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Patterns of Control: Reforming West-European SchoolsAuthor(s): Bob MoonSource: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 41, No. 3, Special Issue: Britain as a EuropeanSociety? (Sep., 1990), pp. 423-444Published by: Wiley on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science

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Bob Moon

Patternsof control:reformingWest Europeanschools

I HE CONTEX OF REFORM

In Britain,as in all Europeancountries, educationalreform hasfeatured prominentlyin the developmentand evolution of socialpolicies.In the immediatepost-warperiodthe taskof reconstruction,therequirements f therapidlyexpandingschoolpopulationandthepressure to establish free and compulsory secondary educationcontributeda firstphaseof renewal.In the 1950sthedemocratizationof schoolingand the reform of institutionalstructuresprovidedasecondfocusforsocialenquiryand,frequently, orlegislativeaction.

In the followingdecadeinterestmovedto thecontentandcurricu-lum of schooling.Numeroushighlypublicized ubjectbasedreformprojects,designedto usherin an age of modernizationhroughnewand liberalizedapproaches o pedagogy,receivedwidespreadatten-tion. They alsoattractedextensivefunding from governmentalandnon-governmental ources.The outcomeswere often controversialand, in the economic climate of the 1970s, few projects wereimplementedin the form originallyenvisaged.Morerecentlyverydifferentapproaches o curriculumreformon a nationalscalehave

evolvedwith the implementationof centrallydirectedhighly inter-* *

* n

ventlonlstgovernmentapo lcles.This analysis focusing on curriculumreform from the 1960s

onwards,examines heEnglish andWelsh)experience ncomparisonwithsimilarreformsin neighbouringEuropeancountries.A centralconcernis to critically xploreprevailingassumptionsaboutthe wayeducationalsystems work in practice.What, for example, is therelationshipbetweenthe formalstructurefor controland decisionmaking and the informal networks of significantindividualsor

interestgroups?Howcanthefrequently eporteddistinctionbetweencentralizedand decentralized ystemsbe conceptualized?These andrelatedquestionshaveincreasinglyeatured n politicaldebateaboutthestructureswithinwhicheducation scontrolledandadministered.Itisatimelymomenttherefore oexamine,throughtheliteratureandselected examples the way in which different systemsrespond to

B/S 6 ollsrle ,x,. I [.S.s8e,x,.3 vSel,le,,,t. Z99()






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424 BobMoon

reform proposals. Curriculumreform in three countries, Englandand Wales, France and the Netherlands is considered firstly by

reference to one issue, developments n mathematics eaching andsecondly n the context of the governmental ntervention o regulatefor whole curriculumpolicies in the 1980s. These accountsprovideevidence against which existing theoretical perspectivescan be re-viewed,and some characteristics f the systems n operationelicited.

I HE S l RUC l UREOF EDUCA I lONALSYS I EMS-A WES I ERN

EUROPEAN DlMENSlON

Descriptionof the controlof education s almostwhollyconceivedofin terms of nation states. Accounts of educationalchange are mostcommonly ramed n national erms.Educationalists nd sociologists,like historians,have been drawn to the study of national nstitutionsand to observing he attempts o resolvenationalproblems. t is easierand more convenient, he material an be more readilycollectedandsynthesized, t is politicand it has becomea tradition.The nation s animportant ocialunit and the mostobviousone to study.People ive in

nation-states nd possessnationalconsciousness.Moreoveras Shafer(1955: 265) suggests as practitioners of the scientific methods,scholarsare bound to look for distinctions, or differences of kind,level and function;and nationality s the most significant ontempor-ary group distinction .

Categorizations f educational ystems, herefore, nevitably lusternationalsystems nto groups formed around criteria hat reflect thecomplementarynatureof countrieswithina specificcategoryand thedistinctiveness f these systems romothers.Political nd bureaucratic

structureshave often been seen as significantdeterminantsof themodels evolved. A series of publications n the 1970s and 1980spursued this theme and in particularthe nature and degree ofcentralizedor decentralizedcontrol characteristic f one countryoranother.

An OECD (1972) publication for example suggested that thecontrast between centralizedand decentralizedsystems seemed anobvious indicatorof style, both with regard to education in generaland curriculumdevelopment in particular.Three years later in a

further report (OECD 1975) specifically xamining curriculumde-velopment the author submittedthat for obvious reasons the tech-niques and organizationwhich a country chooses for curriculumdevelopment are closely related to the systems for controlling thepubliccurriculumwhich has been inherited from the past (p.15). Athird publication, a major study in four volumes of educationalinnovation OECD 1973) relatescentralizationwithin school systemsto authoritarianism nd suggests that the creation of an innovative






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Patterns of control 425

climate requiresa more decentralizeddecision making structure,particularlywithincentralized ystems p.254).

A Councilof Europereport(Ruddock1976)usedthe termconfinedto describe systemssuch as those in Franceand Denmarkwheredevelopment seffectivelyandpredominantlynitiatedandcontrolledcentrallybythe Ministerof Education.This iscontrastedwithprofusesystems uchasEnglandandWalesortheNetherlandswheredecisionmakingoccurs at a varietyof levels. Numerousother publicationspursue a similar theme with Watson (1979) writing prior to theEducationReform Act in England,contrastingthe very definitelycentral control and direction of the French with the piecemeal

approach o policydevelopment n England.AndNicholas 1983:25)is able to assert that the high degree of centralizationin theorganizationof the Frencheducationalsystemmakesit possibletogeneralize about future developmentswith some confidence andaccuracy p.25).

