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Symbols of Class StatusAuthor(s): Erving GoffmanSource: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 2, No. 4 (Dec., 1951), pp. 294-304Published by: Wiley on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science

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7/23/2019 588083


y m b o l s o

l a s s

t a t u s l

ERVING

GOFFMAN

tT>HE TERMS

Gatgs, osition,

and

role

havebeen usedinterchangeably

| to refer

o theset of

rightsand obligations

whichgoverns

he

behaviour

1 of

personsacting in

a given social

capacity.

In general, he

rights

and obligations

f a status are

fixed through ime

by

meansof external

sanctionsenforced

by law,

public

opinion,and threat

of socio-economic

oss, and

by internalized

anctions

of the kind

that

are

built

into a conception

of

self and pve rise

to guilt, remorse,

and shame.

A status

may

be

ranked

on a

scaRe f prestige,

according

o the amount

of social value

that is placed

upon it relative

to

other statuses

in the same

sectorof social

ife. An individual

may be

rated

on

a scale of esteem,

depend-

ing on how closelyhis performancepproacheshe idealestablished or that

particular

tatus.2

Co-operativectilrity

based

on a differentiation

nd ntegration

f statuses

is a

universal haracteristic

f social

ife.

This kind of harmony

equires

hat

the occupant

of each status

act toward

others in

a mannerwhich

conveys

the

impression hat

his conception

of himself

and of them

is the same

as

their conception

of themselves

and

him. A workiIlg

onsensus

of this

sort

therefore

requires

adequate

communication

bout conceptions

of

status.

The rights

and

obligationsof

a status are frequently

ll-adapted

o

the

requirements

f ordinary

communication.

Specialized

means of displaying

ones position requentlydevelop. Such sign-vehicles ave beencalled

statgs

symbols.3

They are

the cues

which select

for a personthe

status

that is to

be

imputedto him

and the way

in which others

are to

treat him.

Status symbols

visibly divide

the social

world nto categories

of persons,

therebyhelping

o

maintain olidarity

withina category

and hostility

between

differentcategories.4

Status

symbols must

be

distinguished rom collective

1 A modified

version

of this paper was

presented at the

annual meeting of

the University

of Chicago Society

for Social Research

in I949.

The writer

is grateful to W.

Lloyd Warner

for

direction and to Robert

Armstrong,

Tom Burns,

and Angelica Choate

for

criticism.

Analysis

of Stratification ,

Am.

Soc. Rev., VII, June I942,

pp. 309-2I.

3

The most general approachto the study of status symbols known to the wnter is to be

found in H.

Spencer, The Principles

of Sociology,

vol. II, part

IV, Ceremonial

Institutions 2'.

' See G.

Simmel, Fashion

, InternationatQnarterly,

vol.

X, pp. I3055.

294





7/23/2019 588083


ERVING

GOFFMAN

295

symbols

which serveto deny the

differencebetween categones

in orderthat

members

of all categones may

be drawn together n

affirmation

f a single

moral community.l

Status symbolsdesignate he position which an occupanthas, not the

way in which he flllfils

t. They must therefore

be distinguished

romesteem

sytnbolswhich designate

he degree o which

a personperforms he

duties of

his position

in accordance

with ideal standards,

regardless f the

particular

rank of

his position. For example,

the

Victoria Crossis awarded

n the

British

Army for heroic

performance f a

task, regardless f what

particular

task it

is and regardless f the

rank of the person

who performs

t. This

is an esteem

symbol. It rates

above a similarone called

the GeorgeCross.

On the other hand,

there is an

insigniawhich designates

Lieutenant-Colonel.

It is a status symbol.

It tells us about the

rank of the personwho

vxearst

but teLlsus nothingabout the standardhe has achieved n performinghe

duties

of his rank. It rankshim

above a man who

wears the insigniaof a

Captain, lthough, n

fact, the Captain

maybe rated igher

han the Lieutenant-

Colonel

n terms of the esteem

that is accorded

o good soldiers.

