnGluckman(UCLA)MargitBowler(UCLA)MichaelDiercks(PomonaCollege)MauriceSifuna(KenyattaUniversity)KelvinAlulu(UnitedStatesInternationalUniversityinNairobi) WepresentacrosslinguisticstudyofmodalityinsixLuhyalanguages(Bantu,Kenya):Llogoori,Lubukusu,Lunyore,Lusaamia,Lutiriki,andLuwanga.WeshowhowtheLuhyamodalsystemconformstothetypologyofNauze(2008)andalsochallengeshissystem.OurdatacomefromoriginalfieldworkintheUnitedStatesandKenya,andwerecollectedusingamodifiedversionofVanderKlok’s(2014)modalfieldworkquestionnaire.Thisisthefirstin-depthdescriptivestudyofmodalityinBantu,anddirectlycontributestothebodyofresearchonmodaltypology(followinge.g.vanderAuweraandPlungian,1998;Palmer,2001;vanderAuweraandAmmann,2011).

20

Logophoricity and Coreference Constraints in Gengbe Attitude Reports ThomasGrano(IndianaUniversity)SamsonLotven(IndianaUniversity) WereportonnovelandpuzzlingfielddataconcerningclausalcomplementationinGengbe(Gbe,Niger-Congo).Thecorepuzzleisthatalogophoricsubjectunder‘want’isobligatorilyboundbyanantecedentintheimmediatelyhigherclausewhenthe‘want’-complementhaspotentialmoodbutobligatorilyboundbyanantecedentinamoreremoteclausewhenthe‘want’-complementhasjussivemood.Wedocumenttheseandrelatedfactsandconsidertheirimplicationsfortheoriesofcontrol,logophoricity,andmood.Wearguethatcontrolcomplementsareproperty-denotingandthatlogophoricityandjussivemoodaretwoindependentroutesforcreatingproperty-denotingclauses.

Towards a Typology of Tonal Compactness in Mande ChristopherGreen(SyracuseUniversity) Tonalcompactness(TC)involvestheneutralizationofthelexicaltonalmelodyofoneorbothelementsinmorphologicallycomplexwordsandsomephrases.OnlytwotypesofTCarereportedintheliterature;thispaperproposestwoadditionaltypes.IshowthateachhasincommonthattheheadPWdcontributesitstonalmelodytothemaximalPWdencompassingthelargerconstruction.ThemaximalPWdreceivesthehead’stonalmelody,distributingitacrossotherelements;however,theoutcomesofdistributionandtheunitsacrosswhichtonesaredistributedaretype-specific.

Quantitative Methods in African Linguist ics - Predicting Plurals in Hausa MatíasGuzmánNaranjoLauraBecker WewillpresentacasestudyonHausapluralclasses.Hausashowsanextremelycomplexpluralsystem,withover40pluralmarkers,includingbrokenpluralsandreduplication,whichcanbegroupedinto15majorclassesNewman(2000).Additionally,multiplenounsexhibitoverabundance.Weproposeacomputationalimplementationofananalogicalmodelusingneuralnetworks.Weimplementthismodelbyusingformalfeaturesofthesingularformofthenouns:lastconsonant,lasttwovowels(withtheirtone),thelengthofthesingularandtheCVstructureofthelastfoursegments.

Implications of Absolute Neutral isation on Harmonic Serial ism: A Jóola Case Study AbbieHantgan(SOAS) InJóolaBandialtheverbstems,[ɛ-xɔx]'totie',[na-xɔɣ-ɛ]'s/hetied'illustratethatthesameconsonant,[x],inthecontextexpectedforthesametypeoflenition,thatbeingfollowingavowel,surfacesas[x]andas[ɣ]respectively.Inthispaper,Iprovideanalternativeanalysisto(Bassène2012ː126)inwhich

21

theunderlyingformofthisrootis/-kɔk/‘tie’,andthatthetwoprocessesoflenitionaresensitivetotheapplicationofstressinthelanguage.TheresultsarediscussedwithrespecttoHarmonicSerialism(McCarthyJ.J.&PaterJ.2016).McCarthyJ.J.&PaterJ.(Eds.).Duncan,G.J.,&Brooks-Gunn,J.(Eds.).(2016).HarmonicGrammarandHarmonicSerialismAdvancesinOptimalityTheory.EquinoxPublishingLimited.Bassène,M.(2012).MorphophonologyofJoolaEegimaa.PhDthesis,UniversityofMinnesota.

Prosody and Cohesion in Ékegusií (Kisii) Narrative DanielW.Hieber(UniversityofCalifornia,SantaBarbara) Thispapershowshowprosodicfeatureslendcohesiontodiscoursebysignalingthetransitionsfromoneunitofdiscoursetothenext,therelationsthatholdbetweenthem,andtheirrelativeprominence.Iexaminesixprosodicfeaturesacross25narrativesinÉkegusií(Kisii),aGreatLakesBantulanguageofKenya–pause,vowelelision,prosodicaccent,pitchreset,isotony(intonationalparallelism),andintonationalcontour.Iexemplifythewaysthesefeaturesdemarcateconceptuallycohesiveunitsofdiscourse,createtiesbetweenonesegmentofdiscourseandanother,andindicatehow–andhowclosely–thenewdiscoursetopicrelatestotheoldone.

A Descriptive Overview of Noun Classes and the Morphosyntax of Agreement in Zaramo TobyHeiNokHung(GeorgetownUniversity) Bantulanguagesareknownfortheirrichmorphosyntacticsystems.ThisdescriptiveprojecthighlightsagreementinZaramo(G33),apreviouslyundocumented,moribundlanguagespokenprimarilybytheZaramogroupinthePwaniandDaresSalaamregionsofEasternTanzania.ThepresentationwillbeginwithasystemoforganizingZaramonounclasses,includingtheirsemanticcategories,thenmoveontotherulesthatgovernagreementmarking,particularlytheoccurrenceoftheobjectmarkerunderdifferentvalencyconditionsintheverbalcomplex.ThefindingssuggestthatnounclassesandagreementinZaramoarehighlysimilartoSwahili,despiteseveralkeydifferences.

Number and Animacy in the Teke Noun Class System LarryM.Hyman(UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley)FlorianLionnet(PrincetonUniversity)ChristophèreNgolélé(UniversitéCatholiqued’AfriqueCentrale) Inthispaper,wetracethedevelopmentofProto-BantunounclassesintoTeke(BantuB70,Ewodialect),showingthatformalreflexesofclasses1,2,5-9,and14aredetectable.Wefurthershowthatanimacy,abstractness,andnumberallowustodeterminethefateofclasses3,4,10,11andidentifythefollowingsingular/pluralgenders:1/2(animate<PB1/2,some9/10),1/8(inanimate,<PB3/4),14/8(abstract,<PB14/8),5/6(<PB5/6),5/9(<PB11/10,with10>9merger),7/8(<PB7/8),and9/6(<PB9/6).SuchreassignmentsprovideawindowintoprobingparallelnounclasschangesinotherNorthwestBantuandNiger-Congoingeneral.