National traditions,therefore, are seen as highly significantinunderstanding ontrolandchangeandthisisbestexemplified n thewiderangingstudyby MargaretArcher(1979)on the originsof fourEuropeaneducationsystems(Denmark,England, Franceand the

USSR).Sheusestheconceptof centralized rdecentralizedystemsasthe focusnotonlyfora historical ppraisal f howsystemschangebutalsoto predicthowthey mightdevelopin the future.Archer s hesishasbeen extensivelyreviewed.She suggeststhatthe differentformsinto which educationalsystems evolve reflect the ways in whichsuccessivegroupsshookoff the constraints f religiouscontrol.Thuscentralizedsystemsdeveloped where freedom from the old ortho-doxy wasachievedthroughpoliticalactionand the restrictionof theactivitiesof the churchbylaw.Decentralized ystems,however,were

morelikelyto originatewherefinanciallypowerfulgroups,disadvan-tagedbyreligiouscontrol,established ducationalnstitutions utsidethe influenceof churchorstate.

The analysis eads Archerto suggest that in centralizedsystems,given the overriding importance of political manipulation,it ispossibleboth to describeeducational nteractionas a politicalstorywith character,plot and outcome which could be told chapterbychapterfor a countrysuch as France.The significantdimensionofeducationalchange therefore is the changing interrelationshipbe-

tweenthe political tructureand the structureof educationalnterestgroups.This contrastswithdecentralized ystemswhere thereis nohistoric agabutonly avastcollectionof shortstories nwhichsomeofthe same charactersreappearand some of the same problemsaretackledby different personaein differentways (see pp.39S7). Incentralized ystems hereforepolicydictatedchangesareusuallyslowandcumbersome epresentinga punctuationof theeducational tasiswhereasinteraction n decentralizedsystems,takingplace at three






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426Boboon

levelschools,communityand nationintertwineand influenceone

anothero producea seamlesswebof changes(seepp.617/8).

Theres some concludingspeculationas to whethera degree of

convergencen the period followingthe mid 1970sis beginningto

emerge.or Archer, however, the prospectsfor change are that

futureducational interactionwill continue to be patterned in

dissimilarashions n thetwosystemsandthatthe productsof change

willeproduce hemainfeaturesof centralizationrdecentralization

(p.790).t is a long and detailedargumentand not withoutsub-

sequentriticism eg. King1979;Warwick ndWilliams1980;Salter

andapper 1981andAnderson1986).

Thepaucityof comparativetudiesof educational hange,particu-

larlyn the schoolcurriculum,has restricted he termsin whichthe

actualorkingsof educational ystems anbeunderstood.The merits

ofentralizedr decentralizedcontrolhoweverhavefeatured arge

onhe politicalagenda for educationalreform in most European

countries.he issue slikely ogainevengreaterattentionasthemove

toconomic union among EEC countriesand perhaps the wider

Europeanommunity throws up new dimensions to both these

concepts.t is becoming ncreasinglymportant hereforeto ground

thehetoricof politicalandbureaucratic ebatein a morerigorous

analysisf howsystemswork npractice.The storyof theintroduction

of ew Mathsinto the Europeancurriculumand the recent cross

nationalecord of governmentalinterventionto introducewhole

curriculumoliciesprovidestartingpointsforsuchananalysis.

1 HEELA l lONSOF CHANGE-lN l RODUCINGNEW MA 1 HSN l O

1 HEUROPEANCURRlCULUM

NewMathswasa globalphenomenonwhich n popularfolklorehas

beeninked to the late 1950s resourceexplosion in the USA that

followedhelaunchof theRussianSputnik.The originsof newmaths

howeveroback obeforethesecondworldwar.Aninternational nd

secretivegroup of academic mathematiciansadopted the group

pseudonymBourbaki,namedafteran unsuccessfulnineteenthcen-

tury wissgeneral, oadvocateanentirelynewapproach omathemat-

icalunderstanding.Titlessuchas SettheoryandTopologicalVector

Space two subdivisionsof their firstcollectivepublication give a

flavourof the ideas that would eventuallypermeateinto the class-

roomsof theveryyoungestchildren.

It was Bourbakistswho were to play a majorrole in promoting

reform at universityand then school level both through activities

withinspecificcountriesand internationalconferencesOEEC,the

forerunner oOECD,organizedone of themostfamousattheCercle






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Culturelde Royaumont,Asnieres-sur-Oisen France n 1959inwhichJeanDieudonnealeadingBourbakistmadea stridentpleaforchange

with the emotive title Euclidmust go . Internationalpressure forreformwasthensustained hroughOECDandUNESCOconferencesandseminars oralmostadecade.The impactof theseeventswastobefelt in every West Europeancountry. Three countries, England,Franceand the Netherlandsprovidean illustrationof how in theprimary choolsectoreventsunfolded.