Persons

n the same social

position tend to possess

a similax

pattern of

behaviour. Any item

of a person's behaviour

s, therefore,

a sign of his

social position.aA

sign of positioncan be

a status symbol only if

it is used

with some

regulaxity s a means

of placing socially

he person

who makes

it. Any

sign which provides

reliable evidence of its

maker's position-

whether

or not laymen or sociologists

use

it for evidenceabout

position

-may be called a test of status. This paper s concernedwith the pressures

that play upon behaviour

as a result of the

fact that

a symbol of status is

not always

a very good test

of status.

By

definition, hen, a status

symbol carries

categoricalignificance,

hat

is, it serves

to identify the social

status of the person

who makes

it. But

it may

also carry

expressive ignificance, hat

is, it may express

the point

of new, the style of

life, and the cultural

valtlesof the

personwho makes t,

or may satisfy needs

created

by the imbalanceof activity

in his particular

social position. For

example, n Europe

the practice of fighting

a duel of

honour

was for three centuries

a symbol of gentlemanly

tatus.

The cate-

goricalsignificance

f the practice

was so well known hat the nght of taking

or giving the kind

of offencewhich

led to a duel was

rarelyextended o the

lower classes.

The duel also

carried an important

expressivesignificance,

however; it vividly

portrayed he conception

hat a true

man was an object

of danger,

a being

with limited patience

who did not allow a love

of life to

check his devotion

to his principlesand to

his self-respect. On

the whole,

we must assume hat

any item of behaviour

s significant

o somedegree n

both a categorical

and an expressive

capacity.

Status symbols

are used because

they are better

suited to the require-

ments of communicationhan are the rightsand dutieswhich they signify.

1 See E. Durkheim,

The ElementaryForms of the

Religious Lip, trans. S. W.

Swain (New

York, I9Z6), especially

pp. 234.





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296

SYMBOLS

OF

CLASS

STATUS

This

very

fact,

however,

makes

t

necessary

or

status

symbols

o

be

distinct

and

separate

rom

that

which

they

signify.

It

is

always

possible,

herefore,

that

symbols

may

come

to

be

employed

n

a

fraudlllent

way,

i.e.

to

signify

a status

which

the

claimant

does

not

in

fact

possess.

We

may

say,

then,

thatcontinuinguseof statussymbols n socialsituations equiresmechanisms

for

restricting

he

opportunities

hat

arise

for

misrepresentation.

We

may

approach

he

study

of

status

symbols

by

classifying

he

restrictive

mechanisms

embodied

n

them.

With

this

approach

n

mind,

we

may

distinguish

between

wo

important

kinds

of

status

symbols:

occupation

symbols

and

class

symbols.

This

paper

is

chiefly

concerned

with

class

symbols.

There

appear

to

be

two

main

types

of

occupation

ymbols.

One

type

takes

the

form

of

credentials

which

testify

with

presumed

authority

to

a

person's

raining

aIld

work

history.

During

he

initiation

of

a

work

relation-

ship

reliance

must

frequently

be,placed upon symbolsof this kind. They

are

protected

rom

forgery

by

legal

sanctions

and,

more

mportantly,

by

the

understanding

hat

corroborative

nformation

will

almost

certainly

become

available.

The

other

type

of

occupation

ymbol

comes

into

play

after

the

rork

relation

has

been

established

and

serves

to

mark

off

levels

of

prestige

and

power

within

a

formal

organization.l

On

the

whole,

occllpation

ymbols

are

firmly

ied

to

an

approved

eferent

by

specific

and

acknowledged

anctions,

much

n

the

manner

n

which

symbols

of

social

caste

are

rigidly

bound.

In

the

case

of

social

class,

however,

ymbols

playa rolethat is lessclearlycontrolledby authorityandin somewaysmore

significant.

No

matter

how

we

deSne

social

class

we

must

refer

to

discrete

or

dis-

continuous

evels

of

prestige

and

privilege,

where

admission

o

any

one

of

these

levels

is,

typically,

determined

by

a

complex

of

social

qualifications,

no

one

or

two

of

which

are

necessarily

essential.