22

Sonorant Acquisit ion in Yoruba Child Phonology AdebolaAyoolaIsaiah(KwaraStateUniversity) Segmentalacquisitionhasuniversaldevelopmentalstagesandlanguage-particulardevelopmentalstages.InthispaperIaddresstheacquisitionofconsonantalsonorantsinwordsbyYorubachildren.Ishowthatthereisaparticulardevelopmentalpatterncommontoallchildren.Thispatterncanbeaccountedforby(a)assumingtheemergenceofsegmentalmarkednessconstraints,(b)assumingthatthereisaninterfacebetweenphoneticsandphonologyintheoutcomeofthechild’ssoundinventoryateachdevelopmentalstage,and(c)notingthatthesubstitutionofconsonantalsonorantsisdonewithanotherconsonantalsonorantsbutnotobstruents.Irrespectiveofthevariationsamongchildren,thesystemicsimplificationmethodusedbyallchildreniscategorialsubstitution.

The Stative Morpheme in Kinyarwanda KyleJerro Idescribethestativemorpheme–ikinKinyarwanda(Bantu;Rwanda),whichhasanticausative,stative,andpotentialreadings.Ipresentaformalsemanticanalysisof-ikasadetransitivizingmorphemeinwhichthedifferentreadingsfollowfromverbmeaning,thetense/aspectoftheclause,andidiosyncraticrestrictionsoftheroot.ThelattermostfactisevidenceagainsttheBifurcationThesisofRoots(BTR),whichproposesthatsyntacticrootscannotentailachange.Specifically,the–ikmorphemeisonlyavailablewithrootswhichentailachange,anditisunexpectedontheBTRthattherootdeterminesthederivationalstrategy.

Presupposit ions and Other Projective Contents in Kiswahil i JessiJordan(OhioStateUniversity) ThisposterinvestigatespresuppositionprojectioninKiswahilibasedonfieldworkwithtwonativespeakerconsultants.Sixtriggersareexamined:kumaliza`tofinish',kuacha`tostop,toquit',kujua`toknow’,tena`again',pia`too',andappositivenounphrases(suchasmwalimuwangu`myteacher'orkakangumdogo`mylittlebrother').ThemethodologyfollowsdiagnosticsforprojectionproposedbyTonhauseretal.2013,allowingforcross-linguisticcomparisonwiththeirreportsonthephenomenoninEnglishandParaguayanGuaraní(TupíGuaraní).

Vowel Spl it in Kinshasa Lingala PhilotheKabasele(UniversityofCalgary) Thispaperinvestigatesthesplitof/o/into[o]and[u](hereins[o]ands[u])inKinshasaLingalaanddetermineswhethersplits[o]/s[u]occupiesdifferentphoneticspacefromthealreadyexisting[o]/[u],respectively.Thestudyinvestigateswhetherthissplitisprimaryorsecondary(Korchin,2013:614).APictureElicitationTaskwasadministeredto26participantstoelicitthedata.IusedPraattoextractthefrequencymeasurementsofthevowels.IusedLobanov(1971)z-scoreformulatonormalizethedata.Theresultsshowthat/o/isrealizedass[o]ors[u]whichhavemergedinto[o]and[u],respectively.

23

The Semantics of - ILE in Nyamwezi PonsianoS.Kanijo(UniversityofGothenburg) NyamweziisoneoftheBantulanguagesinwhich-ileencodesaresultativereadingwithinchoativeverbs.Nevertheless,someinchoativeverbs,including“perception”verbs,postureverbsandthoseverbsdenotingmentalprocessingandphysicalcondition,donotneatlyencodearesultativereading.Theseverbsgiveacontinuativereading,inwhichthereisnofinelineseparatingprioreventualityandthecurrentstate.Thesamecontinuativereadingoccurswithmotionverbs.Myanalysiswillprovidesomeinsightsandgivefurtherevidenceontherelationshipbetweenresultativeandcontinuativereadings,basedonelicitationdata.

Universal Quantif ication in the Nominal Domain in Kihehe KellyKasper-Cushman(IndianaUniversity) Thisstudyprovidesadescriptionoftheuniversalquantifiersmbe-ag2-li(‘all’)andkila(‘every’)inKihehe,aBantulanguagespokeninsouth-centralTanzania(G.62),andthuscontributestothescantliteratureonquantificationinBantulanguagesingeneral(Zerbian&Krifka2008).FollowingadescriptionofthepropertiesofthesequantifierswithintheNP,thisstudyanalyzeshowtheKihehedatabearonthephenomenaofcollectivevs.distributiveinterpretationsandthepartitiveconstruction.Finally,thisstudyarguesthattheKihehedatasupportMatthewson's(2001)hypothesisofnovariationcrosslinguisticallyinthesemanticsofquantifiers.

A-bar Agreement and the Tense-Aspect System in Bamileke Medumba HermannKeupdjio(UniversityofBritishColumbia)

A-baragreement(alsoknownaswh-agreement)isthemorphologicalreflexofA’-movement.Medumba“tense-marking”morphemesaresensitivetoA’–extraction.IproposethatA-baragreementisamove-basedphasalAgreeoperation.Therefore,agreementispredictedtoappearancewithsubjectsassubjectsmoveoncetoSpec-C.ExtractedobjectsfirstmovetotheedgeofvPwhereagreementisreflectedonV,thentoSpec-CwhereagreementisreflectedonT.Whenthereismorethanonetense-markingmorpheme,threeinstancesofA-baragreementarespelt-out.Iproposethatinthosecases,thereisanintermediatephasebetweenCPandvPheadedbyα.Thus,theobjectcrosses3phases:firstvP,thenαPandfinallyCP.

Two Strategies for Aff irmative Response to Polar Questions in Bamileke Medumba HermannKeupdjio(UniversityofBritishColumbia)MartinaWiltschko(UniversityofBritishColumbia) InMedumba,therearetwowaystosay“yes”asaresponsetoapolarquestion.Apolarquestioncanbeansweredwitheitherŋŋ orŋŋŋ.Thequestionthatarisesiswhethertheydifferfromeachother,andifsohow.Thispapershowsthatthetworesponsemarkersdifferintheirresponsetarget.Whileŋŋisused

24

torespondtothepropositionalcontentofthepolarquestion,ŋŋŋisusedtorespondtoabiasintroducedinthepolarquestion.

Antiagreement in Berber and Theory of Agreement KunioKinjo(RutgersUniversity) OneoftheissuesthathavebeenlivelydiscussedintherecentliteratureoftheoryofagreementbasedonChomsky’s(2000)probe-goalsystemisondirectionalityofAgree:whetheritproceedsdownwardsorupwards(Zeijlstra2012,Wurnbrand2014a.o).InthisstudyIclaimthat(a)probingisalwaysdownward,and(b)phrasescanserveasprobes,throughaninvestigationoftheso-calledantiagreementeffectinBerber(AAE;Ouhalla1993),anagreementsuppressioneffectcausedbysubjectextraction,withaspecialfocusonahithertounaccountedforcaseofAAEthatistriggeredbyanegativeconcorditem(Ouali2005).

Shona Subjects are Subjects JordanKodner(UniversityofPennsylvania) TherehasbeendebateoverthestatusofShonapre-verbalsubjects.Traditionalanalysesassumethatitspre-verbalsubjectpositionisanA-position(Harford1983,etc),whilesomerecentanalysessuggestthatShonaandotherBantupre-verbalsubjectsactuallyoccupyatopic,A’-position(Bliss&Storoshenko2008,etc).WeprovidenewevidencefortheA-positionanalysisfromNSIpre-verbalsubjectsandthelackofweakcrossover.Additionally,wecounterclaimsmadeinfavorofthesubject-as-topicanalysisrelatedtosupposedstrongcrossovereffects.Theargumentspresentedheremayproveinsightfulappliedtothesubject-as-topicanalysisforotherBantulanguagesaswell.