France

France, more than most countries, is seen to characterizethecentralizedhighlybureaucraticmodelof educational ontrol.Archer(1979:358)forexamplesuggests hat curriculum evelopment snotreadilydistinguishable rom curriculumspecificationand control .Becher and McClure(1978) reflect this view and see in Franceasophisticated rganization taffedby cadreof highlytrained nspec-torswithstrongideasabouthowthe curriculum houlddevelopandclearlydefinedadministrativeechniques ocarryouttheseideas.Theoverallcontrolof the schoolcurriculum n Francelies firmly,they

point out, with the Ministerof Education.These perspectivesgivecredenceto theoft quotedbutmistakenportrayalbyHippolyteTaineof theEducationMinisterwhocouldlookathiswatchandobserveat acertain hour that in a certain class all pupils in the Empire areinterpretingacertainpageof Virgil . SeeAmbler1987).The reformof mathematicseachinghoweverillustratesa much more complexinterplayof events.

Pressurefor reform came initiallyfrom BourbakistUniversitymathematicians(Lichnerowicz1960) closely allied with subject

teacherassociations. n the late 1960sandearly 1970sextensivetakeup of newmathematicswasreportedacross hecountry.Newspapersand ournalscarriedregular eatureson thereformandinternationalfiguresuchasZ.P.Zienes, heinventorof the colouredrod material,appearedregularlyon television.Independentregionalmathematicscentres were also established.Textbook sales figures, difficult toobtainfor reasonsof commercial onfidentiality, rovideone signifi-cantmarkerof takeup (contraryo popularbelieftextbooksare notcentrallyprescribed n the Frenchsystem).One leading publisher

producedboth a traditionaland modern primaryseries and salesindicate hedominanceof thenewmathsapproach seeTableI.)The formalrecordof thecentrally ontrolledcurriculum,however,

gives no indicationof the ferment into which the mathematicscurriculumhad been thrown.In the ecoleselementaires he guide-lines nforcethroughout he 1960swerethoseestablishedn 1945andforcalcul(arithmetic)ather hanmathematics. hesewere gnoredasministerialand inspectorialcontrol became marginalizedby the






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rABLE:1: Publishers ecordshowinggrowingdominance f newmathemat-icsapproach 968-72

Arithmetic extbookfrom i:quivalent extbookfromthe traditional eries the modernseries

Numberof copiesprinted* Sales

196849 70,000 35,0781969-70 15,000 133,229197W71 25,000 3 16,3 111971-72 12,000 2 17,738

* actual sales iguresnot available.

strong alliancebetween universitymathematicians, eacher subjectassociations ndpublishingnterests.

Over the next few years howevercontroversysurrounding thereform ragedceaselessly npamphletsand throughthe press.Explicitlinkswere made betweenthe need to modernizeand the changinglifestylesof young people. Lecauchemardes mathsmodernes (the

nightmare of modern maths) was the title of an article by RogerApery, a UniversityMathematics rofessor n L Express f February6th 1972. In his view pornography,drugs, the disintegrationof theFrench anguage,upheavalsn mathematicsducationallrelateto thesameprocess;attacking hecentralpartsof the liberal ociety .

The reactionagainst new maths wassoon to take root. Publisherswere,again,busyanticipating o thetrend (TableII). Newguidelines,provisional in 1970 and introduced with the full force of stateintervention n 1980 markeda rejectionof muchof the Bourbakist

inspirationof a decadeearlier.In the decadeof subjectbasedreform, however,up to the point inthe late 1970swhen centralauthoritywasreasserted, he traditionalsystem ordevelopmentandcontrolwasbypassed.Groupsoutsidetheformal political and bureaucraticstructureswere able to wieldsignificantnfluence.As PierreGremion,(1976:12) in an influentialstudyhassuggested thecentraladministration oes not suppressalllocal power. You will find particulartypes of power, sometimesobscure, often in a parallel form but sufficientlydistinctive to

counterbalance he power of the summit . An importantassertionreinforced by Sheriff (1979: 212) who in analyzingrecent researchobservedthat the study of the statebureaucracyn Francehas longbeen dominatedby the Faculties of Law with the result that thetraditional iteratureprovidesextensive accountsof what ought tohappen ratherthan whatdoes happen .Historiansikewisehave castdoubtson thewayformalstructures houldbeinterpreted.Theodore

428

Zeldin 1980:198)suggests hat the dealizersputforward heoriesas

BobMoon






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r ABLi: II: Salesfiguresor twoFrench rzmarychoolext-books 97741

New Maths New publication2nd edition direction raditional

1977-78 5,696 2,234

1978-79 15,168 31,796

197940 9,966 50,951

198>81 6,056 52,960


to what France ought to represent,and by force of reptitionthesetheorieshave sometimesbeenacceptedas descriptions f whatFrancein fact was. The history of France seducationproduces the sameconclusionsas the historyof its politics, hat the theories propagateddo not provideanaccurateguide to whatactuallyhappened .

Englandand Wales

In Englandand Walessimilareventswere unfoldingin parallelwithNew Maths as one of the most significantfeaturesof a reformed

primaryschool curriculum.The Plowden Report of 1967, a cel-ebration of the progressive primary tradition gave unequivocalsupportto a development n mathematicshat mayproveto be thebeginning of a new era associatedwith the establishmentof theSchoolsCouncil para.653).And the Reportgoeson to suggestthat

this wasone reformto disprovethe maximthat rapidrevolutionsarenot common n Englisheducation.