Symbols

of

class

status

do

not

typically

refer

to

a

specific

source

of

status

but

rather

to

something

based

upon

a

configuration

f

sources.

So

it

is

that

when

we

meet

an

indi-

vidual

who

manipulates

ymbols

n

what

appears

o

be

a fraudulent

way-

displaying

he

signs

yet

possessing

nly

a

doubtful

claim

to

what

they

signify

-we oftencannot ustifyourattitudeby referenceo hisspeciSc hortcomings.

Furthermore,

n

any

estimate

we

make

of

a person's

lass

status,

the

multiple

determinants

f

class

position

make

it

necessary

or

us

to

balance

and

weigh

the

person's

avourable

ocial

qualiScations

gainst

his

less

favourable

ones.

As

we

may

expect,

in

situations

where

complex

ocial

judgments

re

required,

the

exact

social

position

of

a

person

s

obscured

nd,

in

a

sense,

replaced

by

a

margin

of

dissensus

and

doubt.

Self-representations

hich

fall

within

this

margin

may

not

meet

with

our

approval,

but

we

cannot

prove

they

are

misrepresentations

1

Examples

would

be

private

offices,

segregated

eating-rooms,

etc.

For

a

treatment

of

status symbols in formal organizations, see C. Barnard, Functions and Pathology of Status

Systems

in

Formal

Organizations

,

chap.

4,

pp.

46-83,

in

Indust7Zy

nd

Society,

ed.

W.

F.

Whyte

(New

York,

I

946)





7/23/2019 588083


ERVING

GOFFMAN

297

No

matter how

we definesocial

class we must

refer to

rights which

are

exercised

and conceded

but are

not specifically

aid

down in

law or contract

and

are not invariably

recognized

n

practice.

Legal

sanctions

cannot be

appliedagainstthose who represent hemselvesas possessinga class status

which

an informed

majonty would

not accord

them.

Offenders

f this

kind

commit

a presumption,

ot

a crime.

Furthermore,

lass

gains typically

refer

to

attitudes

of superiority

which

are not

officially

or too openly

discussed,

and to

preferential

reatment s

regards

obs,services,

nd economic

xchanges

which

s not

openlyor officially

pproved.

We may agree

hat an

individual

has misrepresented

imself but,

in our

own class

interests,

we cannot

make

too

clear to ourselves,

o

him,

or to others

just how he

has

doneso.

Also,

we tend

to justify

our class

gains in terms

of Cultural

valueswhich

every-

one

in a given

society

presumably

respects-in

our society,

for example,

education,skill, and talent. As a result, those who offerpublicproof that

they

possess

the pet

values of

their society

cannot

be openly

refused

the

status

which

their symbols

permit

them to

demand.

On the

whole,

then, class

symbols serve

not so

much

to represent

or

misrepresent

one's

position,

but rather

to influence

n a

desired

direction

other

persons'

udgment

of it. We

shall

continue to

use the terms

mis-

representation

nd fraudulence ,

but as regards

matters of social

class

these terms

must be

understood

n the

weakened

ense in

which the above

discussion

eaves

them.

II

Every class

symbol

embodiesone

or

more devices

for restricting

mis-

representative

use

of it. The

following

restrictive

devices

are among

the

most

typical.

(I) Moral

Restrictions.

Just

as a system

of economic

contract

s

made

effectisre

y people's

willingness

o acknowledge

he legitimacy

of the rights

which

underlie he

system, so

the use of

certain

symbolsis

made effective

by inner

moral

constraints

which inhibit

people

from

misrepresenting

hem-

selves. This compunctions typicallyphrased n differentbut functionally

equivalent

ways.

For example,

n Western

ociety, some

of

the persons

who

can for

the first

time afford

o emulate

the conspicuous

onsumption

f the

upper

classes

refrain

rom doing

so

on the grounds

of religious

cruple,

cul-

tural disdain,

ethnic and

racial oyalty,

economic

and civic

propriety,

r even

undisguised

sense

of one'splace

'.1 Of course

hese

self-applied

onstraints,

however

phrased,

are reinforced

y the pressure

f the

opinion

both of

one's

original

group

and of the

class whose

symbols

one may

misemploy.