Person and Animacy Interaction in Akan and Gã Post-Posit ions SampsonKorsah(LeipzigUniversity) Thispaperproposesthattheovertversusnullrealisationsofpronominalcomplementsofpost-positionsinAkanandGaresultfromthegeneralmechanismthatregulatestherealisationofpronounsinbothlanguagesi.e.theovertonesmove,andthenullonesaredeletedinin-situ.LikeseveraloftheirKwaneighbours,inAkanandGa,therealisationofapronominalcom-plementofapost-positionisafunctionoftheanimacypropertyofitsnominalantecedent;animateonesarealwayspronounced,butinanimateonesareoftendeleted.Interestingly,thispronunciationdistinctionobtainsonlyforthirdpersonpronouns.Toformallyaccountforthesepatterns,Iassumethat:a. Thenominalcomplementofapost-positionstartsoutasacomplement(totheright)ofthepost-

position(seeAboh2005,2004).Thefactthatitappearstotheleftofitsselectingheadsuggestssomekindofdisplacementincourseofthederivation.

b. Animacyisthesemanticcorrelateofpersoninsyntax(seeRichards2015).Thismeansthatallanimatepronouns(includingfirstandsecondpersonpronouns,whichareneverinanimate)haveapersonfeatureinsyntax,whileinanimatepronounsdonot.

25

c. Nominalelementswithpersonfeaturesareattractedtoahigherposition(seeWoolford1999).Thismeansthatanimatenominalsareattractedfromtheirbase-position.

d. LinearisationfollowsKayne(1994)’ssystemi.e.high-to-lowmapsleft-to-right.Itfollowsthereforethatthenullpost-positionalcomplementsinAkanandGadonotmovehigher,forcingtheirdeletedin-situ,inordertomakelinearisationpossible.Animatepronounsontheotherhand,duetotheirpersonfeature,escapethisdeletionmechanismbecausetheyareattractedtoahigherspecifierbysomehigherfunctionalheadbearinganpersonprobe.

Comitative Constructions in Fon ReneeLambert-Bretiere(UniversityofMaryland,BaltimoreCounty) Fon,aKwalanguagemainlyspokeninBeninbyalmost2millionspeakers,exhibitstwotypesofcomitativeconstructions:onecomitativeserialverbconstructionwiththeverbxá‘toturn’inthesecondoftheseries,andoneconstructionexpressingcomitativityviaanadpositionalphrasekpó(ɖò)...kpó/kpán.ThetwocomitativeconstructionsinFonhavequitedifferentproperties.Theaimofthispresentationistoinvestigatetheirsimilaritiesanddifferencesinformsandfunctionsfromafunctional-typologicalpointofview.IdemonstratethatthedistinctionbetweenthetwocomitativeconstructionsinFonliesinwhichargumentistheprimaryparticipant,andwhichoneisthesecondaryone.

Common Plant Names in South Nilotic Akie KarstenLegère(UniversityofVienna) ThispresentationhastodowithcommonnamesforplantsintheAkielanguageofTanzania.Theidentificationoftheseplantnames(andplantusesfromanethnobotanicperspective)infieldworkandsubsequentspecimenanalysis(intheHerbarium/UniversityofDaresSalaam)resultedinarichdatacollectionthatisavailableintheDoBeSarchive,MPINijmegen/Netherlands.The450plantnameswillbeanalysedfortheorigin(i.e.Akie,borrowingfromMaaresp.trueMaasynonymorBantu[mainlySwahiliorneighbouringNgulu]),theselectionoflanguagespecificsingular–pluralpatternsandwordstructuresaswellasetymologicalaspects.

The Inflection of the Bembe Verb DerekLegg(UniversityofKentucky) ThispaperpresentsananalysisofverbaldatafromBembe,aBantulanguagespokenprimarilyintheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongo.BasedondatafromIorio(2015)andelicitationsofBembespeakersinLouisville,KY,IusetheNetworkMorphologyframework(Brown&Hippisley2012)toaccountforseeminglyirregularpatternsinBembeinflectionsuchasthepolyfunctionalityofsubject,object,andrelativizermarking,linkingtheframeworkwiththef-structureinLFG(Bresnanet.al2016).

26

Stem-Init ial Prominence in West and Central Africa: Niger-Congo, Areal, or Both? FlorianLionnet(PrincetonUniversity)LarryHyman(UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley)ChristophèreNgolele(HekimaUniversityCollege) Inthispaper,Ifocusonthedistributionofstem-initialprominence(SIP)inWestandCentralAfrica.Basedonapreliminarysampleofca.100genealogicallyandgeographicallydiverselanguages,Ishowthat1)SIPisattestedalmostexclusivelyinNiger-CongolanguagesoccupyingthegeographicalcoreoftheNiger-Congospreadzone;and2)thefewnon-Niger-CongolanguageswithSIPinthisareaareincontactwithNiger-Congolanguages,suggestingarealeffects.Iconcludethat,despitethefactthatitisattestedmostlyinNiger-Congo,SIPisbettercharacterizedasanarealfeaturewithinthecoreoftheNiger-CongospreadzonethanasaNiger-Congofeature.

Ultrasound Imaging of [d], [ɖ] , and [gb] in Gengbe SamsonLotven(IndianaUniversity)KellyBerkson(IndianaUniversity)StevenLulich(IndianaUniversity)Thisresearchpresentsthree-dimensionalimagingofthearticulationoftypologicallyunusualsoundsinGengbe,aGbelanguagespokeninSouthernTogoandBenin.OfnoteintheGengbeconsonantinventoryistheuncommoncoronalcontrastbetween[d]and[ɖ]aswellaslabialvelardoublearticulation[gb].Recentadvancesinultrasoundtechnologymakeitpossibletocapturedetailedthree-dimensionalimagesofthetonguesurfaceduringthearticulationofthesesounds,aboutwhichmuchremainstobelearned.

Wh-Interrogatives in Ibibio: Movement, Agreement and Complementizers TravisMajor(UCLA)HaroldTorrence(UCLA)Inthistalk,weinvestigatethesyntacticpropertiesofwh-questionconstructionsinIbibio,aLowerCrosslanguageofNigeria.WeshowthatIbibioexhibitsthreewh-strategies:wh-in-situ,partialwh-movement,andfullwh-movement.Wethenexaminehowthewh-questionstrategiesinIbibiointeractswiththecomplementizers:ke(declarative),mme(interrogative),andnaŋa.Wealsoexaminetheinteractionofwh-interrogationwithfocusmorphologyandagreementontheverbbylookingatthepropertiesofantiagreementinlongdistanceAʹ-extractioncontexts.

27

Tonal Inequalit ies in a Four-Tone Language: the Case of Seenku’s Middle Tones LauraMcPherson(DartmouthCollege) Seenkuisafour-toneMandelanguagespokeninBurkinaFaso,contrastingextra-low(X),low(L),high(H),andsuper-high(S).WhileXandSarefreetoappearinmanydifferentenvironments,themiddletonesLandHaresubjecttorestrictionsatboththelevelofthelexiconandonthesurface.Drawingondistributionaldatafromacorpusoftexts,Idiscusstherolediachronyplayedinthedevelopmentofsuchinequalitiesandhowtheyaremaintainedbythesynchronicgrammar.