In adopting this ambitiousperspectivethe Committeewas re-spondingto the impactof amajornationalreformproject orprimarymathematicsfunded by the Nuffield Foundation.As in France,Universitymathematics layeda leadingrole working n closealliancewith Her Majesty s nspectorate.The status of the Nuffield Foun-dation created a focus of attention,for DES, HMI, subjectassoci-ations, industrialistsand universitymathematiciansCooper 1985)that wascentralistn its influencedespitethe lackof formalauthorityand control.In thefirstdecadeof reform t is difficult o defineevents

in primarymathematics ther than by referenceto Nuffield and itscharismaticDirector,GeoffreyMatthewslaterbecame hefirstChairof MathematicsEducationat ChelseaCollege). (see Broadfoot1980,Hewton,1975;Howson,1978and 1981).

Hewtonhas analysedsalesof the materialswith publishersas inFranceplayinga majorrolein dissemination.SeeTable III.)

The story,however,againas in France akesadifferent direction nthe early 1970s.Sales figuresfor materials n both countriesshow a






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rABLk: III: SalesofNuffieldProjectMaterials967-72

1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972

UK 142 138 113 82 40 27

USA 8 38 40 46 50 53

Other 3 20 24 11 23 14

lotal 153 196 177 139 113 94

430 BobMoon

peak around 1970. In England the election of a Conservativegovernmentcoincidedwith increasedmedia interestgivento polemi-cistswho in a seriesof pamphlets,TheBlackPapers, ttackedall formsof progressive ducation.

New Mathsrepresented a prime target. BlackPaperTwo(CriticalQuarterlySociety1970:104) under thetitle The mystiqueof modernmathematics uggests Officially t wasquicklydecided thatwe mustkeep up withtheRussians t allcosts . . the firststep wastochangethebasis of the subject. Almost overnight the word arithmetic dis-

appeared from the timetable, being replaced by that much moreglamorous erm mathematics . . theopposition o the newmathsbysome sum lovingteacherswas quicklyovercome.In education f youwant promotion, you must not question the suggestionsfrom theexperts, howeverdotty they may seem .

The reference to officially t wasdecided llustrates he anger feltbyBlackPaperauthorsaboutthecollusionamongstdifferent nterestgroups (DES, Inspectorate,Teachers Unions) to legitimatize pro-gressive approachesto the curriculum.In 1972 the first Nuffield

projectfinished and as in Franceand other Europeancountriesthemomentum began to falter. The TimesEducationalupplementom-mented (8th February1974) on the ideologicalconfusionsurround-ing maths reform. The Aunt Sally of modern mathsseems to haveprovided a focus for the abuse waitingto be handed out and hasrapidlyestablishedtselfas one of thosepanaceas/pariahshatstalk heworldof educationalnnovation . . modernmaths sprobably ettingit in the neck for manyother things- open plan primary chools,newmethods, he youngergenerationand thelong hairthatcoincideswith

it. These and othercriticismswerecontributing o the pressurethatalmost inevitably ed to an interventionist nd centralgovernmentalresponse.

TheNetherlands

In the Netherlandsthe Dutch word verzailing, derivativeof zailmeaningpillar, s usedto expresstheconceptof pluralism rseparate






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development.The divisionof Dutchsocietyinto such pillars(some-timestakenas a referenceto the variousschoolsof adviceofferedby

the followersof St. SimeonStylites,hermitswho squattedout theirlivesat the top of pillars)has long historicalrootsdatingbackto thebreak between the Protestantsof the United Provincesand theCatholicsof theSpanishNetherlands n thesixteenthcentury.This isrepresented neducational ermsbyseparateCatholic,Protestant ndseculararrangementsfor schoolingand supportingadministrativeagencies.Formalcurriculumdecisionmakingat the time the NewMaths reformswere being consideredacrossEuropewasdiffusedamongsta myriadof nationaland sectional nstitutions see OECD

1975:25).The Netherlandspar excellenceherefore,is seen as decentralistncharacter.Asearlyas 1961,however,nationalcommissions,ndepen-dent of the differentcurriculumdevelopmentagencies,wereestab-lished to devise and implementa programmefor modernizingthesecondary choolmathematicsurriculum.

New maths primarytextbooks,translatedfrom French,Swedishand Englishbeganappearingfrom 1966onwards.Universitymath-ematicianssuch as Hans Freudenthalbegan compaigning for a

nationalprogrammeof modernization. n 1968almostdailyreferen-ces appeared in the press. De VolksArant nd De Gelderlander orexample on November22 and 27 respectivelysurveyedthe inter-nationalsituationand pointedto the dangersof the Dutchbeingleftbehind.The outcomeof the pressurewasthe foundingof a centralandnationalagency,the InstituutOnwikkelingWiskundeOnderwijs(IOWO)basedatthe University f Utrecht.

Lijphart 1977)usesthe term consociationalo describedemocra-cies where political leaders using a variety of strategies (grand

coalitionsandmutualvetoestogivetwoexamples)bringstabilityoanotherwisedivided politicaland socialstructure(see also Dix 1980).Duringthisperiodthereappears ohavebeenanunderstandingbothamong politicians,and between Parliamentand those watchfulofreligiousfreedomthat a nationalprogrammewasacceptable. n theDutch context the high degree of centralizedand bureaucraticinterpenetration f formally eparateagencieshasalsobeenobservedby Brenton(1982).In a studyof socialserviceprovisionhe pointstotheimpactof growing inancialdependencyon traditionalpatternsof

controlandauthority.IOWOwasto be relatively hortlivedexperiment.Foundedas theclamour for reconsideringthe reforms was reaching a peak inneighbouringcountries tspurposewassoon to comeunderpoliticaland mediaattack.One newspaperust a yearafterthe Instituutwasfounded (Trouw2nd February1972)talkedof thechaoticsituation nmathematics ducationand warned Watchout for Wiskobas anewprimarymathsscheme).De Volkskrant6thFebruary1974)warnedof






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rABLE IV: Salesfi>resofa traditional,nthmetic-basedtextbookeries

1970 6,400 1976 102,800

1971 13,900 1977 126,700

1972 19,300 1978 148,100

1973 24,700 1979 146,900

1974 37,100 1980 93,200

1975 57,200.