But the

efficacy

of these

external

sanctions

s due in

part to the

readiness

with which

they

are reinforced

by internalized

moral

constraints.

1 Moral restrictionsapply to many types of status symbols other than class. For example,

in

Western

society, women

feel that it

is seemly to refrain

from

using symbols

of sexual attrac-

tiveness

before reaching

a given age and

to abstain progressively

from

using

them after attaining

a

given age.





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298

SYMBOLS OF CLASS STATUS

(2) Intrinsic Restrictions. One solution o the problemof misrepresenta-

tion is basedon the kind of symbolwhichperceptiblynvolvesan appreciable

se of the very rights or characteristics hich it symbolizes. We symbolize

our wealth by displaying t, our powerby using it, and our skill by exerciF

ing it. In the case of wealth, for exampRe,acIng tables, large homes, and

jewelleryobviously mply that the ownerhas at least as much moneyas the

symbols can bring on the open market.

The use of certainobjectsas intrinsic ymbolsof wealthpresentsa special

problem, or we must considerwhy it is that a very high marketvalue can

be placed upon them. Economists ometimes ay that we have here a case

of effectivescarcity , that is, a small supply in conjunctionwith a large

demand. Scarcity alone, however,does not qualify an object for use as a

status symbol,since there is an unlimitednumberof differentkindsof scarce

objects. The paintingsof an unskilledamateurmay be extremelyrare, yet

at the same time almost worthless. Why, then, do we place great value on

examples of one kind of scarce object and not upon examplesof another

kind of similar and equally scarce object?

Sometimesan attempt is made to account for great differencesn the

market value of objects that are of similarkind and are equally scarce by

pointing o the expressive difference etween hem. (The same rational-

ization is sometimesemployed to expLain he difference n market value

between originals and reproductions .) In many cases an identifiable

difference f this kind not only exists but can also be used to rankthe objects

on a scale in accordancewith some recognized esthetic r sensuous tandard

of judgment. This differencen experiential alue betweenrelatively imilar

objects does not, however,seem to be importantenough n itself to justify

the widely differentmarketvalue placedupon them. We must account for

the high price placed upon certain scarce objects by referg to the social

gains that their ownersobtainby showing hese possessions o other persons.

The expressive uperiority f an object merelyaccounts or the fact that it,

rather than some other equally scarce object, was selected for use as a

status synabol.

(3) Natural Restrictions.

The limited supply of some kinds of objects

can be increasedwith relative ease but is not increasedbecausepersonsdo

not have a motive for doing so or because here is a strong social sanction

against doing so. On the other hand, the limited supply of certainkinds of

objects cannot be increasedby any means remotely availableat the time,

even though there may be a motive for doing so. These objects have been

called natural scarcities .

The natural scarcity of certain objects providesone kind of guarantee

that the numberof personswho acquire hese objects will not be so large

as to renderthe objects useless as symbols for the expressionof invidious

distinction. Naturalscarcity,therefore, s one factor which may operate n

certain symbols of status. Again we may note that not all scarce kinds of

objects are valued highly. We must also note that not all highly vallled





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ERVING

GOFFMAN

299

scarce objects

are status

symbols, as

may be seen,

for example,

n

the case

of certain

radioactive

minerals.

Bases

of scarcity

n the

case of certain

tatus

symbols

nevertheless

present a

distinct analytical

problem.

If we think

of

it in this way we can appreciate he fact that while scarcityplays its most

obvious

role as

an element

n intrinsic

symbols

of wealth,

there are

symbols

of status

which are

protected

by the

factor of

natural scarcity

and which

cannot

be directly

bought

and sold.

On the

whole,

the bases

of natural scarcity

may be sought

in certain

features

of the

physical

production

r physical

tructure

f the

symbol.

More

than one

basis, of

course, may

be found

combined

n the

same

symbol.