Raising to Object in Lubukusu HazelMitchley(RutgersUniversity) InLubukusuDPscannothyper-raisepasttheagreeingcomplementizerAGR-li.CarstensandDiercks(2009)arguethatthisisbecauseAGR-liisahighC,whichactsasaphasehead,whilethenon-agreeingcomplementizerisalowC,andthereforenotaphasehead.Apotentialproblemforthistheoryliesinthefactthatispossibleto‘raisetoobject’acrossAGR-li.ThistalkattemptstodistinguishtheexactlocusoftheraisedDP(matrixDPvsleftperipheryoftheembeddedclause),anddeterminethetheoreticalimplicationsoftheDP’sposition.

The Lexicon of the Mixed Language Ma’á/Mbugu MaartenMous(LeidenUniversity) Ma’á/Mbuguisamixedlanguagewithajointgrammarandparallellexiconsharingmeaningandmorphosyntacticpropertiesbutwithtwodifferentforms,oneofwhichis“normal”Mbugu,aParelect,andtheotherformdifferentwithavarietyofsources.ThistalkisconcernedwithcorrelationsbetweenthevarioussourcesofthedeviantMa’áwordsandtheirsemanticfieldstakingadiachronicperspective,aswellaswiththewordsthatarenotdoubled,theiroriginandtheirsemanticfieldsandIlinkthistostudiesoflanguageattritionandthelexicon.

A Corpus Study of Swahil i Relative Clauses MohamedMwamzandi(UniversityofNorthCarolina-ChapelHill)

Themainobjectiveofthisstudyispresenting,viacorpusanalysis,possibleexplanationsforthechoicebetweenthetensed-relativeandtheamba-relativeclausesinSwahili(Niger-Congo,Bantu).100amba-relativesand102tensed-relativeswereextractedfromtheHelsinkiCorpusofSwahili.Analysisofthedatasetindicatesthattheamba-relativeisusedininstanceswherethetensed-relativeisrestricted.ThisstudypresentsanewperspectiveintheunderstandingofthepragmaticsofthetwoformsofSwahilirelativeclauses.Theresultsofthestudyshowthatthetensedrelativeisunmarked–morefrequentlyused.

28

The Phonetic Real ization of High Tone Spans in Luganda ScottMyers(UniversityofTexasatAustin) Lugandahasshorthightonespans,limitedtoasinglesyllable,aswellaslongones,coveringanunboundednumberofsyllables.Thisstudycomparesthesetwoclassesinf0scalingandtiming,andalsocompareslexicalhightonesandintonationalboundarytonessubjecttothesametonespreadprocesses.Theboundarytoneshadasmallerf0riseandfallexcursionthanlexicalhightones.Inshortspansthef0risewascompletedearlierinthesyllableandthesubsequentf0fallbeganlatercomparedtolongspans.Thissuggeststhatlongtonespanshavelongtransitions,likelongsegments.

Logophoric Reference in Ibibio LydiaNewkirk(RutgersUniversity)

IpresentnoveldatafromIbibio(CrossRiver,Nigeria)logophoricpronouns,suggestingthattheybehavelikeshiftedindexicals(asinAnand,2006),despitebeingdistinctpronominalforms.Thisraisesquestionsaboutthesemanticsoflogophoricity,aswellassyntactic/morphologicalquestionsabouttherealizationoflogophoricelements.IproposethatIbibiologophorsaresen-sitivetobothacontext-shiftingoperatoraswellasabindingoperatorinthescopeofanattitudeverb.Theanalysiswillhaveimpactforthetypologyoflogophorsandotherlogophoricelementscross-linguistically,suggestingthatlogophoricpronounsandshiftedindexicalsarenotsoeasilydistinguishablesemanticallyaspreviouslythought,andraisingsyntacticandmorphologicalques-tionsabouttherealizationoflogophoricelementsfoundcross-linguistically.

Two Types of Focus in Limbum (Grassfields Bantu) JudeNformiAwasom(LeipzigUniveristy)ImkeDriemel(LeipzigUniveristy)LauraBecker(LeipzigUniveristy) Limbum(GrassfieldBantu,spokeninCameroon)hastwofocusconstructionsthatinvolvetwodifferentmarkersandpositionsintheclause.AsinmanyotherWestAfricanlanguages,verbfocusisencodedbythedoublingoftheverb.Byapplyingtestsforexhaustivity,contrastiveness,andaddressingtheinteractionwithfocus-sensitiveoperators(e.g.also,even,only,universalquantifiers)wewillshowthatthetwofocusstrategiesinLimbumexpresstwofunctions:informationfocusandidentificationalfocus(Kiss1998).Wewillaccountforthesyntaxofthetwoconstructionsandtest,whethertheyinvolveahighandlowfocusposition.

Register Lowering and Tonal Overwrit ing in Limbum Deverbal Nouns JudeNformiAwasom(LeipzigUniversity) WithnoveldatafromLimbum(GrassfieldsBantu,Cameroon),Ipresentanaccountofaninterestingbehaviouroftoneinnominalisedverbs.Ishowthatthenominalizerinthelanguagecomprisesafloatingtonalcircumfix(l-L)whichtriggersdifferentkindsofloweringeffectsontheedgesofverbroots.IassumethemodeloftonalrepresentationproposedbySnider(1999)andprovideanOT-analysisofthe

29

data.Nominalisationinvolvescombiningthecircumfixwhoseprefixalsegmentformspartofanounclassmarkerandaverbroot.Theeffectofthisprocessisthatthetoneoftheverbrootlowers.TheHandLofthefirstsyllablebecomeMandLL(Super-low)respectivelywhiletheHandMofthesecondsyllablebothbecomeL.Loweringofthetoneofthefirstsyllableresultsfromassociationofthefloatingl-registeroftheprefixalpartofthecircumfixtothetoneitprecedesanddelinksitsoriginalregisterifitwash.Thesuffixaloverwritesthetoneofthesecondsyllable,henceHandMchangetoL.Thetoneofthefirstsyllableishowevernotoverwrittenbythesuffixal.Iarguethattheroot-initialsyllableisaprominentpositionwhosesegmentsarepreservedbyapositionalfaithfulnessconstraintwhichmakestheinsightsofthesesystembetterexpressedinOT.

Swahil i Passive and Stative Extensions and their Interaction with the Applicative DeoNgonyani(MichiganStateUniversity) ThispaperexaminestwoconstructionsinSwahilithatfailtoassignanexternalθ-role,namely,passiveandstative,andtheirinteractionwiththeapplicative.Althoughboththepassivederivationandthestativederivationsuppresstheexternalargument,theyexhibitseveralsignificantdifferences.Inapplicativeconstructions,thepassivepromotestheappliedobjectwhilethestativepromotesthedirectobject.ThepaperproposesisthatthepassiveextensionisgeneratedastheheadofVoiceP,whilethestativeisaheadthattakestheVPasitscomplement.TheanalysisprovidesanaccountfortherelativepositionsofthetwoextensionsintermsofsyntacticderivationsandtheMirrorPrinciple.