432 BobMoon

the chaoticsituation acingschoolswithmathematicsingledout for

specificattention.In the periodafter 1973pressreporting s whollyhostile.By the end of the decade, after a bitter politicalstruggle the

governmentwithdrew undingfrom IOWOandestablisheda math-ematicsunitin a newcentralagency.Textbookssalesof a traditional,arithmeticbasedseries(sales iguresfor newmathstextscouldnotbereleased)showasin France,a peaktowards heend of the 1970s.(SeeTableIV.)

Overview

In none of these countriesdo these accountsof curriculumchangeconformto the traditionalpatternsof controlanddevelopment.Themost systematicexample of a central, administrativeresponse isrepresentedby the work of the Dutch modernizingcommissionswhich ed eventually o the foundingof acentral,nationalagencyforcurriculumdevelopmentandeventually ts incorporationnto a neworganizationresponsiblefor all areasof the school curriculum.In

France the manual of 1945 in no way represented what washappeningin classrooms n the mid to late 1960s. In EnglandandWales, in contrast,a collaborationbetween national inspectorate,centraladminstrators nd a prestigiousprivatefoundationcreatedthe meansfor providinga nationalresponsewhereno meansfor thishadpreviously xisted.

The conclusion emerges that in the events surroundingthesecurriculum eforms traditions f control n no waydeterminedhowparticularcountries responded to the pressuresfor reform. The

formalprocedures orconsultation nddecisionmakingappeartobeonlyone of a rangeof influences hatneededaccounting orby thosepromotingchange.If development hroughtheofficialsystemsuitedit wasadopted, f it inhibited t wasdiscardedandalternativetrategiesadopted.

Mathematicseducation reform and the institutesand agencieswhichaccompanied t spawneda whole new professionalgroup ofmathematics educators with figures such as Freudenthal and






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Matthewsplaying a leading role. The characteristics f those at-tending internationalmathematics onferencesreflectthe evolution

towardsa new professionalized rouping.In Royaumontn 195939per cent of the delegatescame from higher education(all bar theBritishrepresentativerom mathematicsdepartments).At Berkeley,Californian 1980thisfigurehadrisento 76 percentbutwithonly 4percentrepresentingmathematics atherthanthe newlyestablishedmathematicsducation departments.In Royaumont35 per cent of

thoseattendingwereteachers, n Berkeley6 percent.The institutionalization f mathematicseducation through the

early 1970s, a period when higher educationwas expanding in all

threecountries,subtlychangedthe structureandcompositionof thegroups who had earlier played the leading role in orchestratingchange. Advocacy for research rather than reform increasinglycharacterized onferenceproceedingsandjournalpublications.Thegroupsthereforeupon whichthe reformmovementhad been builtrepresented ransitory lliances. n thechangingcircumstancesf the1970stheseeitherdissolvedoracquirednewobjectives.

In summary hereforeit appearsthat the interactionof differentgroups, and in particularthe professionalizedgroupings around

subjectareasandcurriculummovements, scriticalotheunderstand-ing of the change process.The establishedpatternsof controlwereradically hallengedby a newnetworkof influence nthe periodafterRoyaumont.The storyof new mathscan be seen as the publicandprivateoperationof interdependent segmentsof influencecompet-ing within institutionalarrangements or power and for access toresources.There is, however,no one particular ocusof powerandinfluencethatoverrides heothers.Whilst heuniversities learlyhada major mpacton reform,thishighstatuspositionwasused,or later

abused,bygroupsaccording otheirself-interest ndaccording othegroup allegiancesestablishedat the time. Yet again, therefore,it isnecessary o turn to the view,just as traditional tructurescould beused or ignored,andjust as projectdevelopmentcouldbe embracedor rejected,so too the highstatusroleof the universitiesn determin-ing whathappenedin schoolclassroomsvariedfrom one period toanother.

There aresignificant imilarities crosseachof the threecountries.The original mpetusfor modernization,he organizationbyuniver-

sitymathematics f semiofficialgroupings oforcethepaceof change,themarginalizationf formalstructures ndprocessesof consultationand decisionmakingcharacterized he firstphasesof reform.Theorchestrationof international upportand opinionbecame a signifi-cant means of developing national projects and sustaining theentrepreneurial ctivities f publishinghouses.

Mathematicsreform in each of the countries then became em-broiledin a widerrangingdebateaboutthe qualityand standardsof






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434 Bob Moon

schoolingacross he whole curriculum.Towards he middle and endof the 1970seachcountrybeganto movetowards egislative esponses

to the pressure or reformof a verydifferentcharacter.The form thatthistook,whichwillbe considered n an integratedwayacrossall threecountries provides further evidence against which the assumptionsabout the writingsof educationalsystems can be analyzed. It alsoprovides a further indication of the influence of cross nationalmovements n the European ducational ontextof the 1980s.