The

most

obvious basis

of scarcity,

perhaps,

can

be found

in objects

which are

made from

matenal

that is

very infreqllently

ound n the

natural

world

and which

cannot

be manufactured

ynthetically

rom

matenals

that

are less scarce. Thisis the basis of scarcity, orexample, n the caseof very

large flawless

diamonds.

A

basis of scarcity

s

found n what

might be

called

historical

losure .

A high

value may

be placed

on products

which

derive in

a verifiable

way

from agencies

that

are no

longerproductive,

on

the assumption

hat it is

no longer

physically

possible

to increase

he supply.

In New England,

for

example,

family connection

with

the

shipping rade

is a safe

thing to use

as

a

symbolof

status because

his trade,

in its

relevant

sense, no longer

exists.

Similarly,

llrnitllre

made solidly

from

certain

hardwoods,

egardless

of

style or workmanship,

s

used as a symbol

of status.

The trees which

supply

the material

ake so

long

a timeto grow

that, in

termsof the

current

market,

existing

forests

can

be considered

as a closed

and

decreasing

upply.

Another

basis

of natural

scarcity

is found

in objects

whose

production

requires

an appreciable

raction

of the total

available

means

of production.

This provides

assurance

on purely physical

grounds

hat a

large

numberof

duplications

will not

appear.

In non-industrial

ocieties,for

example,

arge

buildings

mbodya

significant

ortion

of the total

labourand

buildingmatenal

available

n

a given region

at a given

time. This

condition

also

applies in

the case

of some

artistsand

craftsmerl

hose otal

life-output

akes

the formof

a smallnumber f distinctiveobjectswhichare characteristicf theirproducer.

We

may consider,

finally,

the fact that

the

person

who acquires

the

symbol

may himself

possess

characteristics

hich

connecthim

with

the pro-

duction

of the symbol

n a relatively

xclusiveway.

This,for

example,

s the

relation

of its

creator o

a workof art

that has

become

a symbol

of status.

Similarly,

children

may share,

in part, the

status

of their

parents not

only

because

he connection

s demonstrable

ut also

because he

number

of

children

a woman

can bear

is strictly

limited.

The family

name

may then

be used

as a symbol

of

status on

the assumption

hat it

can

be acquired

legally

only by birth

or by the

marriage

f a

womanto a

son of the

house.

A similarbasis of scarcity s foundin the characteristicsf social inter-

action.

Generally

peaking,

personal

association

with

individuals

of high

status

is used

as a symbol

of status.

The fact

that there

is a physical

imit





7/23/2019 588083


3oo


to the numberof personswith whomany specific ndividual an be intimately

related is one reason why this is possible. The limitation s based on the

fact that personalrelations mply mutual integrationover a wide band of

activities, and on the groundsof time and probabilityan individualcannot

be related in this way to a large numberof persons.

Finally, a play producedby a given cast must play to an audience

of limited size. This is relatedto the limitationsof humanvision and hear-

ing. The cast may repeat their performanceor a differentalldience,but

the performance annot be reproducedn the sense that is possiblewith a

cinematicperformance. It is only in the cinema hat the same performance

may be given at differentplacessimultaneously. Play-going an thus be

used as a symbolof statuswhereas visit to the cinema,on the whole,cannot.

(4) SocializationRestrictions.An importantsymbol of membershipn

a given class is displayedduring nformal nteraction. It consistsof the kind

of acts which impressothers with the suitability and likeableness f one's

generalmanner. In the minds of those present,such a person s thought to

be one of our kind . Impressions f this sort seem to be built upon a

response o many particlesof behaviour. These behaviours nvolve matters

of etiquette,dress,deportment, esture, ntonation,dialect,vocabulary, mall

bodilymovements ndautomatically xpressed valuations oncerning oththe

substanceand the detailsof life. In a mannerof speaking, hese behaviours

constitute a social style.

Status symbols based on social style embody restrictive mechanisms

whichoften operate n conjunctionwith each other. We tend to be impressed

by the over-allcharacter f a person'smanner o that, in fact, we can rarely

specify and itemize the particular cts which have impressedus. We find,

therefore, hat we are not able to analyse a desiredstyle of behaviour nto

partswhichare smalland definite nough o makesystematic earning ossible.