The Subjunctive Mood in Giryama and Tanzanian Nyanja NancyJumwaNgowa(PwaniUniversity)DeoNgonyani(MichiganStateUniversity) Thesubjunctivehasoftenbeenassociateditssemanticdistributiontoirrealisincontrasttotheindicative,whichisassociatedwithrealis.However,thereisplentyofdatafromdifferentlanguagesthatshowthatthesubjunctivedoesoccurinrealisenvironmentsofcomplementsoffactiveverbsandcausativeverbs.Usingtheprototypeapproachtomorphosyntax,wearguethatirrealismaynotbeanecessaryandsufficientconditionforthesubjunctive.However,wedemonstrateusingdatafromtheBantulanguagesofGiryamaandNyanjaofTanzaniathatconstructionsthatgiveirrealisandweakermanipulationreadingsprovidethebestexemplarsofsubjunctivesinthesetwolanguages.

Monsters in Dhaasanac and Somali SumiyoNishiguchi(TokyoUniversityofScience) InDhaasanac,Iintheembeddedclausecanrefertoeitherthematrixsubjectorspeaker,andyoushiftsitsreferenceintherelativeclause.Yesterday,todayandtomorrowoptionallyshiftreferenceintheembeddedclausewhilethelocativeindexicals,e.g.,here,remaincontextdependent.SuchshiftingpatterndoesnotfitintothethreetypesofmonstersidentifiedinSlave(AnandandNevins2004).Therefore,Iclaimtheexistenceofafourthkindofmonster.

30

InSomali,thepersonandtemporalindexicalsoptionallyshiftundertheverbyi`say'whilelocativeindexicalsremainunshifted.Ifthecontext-shiftingoperatoronlyallowsshift-togetherofallindexicalsinitsscope,unshiftableindexicalsarenotreallyindexicalsbutdemonstrativesordefinitedescriptionsasSudo(2010)suggests.

Disappearing Lexemes in the Igbo Language: An Effect of Language Variation and Change GregObiamalu(NnamdiAzikiweUniversity)LindaNkamigbo(NnamdiAzikiweUniversity) ManywordsoftheIgbolanguagearefastbecomingobsoleteasaresultoftechnologicalandsocietalchanges.ThispaperdiscussesthedisappearinglexemesintheeverydayspeechofespeciallyyoungerspeakersofIgbo.ThepaperprovidesampleexamplesofsuchwordsascollectedfromdifferentIgbodialectareasandexpressestheobviousfearthatwiththepassageoftime,suchwordswouldcompletelydisappearfromtheIgbolexicon.ThepaperconcludesonthenotethatthereisurgentneedtoconductmultimediadocumentationoftheselexicalitemsbeforetheycompletelydisappearfromtheIgbolexicon.

Domains and Directionality in Gua Vowel Harmony MichaelObiri-Yeboah(UniversityofCalifornia,SanDiego)SharonRose(UniversityofCalifornia,SanDiego) ThispaperreportsonthedomainanddirectionalityofAdvancedTongueRoot(ATR)vowelharmonyintheBosodialectofGua,aGuanglanguageofGhana.GuahasninephonemicvowelsandanallophonicvowelderivedviaATRharmony.Harmonyisenforcedwithintherootandwithinnominalandverbalstems.Inaddition,theharmonicdomaincanextendtothelastvowelofaprecedingword.Guashowsexclusivelyregressivedirectionality,atypologicallyunusualpattern.WecompareGuavowelharmonytootherGuanglanguagessuchasNkonya,LɛtɛandNkami,whichdifferintermsofthedomainofharmony,butallshowregressivedirectionality.

The Augment in Logoori DavidOdden(OhioStateUniversity) ThispaperinvestigatestheaugmentinLogoori(Bantu).Thequestion“doesLogoorihavetheaugment”cannotbetriviallyanswered,sincepresenceoftheaugmentisvariable,accordingtospeakerandphonologicalcontext.IftheclassprefixisCVandnotC,theaugmentismorelikelytobeomitted.Otherfactsindicatephonologicaldeletion:speakersdifferintermsoftheinfluenceofthosefactors.Insomemorphosyntacticcontexts,theaugmentiseithermissingorrequiredforallspeakers,includingthosethatneverusetheaugmentincitationforms:itisrequiredunlessitssyntacticslothasbeenusurped.

31

“Moral Panic” in Ghanaian Polit ical Discourse: A Prel iminary Study EmmanuelAmoOfori(UniversityofCapeCoast) Moralpanicoccurs“whenasocialphenomenonorproblemissuddenlyforegroundedinpublicdiscourseanddiscussedinanobsessive,moralisticandalarmistmanner”(Cameron,2012:82).Inthispaper,IexaminetheextenttowhichGhanaianpoliticaldiscourseevokesmoralpanic.Thepaperaddressesthequestion:Howislanguageusedinthecreationofmoralpanic?Toanswerthisquestion,IanalyzethreenewsstoriesperceivedtobemoralpanicsinGhanaianpoliticaldiscourse:KennedyAgyapong’ssexforjobinsultonGhana’sElectoralCommissioner;thetwoex-GuantanamoBaydetaineesinGhana;andmontiethree.Attheendoftheanalysis,itwasobservedthatthediscoursessurroundingthesestorieswerealarming,obsessive,exaggeratedandcanbeleastdescribedasinstancesofmoralpanic.Thelanguageusedbythemediainreportingthesepanicswasfullofemotionsandsensationalism.

Language, Gender and Ideology: A Sociol inguistic Analysis of I feoma Fafunwa’s ‘Hear Word! Naija Woman Talk True’ ChristineIyetundeOfulue(NationalOpenUniversityofNigeria) ThepaperexplorestheroleoflanguageincontemporarygenderequalitydiscourseinaNigeriansocietyandcontextwheregenderinequalityisencodedbyculturalandsocialpractices.Usinganethnographicapproach,thetheatricalpresentationofIfeomaFafunwa’splay‘HearWord!NaijaWomanTalkTrue’isusedtohighlightissuesofdiscriminationandinequality.ThefindingsshowthatNaija(akaNigerianPidgin)alinguafrancawithanhistoryoflanguageinequalityandsociolinguisticvariablesareusedastoolstoindexsocialdifferentiationandsocialgroupidentities,therebyempoweringactorstochangetraditionalstereotypicalnarrativesinacontemporarycontext.

Interjections in Ga YvonneOllennu(UniversityofGhana) Interjectionsareseenaspartoflanguageornon-wordsindicatingfeelings.ThepaperfocusesoninterjectionsinaKwalanguage,Ga,andexaminewhattheycommunicateamongtheGas.Itanswersthequestionofwhetherinterjectionsarepartofthelanguageornot.ThepaperexaminesthemorphopragmaticusesoftheinterjectionsbyemployingtheRelevanceTheory.Datausedwasgatheredfromnaturalconversationsandinterviews.Thepapershowsthatinterjectionsmayoccursentenceinitial/finaloralonetomeanawholeutteranceorusedspontaneously.Theycommunicateemotionalfeelingssuchassurpriseandangerofthespeaker.