I HEC,EN I RALIS I ND LEGISLA I IVEMOVEMEN I I OWARDS

CURRICULUMREFORNIN I HE 1980s

In each of the national studies a growing politicaldisillusionwithreform has been noted. Textbook sales of new mathematics eriesdropped markedly hroughoutthe 1970s. Media reporting becamealmost wholly hostile. Political intervention is recorded throughparliamentarydebates in all three countries. In France Le Figaro(October 21st 1980) heralded the new 1980 primarymathematicsregulations thefirst ull changes ince 1945)withthe headline Maths:

retour a la raison and alongsidea cartoon shows a harassedschoolteacher pointing to the blackboard um 2- 1 = and exclaiming odispirited ooking pupils Soyons encore plus clairs: e vous donnedeux bonbons,vous en mangezun. I1reste? The build up to the newproposalswasmarkedby the resurgenceof inspectorial ntervention.In 1980 Ministerial nd inspectorial ontrolover the new regulationswas more evident with a numberof interestgroups relegatedto themore token advisorygroupsappointedby the Minister.

In Englandand Walesmountingpressureon educational tandards

wassymbolizedn the historic nterventionby the then PrimeMinisterJames Callaghan n a speech at Ruskin College, Oxford where hetalkedof concern aboutthe standards f numeracyof school eaversand wenton to saythat he was inclined o think hatthereshouldbe abasic curriculumwith universalstandards.It was a theme that waspursuedby the Conservative overnmentelected in 1979 through aseries of curriculumpapers published n the early 1980s. In Math-ematicsa committeeof enquiry,establishedby the Labourgovern-ment to rebutt cross party concern (the Cockcroft Committee)reported in 1979 and proposed and inner core of essentialmath-ematics hat should be taught in all schools. In France he new 1980regulationswere introducedwith an extensive,centrallyorganized,programme of regional meetings and seminars. In England andWales he Cockcroft ecommendations ere supportedby designatedfunding for the specialistupdating of both primaryand secondaryteachers.

The apparent excesses of the new maths programmesattracted






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politicalandmediaattention ntheNetherlandsduringthelatterpartof the 1970s.DeVolksArant,riginallya Catholicnewspaperbutnowa

widelyread left of centre publication ometimesreferredto as thesocial workers daily gave extensive and criticalcoverage to thereforms - for example on February6th 1974 the headline readChaotic ituation acingschools,Mathsbecomesstumblingblock .

In each of the three countriessuch concernshelped providethebackclothagainstwhichcentralistand highlyinterventionistpoliciesbeganto be formulated.Againthe parallelprocessof development,whatAmbler 1987)hascalled commonexperiences crosscountriesbeganto shapepolicyoptions.

Pressuregroupsplayeda significantpartin promoting hecaseforinterventionistpoliciesacrossthe whole of the school curriculum.Mathematicswas frequentlycited to illustratethe excesses of the1960s.In France,whilst he Minister f Educationnthenewsocialistgovernment,AlainSavary,battledwiththe issueof privateCatholicschooling hatultimatelyed to hisdownfallotherswithinthesocialistpartywereplanninga newand radical nitiative.Throughthe latterpart of 1983 and early monthsof 1984Jean-PierreChevenement,workingwithasmallgroupof advisorswithin hecontextof hisclubde

reflexionRepubliquemoderne developeda rangeof policies o fosterrepublicanelitism with a reaffirmationof the value of rigorous,orthodox study in the basics throughout primaryand secondaryschooling.It is now clear thatwell before Savary s inaldemise thedecision had been taken that Chevenementwould succeed. Hispoliticaladvisors,led by two former Maoists,PhilippeBarretandJean-Claude Milner comprehensivelyestablished a reform pro-grammewith apopulistappeal.Milner s ook Del ecole publishedn1984 provideda key text for the overalldesign and Chevenement,

takingthe educationalworldby stormwasseen by one of the moreconservative eacherunion leaders,Guy Bayetas providing le plusbeauviragedepuis1968 NouvelObsenvateurJanuaryth 1985).Otherteachersunion leaders were less impressedbut Chevenementap-pealedthroughwidespreadmediaexposureover theirheadsto thepublicgenerally.Opinion polls (LePointSeptember1985) showedsubstantiveupport.

In adopting this tactic Chevenementwas working outside thenormalconsultative tructureof interestgroups,whatMilner n his

bookhadcalledthetripleallianceof thecorporationteachersunions,the educationalbureaucracy nd progressive hristians).A groupingthatin his viewhad renderededucationalchangeslowand cumber-some.

In Englanda remarkablyimilarprocesscharacterizedhe slightlylaterperiodfrom 198S88. There isan intriguingparallel n the wayChevenement s ocialistkitchencabineton one side of the channelformulatedproposalssimilar(albeitwithdifferentpurposes)to Mrs






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436 Bob Moon

Thatcher sadvisors n Downing Street). A more shadowyProfessorBrian Griffithsfulfilling the same role as Barret in France orches-

tratedthe inflowof adviceand ideas from the range of right of centrepressure groups (Hillgate, Centre for Policy Studies, Institute forEconomicAffairs) hat had publishednumerouspamphletsand tractsin the early part of the 1980s advocatinga return to traditionalistvalues in curriculum and the dismantling of the local authoritymonopoly control in state eelucation (the Hillgate group s 1986publicationWhose chools? rovided a blueprint for the 1988 legis-lationthat wasto follow).