We also find that symbolicvalue is given to the perceptibledifference

betweenan act performed nthinkingly nder he invisibleguideof familianty

and habit, and the same act, or an imitationof it, performedwith conscious

attention to detail and self-conscious ttention to effect.

Furthermorehe mannerprescribedor the membersof a class tends to

be an expression n miniatureof their style of life, of their self-conception,

and of the psychological eeds generatedby their daily activity. In other

words, ocialstyle carriesdeepexpressive ignificance. The style and manners

of a classare,therefore, sychologicallyll-suited o thosewhose ife experiences

took place in anotherclass.

Finally, we must note that members f a class frequently xerciseexclu-

siveness in just those situationswhere the categorical igniScance f a par-

ticular act is taught. This accounts n part for the common ocial fact that

one class may use as a symbol an act which anotherclass does not know is

being used in this way.l One-sided ymbolismof this kind can occur even

1 Perhaps the structural model for this kind of symbol is found in the password and

fraternal sign.





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ERVING

GOFFMAN

30I

in cases

where

the

persons

who

do

the act

are the

ones

who

do not

know

of its significance.

(5)

C?4ltivatior

estrictions.

n

many

societies,

avocational

pursuits

n-

volvingthe cultivationof arts, tastes , sports,and handicrafts ave been

used as

symbols

of class

status.

Prestige

s accorded

he

experts,

and

expert-

ness

is based

upon,

and requires,

concentrated

ttention

over

a long

period

of time.

A command

of foreign

languages,

or example,

has

provided

an

effective

source

of this

sort of

symbol.

It is

a truism

to say

that

anything

which

proves

that a

long span

of

past

time has

been

spent

in non-remunerative

ursuits

s

likely to

be used

as a

class

symbol.

Time-cost

s

not,

however,

he

only

mechanism

f restric-

tion

which

stands in

the way

of cultivation.

Cultivation

also requires

dis-

cipline

and

perseverance,

hat

is,

it requires

f

a person

hat

he exclude

rom

the lineof hisattentionall the distractions, eflections, ndcompetingnterests

which come

to

plaglle an

intention

carried

over

an extended

period

of

time.

This

restriction

n the

improper

cquisition

of

symbols

s

especially

effective

where

the period

from

preparation

o

exhibition

s

a long

one.

An

interesting

xample

f cultivation

s found

n

the quality

of restraint

upon which

classes

n many

different

ocieties

have

placed

high

value.

Here

social use

is

made

of the discipline

equired

o

set aside

and

hold

in check

the

insistent

stimuli

of

daily life

so

that attention

may be

free

to tarry

upon

distinctions

nd

discriminations

hich

would

otherwise

be overlooked.

In

a

sense,

restraint

s a form

of negative

cultivation,

for

it involves

a studied

withdrawal f attentionfrommanyareasof experience. An example s seen

in Japanese

ea ceremonies

uring

he

Zen period

of

Buddhism.

In

Western

society

the

negative

and

positive

aspects

of cultivation

are typically

combined

in

what

is called

sophistication

oncerning

ood,

drink,

clothes,

and

furnishings.

(6)

Organic

estrictions.

estrictions

elated

to

manner

and

cultivation

provide

evidence

by

means

of relevant

symbols

as to how

and where

an indi-

vidualhas

spent

a

great deal

of

his past

time.

Evidence

concerning

revious

activity

is crucial

because

lass

status

is based

not only

on social

qualifications

but

also on

the length

of time

a person

has possessed

hem.

Owing

o the

natureof biologicalgrowthand development, cquiredpatternsof behaviour

typically

provide

a much

less

reliable

view

of a

person's

past than

is

pro-

videdby

acquired

hanges

n

his physical

tructure.l

In

Britain,

or

example,

condition

of hands

and

height

in

men, and

secondary

exual

characteristics

in

women,

are symbols

of status

based

ultimately

on the long-range

hysical

effects

of diet,

work,and

environment.