32

Language Barrier as Hindrance to Information Dissemination: A Crit ical Observation JulietOppong-AsareAnsah(KwameNkrumahUniversityofScienceandTechnology) Thisstudyaddressestheeffectoflanguagebarrierasahindrancetoinformationdissemination.ItexaminesthecausesofviolationofcertainrulesintheKumasiMetropolis.Dataisdrawn,throughcontentanalysis,fromcasespresentedtotheKumasiMetropolitanAssemblysuchas;driversparkingatspotswithobvious“noparking”inscriptions.Thestudyestablishesthatpeopleviolatetheserulesbecausetheyarehandicappedintermsofreading,andotherstooviolatetherulesduetocertainsocio-psychologicalreasons.

Near-synonyms in Lugungu and their meaning differences CelestinoOriikiriza(MakerereUniversity) Thepaperpresentsresearchonnear-synonymsinLugungu.TheresearchaimedatusingLugunguasatestlanguagetoestablishthecriteriafordisambiguatingthemeaningofnear-synonyms.ItinvolvedcompilingaLugunguwordlist,obtainingsynonymsofeachword,usingthesynonymsinsentencesandidentifyingtheirdistinctivefeatures.Theresultsshowedthatmuchastherearesimilaritiesbetweenthemeaningsofasetofnear-synonyms,therearedifferencesofdenotation,connotationandpragmaticinference.Therefore,thethreearethebasisonwhichthemeaningofnear-synonymscanbedisambiguated.VariousexamplesofLugunguaregivenasillustrations.

A Closer Look at bi : An Epistemic Indefinite Analysis AugustinaOwusu(RutgersUniversity) TheaimofthisstudyistoshedlightonaninterpretationoftheAkandeterminerbiwhichhashithertonotbeendiscussed.Wehighlighttheuseofthedeterminerasanepistemicindefinite(EI).Previousstudieshaveanalyzeditasareferentialandspecificitymarker.Wearguethatwhenbiisused,thespeakersignalsthathedoesnothaveaccesstoalltheinformationthatisrequiredto‘know’areferentinaparticularcontext.WeemployAloni(2001)andAloniandPort’s(2015)theoryofconceptualcoversandmethodsofidentificationtodetermine‘knowledge’ofareferentinaparticularcontext.

Language and National Unity: A Case Study of Igbo Traders in Ibadan, Nigeria SolomonOyetade(UniversityofIbadan) TheNigerianPolicyonEducation(NPE)isaimedatengenderingnationalunity.ItstipulatesthateverychildlearnsoneofthemajorNigerianlanguages.ThispaperadoptslinguisticaccommodationtheorytosurveyIgbotradersinIbadan(Yorubaland)tofindoutthelevelsofawarenessofNPEandintegrationoftheIgbo.FindingsindicatelackofawarenessofNPE,lowproficiencyinYorubaandstrongethnicidentitylinkedtotheIgbolanguage.WhileIgboisusedatintimatedomains,YorubaandPidginareusedinbusinesstransactions.Thus,thefeasibilityofNPEinachievingnationalunitythroughformaleducationisdoubtful.

33

Lexical Density of the JUMP Domain in Maa DorisL.Payne(UniversityofOregon) Somelanguageshavehighlexicaldensityinagivensemanticdomain.MaasaifinelydividestheJUMPdomainbydistinctionsindegreeofprofilingcognitiveandsyntacticfeaturesofARGUMENTSTRUCTURE,MANNER,PATHelementsthattheFIGUREtraverses,andculturalfeatures.Forinstance,intransitivea-igís‘tojumpstraightupanddown’reflectsasalientcharacteristicofMaasaidancing;transitivea-dookí‘tojumpoversth.inadownwarddirection’typicallybringstomindwildanimalsjumpingoverafenceandintoakraal.TheMaaJUMPdomainalsoinformshowsemanticroot-levelfeaturescanbeover-riddenbyapplicativeandaspectualderivations.

Tense Agreement in Ndebele Light-Verb Constructions JoannaPietraszko(UniversityofChicago) Atypeoflight-verbconstructionsinNdebeleexhibittenseagreementbetweenthelightverbandthelexicalverb—thelattercansurfaceaspastsubjunctiveorpresent/unmarkedsubjunctive.Iprovideananalysisofsuchtenseco-variationbasedonanindependentlymotivatedsystemofINFL-agreementbetweenverbsandfunctionalheadsintheclausalspine.ItisshownthattenseagreementinNdebeleisnottheresultofadirectrelationshipbetweenthesubjunctiveverbandT,butratherbetweentheverbandtheclosestinflectionalhead.Evidencecomesfromcompoundtenses,whereinterventionofanaspectualcategorybreakstenseagreement.

Research and Revolution: Text Messaging as Tactical Tool PhilipW.Rudd(PittsburgStateUniversity) TextmessagingisadailyexpressionofliteracyinAfrica.SupportedbytheCenterforAdvancedStudyofLanguage(CASL)attheUniversityofMaryland(UMD),thisprojectcreatedacorpusoftextinginSheng,anAfricanurbanvernacularspokeninNairobi,Kenya.Thispaper,modelingtextmessagingasafieldworktool,examinestheresults.Messagesrefractintotheargotic,deviating,slang-like,rebellious,andpostcolonial(Achebe1975;Deumert&Masinyanha2008)strataofAfricanUrbanandYouthLanguage(AUYL)dynamics.

Complement Clause C-Agreement with Matrix Subject and Tense in Ikalanga KenSafir(RutgersUniversity)RoseLetsholo(UniversityofBotswana) Ikalangaclausalcomplementsareintroducedbythecomplementizerkuti,whichisinvariant,andasmallsetofverbscanuseanotherform,AGR-ti,thatagreeswiththematrixsubjectphi-features,butisalsosensitivetomood,voice,andtense.BothAGR-tiandtheinvariantformhavetherootofaverbmeaning‘say’,-ti,andcannotappearwhenmatrix‘say’ispresent.AGR-tilacksthefullmorphologyofitsmainverbcounterpart,maskingagreementincertainways.WeshowhowtheagreementismaskedbytruncationandproposeasyntacticaccountofthelocalagreementrelationsmanifestedonAGR-ti.

34

Comparative Study of the Nominal System in Wolof, Bedik and French AdjaratouOumarSall(IFAN-CAD,DakarUniversity) ThepurposeofthisstudyistoanalysethesyntacticandsemanticfeaturesofthenounandthenounphraseinWolof,mënikandFrench,allspokeninSenegal.Frenchistheofficiallanguageofthecountry,WolofisthelinguafrancaandBedikisaminoritylanguagespokenineasternSenegal.Thestructuringofthenounandthenounphraseisdifferentinthethreelanguagesandthesearesyntacticcategoriescausingmanyproblemsinlearningandtranslation.Wewillshowhowthesethreelanguagesbelongingtodifferentfamiliesgroupwillinfluenceeachintheirownwayonthesyntaxofthelanguagebutwillalsofindthemselves,despitetheirdifferences,throughtheuniversals.

Language Policy and Linguist ic Ideology in Senegal AdjaratouOumarSall(IFAN-CAD,DakarUniversity) ThelanguagepolicyofSenegalaimstopromotethemainnationallanguagesasculturelanguagesandtokeepFrenchasanofficiallanguageandinternationalcommunicationmedium.ThepurposeofthispaperistoanalyzethelinguisticlandscapeofSenegalwithafocuson:-Howthecountry’slinguisticideologyisreflectedinitslandscape,-HowlanguagesareshapedandusedbySenegaleseintheircommonpracticesandintheinstitutions,-Finally,thegapordichotomybetweenthelanguagepolicyestablishedonthepaperandthelinguisticlandscapeinSenegal.