John Quicke (1988) has analysedthe processes eading up to the

quickly taken government decision to introduce a centralist andstatutoryNationalCurriculum n the period shortlybefore the 1987GeneralElection(see also Chitty 1988,Johnson 1989). He describesthe tensions between the neo-liberaland neo-conservative lementswithinthe Conservative artyand its advisers,between hose who sawmarketprinciplesextending acrossthe full spectrumof educationalagents and those who saw defence of traditional and nationaliststandardswithin a managed system as the direction n which policyshould be pursued. Despite these internal tensions the style that

evolved for curriculumwas nterventionist nd regulatory.As in France the reforms represented a sharp break from the

corporate policies that had been distinctiveof post war educationalpolitics, ncluding he firstphasesof the Thatcheradministration. hechange is starkly llustratedby these short quotations, he first fromBetter Schools (DES 1985) the much published document that

marked the high spot of Sir KeithJoseph s ministerial areer at theDepartmentof Educationand Science, he secondpublishedafter the1987election rom the consultative ocumenton the curriculum DES

1987).The Secretary f State spolicies or the rangeand patternof the 5 to16 curriculumwill not lead to nationalsyllabuses.Diversityat localeducationauthorityand school evel s healthy,accordswellwiththeEnglish and Welsh traditionof school education, and makes forlivelinessand innovation. DES 1985:4)

The Government has announced its intention to legislate for anational foundation curriculumfor pupils of compulsoryschool

age in Englandand Wales.... Within he secularnational-curricu-lum, the Government intends to establish essential foundationsubjects - maths, English, science, foreign language, history,geography, echnology n its variousaspects,music,artand physicaleducation . . . the governmentwishes to establishprogrammesofstudy for the subjects,describing he essentialcontent which needsto be covered to enable pupils to reach or surpassthe attainmenttargets. DES 1987:35)






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In FranceChevenementpursuedhis policiesvigorously.LeMondedel Educationf March1985 (p.F9) reportshis new instructions o

inspectorsto oversee teacher quality in the teaching of the basicsubjectsratherthanmakegeneralobservations boutthe systemas awhole. Instructionswerealso issuedto the presidentsof curriculumcommissionsetup byhispredecessors omakesurethattheemphasiswouldbe on theacquisition f knowledgeratherthanexplorationsofany idealisticteaching approaches (NouvelObservateuranuary 41985).In Englandthe proposals or curriculumdespiteoverwhelm-ingobjections romeducationalistsHaviland1988)passedunalteredinto the statute books through the 1988 EducationReform Act.

Implementationwas immediatelyvigorouslypursuedthrough DESworkingpartiesandtheestablishment f newnationalbodiesdirectlyappointedby the Ministerand responsiblerespectively or Curricu-lumandExaminations ndAssessment.

In centralistFrance he political,asopposed to bureaucraticentrereasserted nfluence.In decentralistEnglanda verysimilarprocess,characterizedby similarstrategiesfor outmanoeuvring he normalrangeof interestgroups,wereputinplace.The rhetoricwasonwholecurriculumreform, raising standards(in England)democratizing

excellence (in France)and modernization in the Netherlands),allobjectivesnecessitating overnmentalntervention.Overall the theme of qualityreverberates hrough politicalad-

vocacy or newdirectionsandnewapproaches. twasin manywaysamore manageableaimfor governmentpolicy.The termsin which itwas defined could be adapted to resourceconstraint.For socialistadministrations t also achievedwhat Wise (1979) has termed goalreduction.Government ouldappearwithin hetermstheydefined tobe makingprogressin waysthat previouscommitments o ideas of

equity,accessandopportunityhadprovedsingularlydisappointing.In the Netherlands imilar orceswereatwork.The formationof aright wing coalitiongovernmentcomprisingthe ChristenDemo-cratischAppel (agrouping of threeChristianDemocratparties)andthe conservative-liberalVolkspartyvoor Vriheid en Democratieopened up educationpolicyto influencefrombusiness nterestswhohadbeencampaigningoreducational eformsandincreasedgovern-mental intervention. In 1979 a working paper on determining,measuringandimprovingqualitywasproduced(vanBruggen1987)

which edin 1982to anational estingprogrammeirstly nDutchandthenextendingoverthethenextfewyears o arangeof othersubjectsincluding mathematics.In 1985 a PrimaryEducationAct with anumberof curriculum egulationswasfollowedbythemoreprescrip-tive EducationBillof 1987 proposinga nationalcore curriculumoffourteensubjectsandanassessmentprogrammeinkedto attainmenttargets;a development hatparalleled imilarproposals n England.

Proposalssuch as these were not unique to Europeancountries.






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438 Bob Moon

Acrossmost of the industralised ountriesof the world the 1980ssawnational reappraisaland the development of national policies to

combatwhat was variously ermed educationaldecline or crisis.Thepublication n the USA of the 1983 open letter to the Americanpeople from the US NationalCommission n Excellence n EducationA Nation at Riskattractedworldwideattention or its indictment p.5)of the mediocreeducationalperformance of the Americanschoolsystem. In Japan Prime MinisterNakasone s ExtraordinaryCouncilon Education as been seen by some commentators Horio 1988:376)as an attemptby business nterests o impose an even more directiveand unaccountable olicymeetingstructure han the highlycentralist

if rathermore paternalistCentralCouncilof Education ontrolledbythe Ministry f Education.A right wing think tank The Kyotoroundtable is widely reported as inspiring a number of the reformproposals.