III

Persons

n the same

socialposition

behave n

many

ways

that are

common

to all the occupantsof the positionas well as particularo them. From the

1 The use

of inherited

characteristics

as symbols

of status

is typically

found, of

course,

in a

society of

castes

not classes.





7/23/2019 588083


302 SYMBOLS OF CLASS STATUS

wide rangeof this activity certain tems are selectedand used for the special

purposeof signifying tatus. These items are selected nstead of other pos-

sible ones partly because they carry a strong expressivecomponentand

embody mechanisms or limiting misrepresentative se of them. The kind

of class-consciousnesshichdevelops n a society can be understoodn terms

of the divisionbetween tems of characteristic onduct hat are employedas

status symbols and those items which could be employed n this way but

are not.

Six generaldevices or restrictingmisuseof class symbolshave been out-

lined. It must be said, however, hat there is no single mode of restriction

which can withstand too many contingencies,nor is there any restriction

which s not regularly nd systematically ircumventedn some fashion. An

exampleof this is the Public School System in Britain, which may be seen

as a machine or systematically e-creatingmiddle-class eople in the image

of the aristocracy a task in which twenty-six CharmSchools in Chicago

are similarlyengaged,but with a somewhatdifferentclientele and a some-

what different deal image.

The presenceof routine methods of circumventionmay partly explain

why stable classes end to designate heir positionby meansof symbolswhich

rely on many different ypes of restrictivedevices. It wouldappear hat the

efficacyof one type of restriction cts as a check upon the failureof another

In this way the groupavoidsthe danger,as it were, of putting all theirsym-

bols in one basket. Conversely, ocial situations or which analysisof status

symbols s importantcan be classifiedaccording o the type of mechanism

upon which membersof a class may be overZependent r which they may

neglect.

From the point of view taken in this paper, problems n the study of

class symbols have two aspects, one for the class from which the symbol

originates nd the otherfor the class which appropnatest. As a conclusion

to this paper,referencewill be made o three of these two-sidedproblem reas.

(I) Class Movement. Social classes as well as individualmembersare

constantlyrisingand falling n terms of relativewealth, power,and prestige.

This movement ays a heavy burdenupon class symbols, ncreasing he ten-

dency for signs that symbolizepositionto take on the role of conferringt.

This tendency, n connectionwith the restrictions hat are placed upon the

acquisitionof status symbols, retards the rise to social eminenceof those

who have lately acquired mportance n power and wealth and retards he

fall of those who have lately lost it. In this way the continuityof a tradition

can be assuredeven though there is a change in the kind of personswho

maintainthe tradition.

As already suggested,we find that sources of high status which were

once unchallenged ecomeexhaustedor find themselves n competitionwith

new and different ourcesof status. It is therefore ommon or a wholeclass

1 The extreme case is found in so-called ritual transmission of charisma. See Max Weber

Theory of SociaG nd EconomxcOrganization, rans. T. Parsons (London, I947), p. 366.





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ERVING GOFFMAN

3o3

of persons to find themselves with symbols and expectationswhich their

economicand political positionC>n no longer support. A symbol of status

cannotretain or ever ts acquired ole of conferringtatus. A time is reached

when social declineaccelerateswith a spiral effect: membersof a declining

class are forcedto rely more and more upon symbolswhich do not involve

a currentoutlay, while at the same time their associationwith these symbols

lowers the value of these signs in the eyes of others.

The other aspect of this problem urns upon the fact that new sources

of high status typically permitthe acquisitionof costly symbolsbeforesym-

bols based on cultivationand socialization an be acquired. This tends to

induce in the rising group expectationswhich for a time are not warranted

and tends to undermine he regard in which costly symbols are held by

membersof other classes.l

(2)

CxwatorGroxts. Wherever he symbolizingequipment of a class

becomeselaboratea curatorpersonnelmay developwhosetask it is to build

and service this machineryof status. Personnelof this kind in our society

includemembers f such occupational ategories s domestic ervants, ashion

experts and models, interiordecorators,architects,teachers n the field of

higher learning,actors, and artists of all kinds. Those who fill these jobs

are typically recruited rom classes which have much less prestigethan the

class to which such services are sold. Thus there are people whose daily

work requiresthem to become proficient n manipulating ymbols which

signify a positionhigher han the one they themselvespossess. Here, then,

we have an institutionalized ource of misrepresentation,alse expectation,

and dissensus.