Emai Coordination Strategies for Clause Linkage RonSchaefer(SouthernIllinoisUniversityEdwardsville)FrancisEgbokhare(UniversityofIbadan) WeexaminepropertiesofclausecoordinationinEmai,aforestzoneEdoidlanguage.Ourdataemanatefromoraltraditiondocumentationaswellasdictionaryconstructionandreferencegrammardescription.Emailinksclauseswithadversativeàmáàanddisjunctivedà;thereisnoconjunctive.Adversativeanddisjunctiveconstructionsarehighlyconstrained.Eachrequirescoordinandsshowingsubjectidentityandapolaritycontrast.Disjunctionfurtherlimitsmoodandverbphraseexpression.AlthoughtheseconstraintsseemEdoidspecific,theclauselinkersthemselvesappeartoreflectsustainedcontactwiththeLakeChadConfluenceZone,whereArabicàmmā‘but’andrâ,lâ‘or’havebecomewidelyadopted.

35

Toward a Typology of Niger-Congo Complementation RonSchaefer(SouthernIllinoisUniversityEdwardsville)ReginaldDuah(UniversityofGhana)FrancisEgbokhare(UniversityofIbadan) WeseektohighlightthenatureofS-complementsinNigerCongo.InitialsurveyresultsofWestAfricansubfamiliesrevealcontrastingsystems.AdifferentiatedsystemisevidentinWestBenueCongo’sEdoid,whereEmaishowsS-complementsforindicativekhi,subjunctiveliandconditionalsi.MorestreamlinedisKwa,whereAkanreliesonseandEweonbé.WhiletheseNigerCongoformscorrelatewithindependent/dependenttimereferenceandepistemicfunctions,wenotethatEdoidarticulatesthesefunctionsbypairingS-complementswithclauseinternalcategories,whileKwareliesexclusivelyonclauseinternalcategories.

A Survey of Negation Patterns in the Kwa Language Family LaurenSchneider(TrinityWesternUniversity) ExtensiveliteratureexistsonnegationbutonlyrecentlyhavestudiesexpandedbeyondIndo-European.Oftencitedpatterns,Jespersen’scycleandnegativeconcord,arenearlyabsentfromKwa(Niger-Congo).TherearecommonpatternsofnegationinKwausingapreverbalnasalmorpheme.OneexceptionisasmallnumberofGuanglanguagesthatdonothavethisfeature.Larteh(Leteh)utilizesaverbalprefixbÉ-whichresemblesmorphemesfoundinotherAfricanlanguagefamilies.OtherbranchesofKwaalsodonotrelyonpreverbalnasalnegationmarking.Thispaper’sintentistosurveynegationstrategiesinKwatocontributetothenegationliterature.

Causing by Social Interaction PatriciaSchneider-Zioga(CaliforniaStateUniversityFullerton)PhilipNgessimoMatheMutaka(UniversityofYaounde1) WeexaminesociativecausationinKinande,whereadistinctboundmorphemeencodestheideathatcausationisaccomplishedby“helping.”Wedemonstratethistypeofcausationmeans:xdidQtohelpydoQ.Thereisnotacomitativemeaningof“doingtogether.”Instead,eachagentdoesonlypartoftheactivity.Thishasconsequencesforthetypesofverbsthatcanundergosociativecausation.Weestablishthatthesociativecausativeheadtakesaroot,ratherthanalargerunitsuchasavP.Weinvestigatehowthesociative-causativeheadinteractswithfunctionalprojectionsintheextendedverbaldomain.

Benefactive Applicatives and Animacy in Ndebele GalenSibanda(MichiganStateUniversity) Thisstudyfocussesontheclaimthatthebenefactiveapplicativeisusuallyanimateespeciallysince“benefactionusuallyimpliesthattheBENEFICIARYiscapableofusingtheresultofthedenotedeventforhis/herpurposesinsomeway”(Kittilä&Zúñig2010:6).ThepapershowsthatinNdebeleanimacyisnotequallyimportantinthecategoriesof‘recipient’,‘plain’and‘substitutive’beneficiary.Itisfurtherarguedthatbenefactiveapplicativesarebestexplainedbyappealingtothenotionofteleological

36

capability,“theinherentqualitiesandabilitiesoftheentitytoparticipateintheeventualitydenotedbythepredicate”(Folli&Harley2007:191).

The Phonetic Properties of Kihehe Stops KennethSteimel(IndianaUniversity)RichardNyamahanga(IndianaUniversity) Wearepresentingonthephoneticrealizationof[-continuant]consonantsinKihehe.Kihehe(heh)isaG62BantulanguagespokenintheIringaregionofTanzania.Thislanguagehasalargevarietyofcontrastivestopconsonants.Nasality,glottalizationandsyllabicityareusedtocreatethesedistinctionswhichwerefertoas'articulatoryclass'.Thissizableinventoryof[-continuant]consonantsfeaturesarticulatoryclassesthatareacousticallydistinct.Differencesinintensity,duration,andchangeinintensityovertimecharacterizetheseclasses.Spetrogramanalysesofthesesoundsalsoilluminatetheirdifferences.

GETCASE is Violable: Evidence for Wholesale Late Merger Abdul-RazakSulemana(MassachusettsInstituteofTechnology) Thegoalofthistalkistoshowthatwh-questionsinBùlì,aGurlanguagespokeninGhana,providesnewevidenceforWholesaleLateMerge(WLM)TakahashiandHulsey(2009),Stanton(2016).Inparticular,IarguethattheoutcomeofovertmovementinthelanguageisasaresultofrankingtheconstraintLATEMERGE,whichrequiresWLMaboveGETCASE,whichpenalizesaCaselessNPand*TOOLATE,whichassignsaviolationtolatemergeiftherelationshipitestablishesisnotthestructurallyhighestofitstype.IarguethattheinteractionsoftheseconstraintsareresponsibleforreconstructiondistinctionsbetweenBùlìandlanguageslikeEnglish.

Toward a Better Knowledge of Speech-Language Disorders in African Countries: Analysis of Chi ld Speech Disorders in Cameroon AurélieTakam(UniversityofToronto)

Childspeechandlanguagedisordersaregenerallyunknowninsub-SaharanAfrica.However,theimpactofthesedisordersforchildreneducationarewellestablished.Fromasampleof1127children,6%ofchildrenhadspeechdisorderswhichincludedspeechdelays,articulationandphonologicaldisorders.Boysweremoreconcernedthangirls.Fricativeswerethemostalteredsoundsthroughomissionandsubstitution.Also,complexsyllableswerethemostdisrupted.Theseresultsaregenerallyconsistentwiththeliteraturebothintermsofthelinguisticprofileofdisordersandintermsoftheirprevalence.Wediscusstheimpactofthesedisordersforchildreneducation.