An interestingcomplication rises when the specialistprovidessymbol

service or a large numberof personsand when the symbolto whichhe owes

his employment t the same time calTiesa stronglymarkedexpressive om-

ponent. This is the case, for example,with the fashionmodel and interior

decorator. Under these circumstanceshe curatorcomes to play much the

same sacredrole as those entrustedwith the collectivesymbolsof a society.

It then becomes possible for the improperexpectationsof the curatorto

be realizedand for the status and security of the patron class itself to be

correspondingly iminished.

(3) Circulation f Symbols. The systematic circumvention f modes of

restriction eads to downward nd upwardcirculation f symbols.2 In these

cases, apparently, he objectivestructureof the sign-vehicle lways becomes

1 This has been referred to as the problem of the nouveau riche, of which the comrnunity

of Hollywood provides an example. See Leo Rosten, Hollywood(New York, I94I), especially

pp. I63-80. See also Talcott Parsons, The Motivation of Economic Activity , Essays in

SociologicalTheory (Glencoe, I948), p. 2I5. An extreme case in the U.S.A. is the decrease in

social value of the type of expensive car favoured by the rich criminal classes.

2 It is not rare for practices which originate in one class to be adopted by the members

of a higher one. Cases in point would be the argot of criminal, ethnic, and theatrical groups

and such fugitive social crazes as the Lambeth Walk. In most cases these adopted practices

serve only an expressive function and are not used as status symbols. Sometimes practices

of low repute are adopted as status symbols in order to comment on those who cannot aflord

to be associated with them.

u





7/23/2019 588083


3o4


altered. A classification f these alterations r modesof vulgarizationwould

be interesting o pursuebut is beyond the scope of this paper.

From the point of view of this paper, circulationof symbols has two

majorconsequences. First, those with whom a symbol originatesmust turn

from that which is familiar o them and seek out, again and again, some-

thing which s rlot yet contaminated. This is especially rue of groupswhich

are smallerand more specialized han social classes groupswhose members

feel inclinedto separatethemselves rom the* originalsocial class, not by

movingup or down but by movingout. This may be seen, for example, n

the attempt of jazz musicians o create a monthly quota of new fashionto

replace tems of their action and speech which laymen have appropriated.

The second consequence s perhaps the more significantof the two.

Status symbolsprovide he cue that is used in orderto discover he status

of others and, from this, the way in which others are to be treated. The

thoughts and attention of persorls ngaged n social activity therefore end

to be occupiedwith these signs of position. It is also a fact that status

symbolsfrequentlyexpressthe whole mode of life of those from whom the

symbolicact onginates. In this way the individual inds that the structure

of his experience n one sphereof life is repeated hroughouthis experiences

in other spheresof life. Affirmation f this kind inducessolidarity n the

group and richnessand depth in the psychic life of its members.

As a resultof the circulation f symbols,however,a sign which s expres-

sive for the class in which t originates omesto be employedby a different

class a class for which the symbol can signify status but ill express t. In

this way conscious ife may becomethin and meagre, ocusedas it is upon

symbols which are not particularly ongenial o it.

We may close with a plea for empirical tudieswhich race out the social

careerof particular tatus symbols--studies imilar o the one that Dr. Mueller

has given us concerning he transferof a given kind of musical aste from

one social grouping o another.2 Studies of this kind are useful in a period

when widespread ultural communication as increased he circulationof

symbols, he powerof curatorgroups,and the rangesof behaviour hat are

acceptedas vehicles for symbols of status.

1 From conversations vrith Howard Becker.

2

J. H. Mueller, Methods of Measuremerlt f Aesthetic Folkways , Am. J. Soc., vol. LI,

pp. 27682.

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