37

A Syntactic Description of Experiencers in Sereer-Si in KhadyTamba(UniversityofKansas) ThisstudyinvestigatesobjectexperiencersinSereer-SiinadialectofSereer,aWestAtlanticlanguageoftheNigerCongofamilyspokeninSenegal.IarguethatinSereer-Siin,experiencerscanbeusedtoextendBellettiandRizzi’straditionalclassificationofexperiencers.Ialsoshowthatsomeobjectexperiencersbehavelikeregulartransitiveverbswithacausativecomponent,whereasothersshowpropertiesofunaccusativeverbscontraLandau’sargumentsthatallobjectsexperiencersareunaccusative.Thesedifferentpropertiesofobjectexperiencersverbsaccountforasymmetrieswithrespecttoconstructionslikepassive,antipassiveandnominalization.

Ghanaian Social Interactions: An Ethnopragmatic Approach RachelThompson(GriffithUniversity) ThisstudyfocusesonexpectedcommunicativebehaviorsduringasymmetricalinteractionaleventsamongGhanaians.Drawingontheethnopragmatictechniquesofsemanticexplicationandculturalscripts(Ameka&Breedveld,2004;Goddard&Ye,2015),itdemonstrateshowtheGhanaianconceptofsocialhierarchy(i.e.thethoughtthatsomepeopleare‘above’others)influencesverbalinteractioninspecificways.Fiveculturalscriptsareproposedforinteractionswith(1)chiefs;(2)elders;(3)peopleolderthanoneself;(4)sociallypowerfulindividuals;and(5)respectedprofessionals.ThestudyattemptstoshowthepossibilityofdescribingGhanaiancommunicativenormsinsimplecross-translatableterms,soastoenablenon-Ghanaianstounderstandtheviewpointofculturalinsiders.

The Morpho-Syntax of Two Types of Factive Clauses in Seereer HaroldTorrence(UCLA) Thistalkdescribesthemorpho-syntacticpropertiesoftwofactiveclauseconstructionsinSeereer,anAtlanticlanguageofSenegal.Thetwoconstructionsaretypesofrelativeclausesandinvolvethepresenceofcomplementizersthatalsooccurinheadedrelativeclauses.Intheverbcopyconstruction,thereisminimallyacopyoftheverbontheleftedgeoftherelativeclause.Inthene-construction,onlythecomplementizerispresentontheleftedge.ThistalkfocusesonthecopyingDPargumentsandadjuncts,adverbs,prepositionalphrases,andverbalinflectionalandderivationalaffixesintheverbcopyconstruction.

38

Syl lable Simplif ication Processes in Fròʔò YranahanTraore(UniversityofFrankfurt)FeryCaroline(UniversityFrankfurt) Topicoftheposteraresyllablestructure,phonotacticsandsyllablesimplificationprocessesinFròʔò,aTagbana(Senoufo,Gur,Côted’Ivoire).Phonotacticrestrictionsinfluenceloanwordsadaptations-aglottalstopcannotappearwordinitially,althoughitcanbeaword-medialsyllableonset,-[r]andallnon-lowvowelsisalwaysprecededby[h]wordinitially(route→[heruti].Threeprocessesofsyllablesimplificationareillustrated:fusion(1),apocopeandliquiddeletion(2).(1)pē wí ɲa→pūɲa (2) krɔ-+kpɔ-ʔɔ→kɔ.kpɔ.ʔɔ

they3.SG.PRO3 see ‘Theyhaveseenhim/her’ car big-CM‘bigcar’

A Musical Notation Analysis of Tonal Downtrends in Anaañ Reduplicative Constructions EmemobongUdoh(UniversityofUyo)GraceEkong(UniversityofUyo)NsidibeUsoro(UniversityofUyo)HoganItaMikeNtuk Thispaperseekstoascertainthetype(s)oftonaldowntrendthattheAnaañbasesyllablesundergoduringreduplication.UsingthekeyCmajoronthetrebleclef,theanalysisrevealsthat,forstemswithLow-Hightone(e.g.àbómààbóm-àbóm‘taboo/inaforbiddenmanner’),theF0ofthesecondhightonedriftsdownbytwosemitoneswhencomparedwithitscorrespondinghightoneintheleftmostmorpheme.Thisdriftseemstobeconditionedbytheneighbouringlowtonebecause,inthecaseofstemswithHigh-Lowtonecomposition(e.g.ídòtàídòt-ídòt‘bitterness/bitterly’),thesecondhightoneonthefirstsyllableoftherightmostmorphemealsodropsbytwosemitonesvis-à-visitscorrespondingleftwardtone.Thissyllableinitialhightonedriftinginthesecondmorphemedoesaffectthesucceedinglowtonewhich,ineffect,dropsbyfoursemitones,inrelationtoitscorrespondinglowtoneintheleftmostmorpheme.WhiletheHigh-LowandLow-Highstemsundergotonedowndrifting,thosewiththeLow-Lowtonalcompositionundergodeclination.

Foot Construction in Anaañ Denominalisation EmemobongUdoh(UniversityofUyo) ThispaperexaminesthemappingpatternsandconstraintsthataccountfortheconstructionofAnaañfootduringdenominalisation.ItwasdiscoveredthatAnaañdenominal/deadjectival,whichischaracteristicallybinaryfooted,doesconstructbothheavy-lightandlight-lightsyllabletrocheeswithreferencetothefunctionalunityofdenominal-specificanduniversalconstraints.Also,whiletheright-aligned(RED)uplicantmorphemeisconstantlyaCVsuffix,certainphonologicalconfigurationsintheinputconditionabimoraicormonomoraicbasesyllable.Forinstance,theinputwithanN-prefixorabackvowelneithertakesacodanorallowsvoweldoubling.Ontheotherhand,bimoraicbasesyllablesarederivedfromCVinputswithaV-prefix,inputswithglidecodas,/p/codas,non-backvowelsand

39

trimoraicsyllables.Findingsalsorevealedthatdenominalisation-inducedphonologicalprocessesdotakeplaceonlywithinthefoot,andanysegmentoutsidethefootmayremainunaffected.

Causative in Lubukusu and other Bantu Languages AggreyWasike(UniversityofToronto) ThispaperdiscussesthemorphologicalcausativeinLubukusu,Kiswahili,KinyarwandaandChichewa.Theselanguagesmanifestsomesimilaritiesincausativemarking,buttheyalsodifferfromeachotherwithregardstounspecifiedobjectdeletion,form~semanticscorrelation,andobject~obliquealternation.Forexample,whileChichewafreelyallowsobject~obliquealternation,Lubukusudoesnot.ThepaperthenconsidersthemeritsanddemeritsofanalyzingthecausativeconstructioninBantuasatwo-placepredicateontheonehandandathree-placepredicateontheother.Followingthisdiscussion,Iproposetoderivethecausativethroughincorporationandsyntacticmovementthatappliestoastructurecontainingacausativefunctionalprojection.

The Lexical Underspecif ication of Bantu Causatives and Appl icatives MattieWechsler Pylkkänen(2008)proposestwokindsofapplicativeheadsandthreekindsofcausatives,bothtypologiesbasedonmergeheight.Ataskincomparativesyntax,then,istoestablishwhereapplicativeandcausativeheadsmergeinagivenlanguage.MyevidencefromBantu(Shonainparticular)showsthat,atleastforBantulanguages,causativeandapplicativeheadsareunderspecifiedforcomplementselection(height)inthelexicon.Iarguethisbyprovidingevidenceofanadditionalmergelocationforapplicativeheads,examiningthesemanticinterpretationsofcausative-applicativeco-occurrence,andobservingsimilaritiesbetweencausativesandapplicativesthatmergeinsimilarlocations.