Again these developments show how educational systems, verydifferent in structureand historical ineage, can be worked whereorchestrated eform s vigorouslypursued.The increasingly entralistinterventionof government n France,Englandand the Netherlandsshowsa strikinghomogeneitygiven the verydifferent traditions rom

which each emanated. Numerous observers Westbury1984, Apple1986, Altbach 1986) have explored the underlyingsocial and econ-omic forcesthat have ed in the lastdecadeto motivate he new styleoflegislativeand centralist ntervention.These observations f the wayin which different educational ystemsresponded to these pressurespoint to the difficultyof sustainingthe characteristic f systems intermssuch as centralized r decentralized.Over significantperiodsoftime changes have occurred,working hrough different institutionalarrangements,without reformersnecessarily eeling the constraints

or controlsof the systems n whichthey moved.

A U l ONOMYAND CON I ROL- I HE EVOLU I IONOF EDUCA I IONAL

SYS I EMS

The difficultiesof accommodating pecificaccountsof change pro-cesses within prevailingassumptionsabout the structureof formal

systems s reflected n a numberof studies n other areasof socialandpublic policy. As in this paper the juxtaposition of apparentlycentralized nd decentralized ystemsoccupiesmuchattention.Inter-est in the centralizedstructureof French governmentand adminis-tration has attracted considerable attention. The fate of reformprogrammes nitiatedby socialistgovernmentsbetween 1981-6 havestimulatedparticularconcern over a number of years and across a

. . . .

range ot admlnlstratlve ontexts.






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Ashford (1982) has pursueda centralconcernof this paper, thereliabilityof the conceptsof centralizationand decentralizationor

understanding hange.Hisanalysispointsto the dangersof allowingtraditional ndformalprocedures oobscure hewaysystemswork npractice. n acomparativetudyof FrenchandEnglishbureaucracieshe concluded thatcentral-local elations,viewedthroughthe multi-dimensionalcomponentsof the subnational ystemareparadoxicallymore formal and rigid in Britain,a countryoften admiredfor itspragmaticpolitics. In France [however]the subnationalsystem ismoreimportant o thepolitical ystemandtheformalitiesof adminis-trativeand politicalbehaviourcaneasilycloakthe moreflexibleand

diverseways hatpoliticalactionhavedevisedto influenceeachother .Ashfordhasbeenaccusedof pushinghisconceptualmodeltoo far,a criticismsimilarin kind to the criticismsmade of Archer sover-arching heoretical tructure.Sharpe 1983)forexamplesuggests hatthe incredible ragmentation f French ocalgovernmentset along-side the closelyintertwinedstructureof local,regionaland nationalofficeholders(aconsequenceof thecumul esmandats ortheholdingof multipleoffices)createsa symbiotic elationshipof mutualdepen-dencythatAshford s ategorizationgnores.Overall,however,hesees

Ashford sstudyas (p.132) an importantcorrective o manyof thestandardassumptions n thenatureof Frenchcentral-localelations .Duclaud-Williams1981,1983,1988) hasalsoquestionedmanyof thegeneral assumptionsabout Frencheducationaladministration.Hesees the systemas havingits own patternof inter-bureaucraticndpolitico-administrativeelationsandquestions, herefore,the validityof applyinggeneralFrenchmodelstothisveryspecificpolicyarea.Heis also criticalof the conceptof change withinthe Frenchadminis-trationadvancedbyMichelCrozier 1964) n TheBureaucratichenom-

enon.In this workCrozierdescribedorganizationalor change as aprocess n whichlong periodsof routineduringwhichnothingaltersareinterspersedwithcrises,anditisthesecriseswhichhavetobeartheentire burden of adaptation.Although Crozier sname does notappearin the index MargaretArcher(1979) has incorporatedthisperspectivento her modelof changewithincentralized ystems.ForArcher(op. cit.:617) changesareevidencedand documentedat thecentrebylaws,decreesandregulations . .educationcanchangeverylittle n thecentralized ystembetweensystemsuchboutsof legislative

intervention.Patternsof change,therefore,followajerkysequence nwhich ong periodsof stability i.e.changelessness) reintermittentlyinterruptedby politydirectedmeasures.This has been termedtheStop-Goattern .

Massey(1986) looking at governmentalpolicy development inFrance, s criticalof attempts o premiseanalysison formal,legalisticdescriptionsof the Frenchstateand she pointsto the richvarietyofsourcesof localpowerand autonomy hatstandin oppositionto the






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440 Bob Moon

centralistmodel of the authoritarianGaullistFifth Republic.In herterms (p.425) given the importance for public policy making of

externalpressures, onflicting nterests, ocaland regional actors, hevariation in the state-groups relations, financial conditions andchanges in all these variablesover time, and between policy sectors,any attemptto discovera single Frenchpolicystyle is doomed to fail(see also Wilson 1983). FinallyAmbler (1985) shows how effectivelyone interestgroup, in this instance he teachersunion, the Federationde L EducationNationale (FEN) could obstruct Savary sreformproposalsand he points n a laterpaper (Ambler1987)to the parallelsthat could be drawnwith Sir KeithJoseph sdifficulties n circumnavi-

gatingthe interestsof teacherunion and localauthority nfluenceoverthe same period of time. These examples llustrate he difficultiesofexisting overarching theories of change of the sort advanced byArcher.Within he political ociologyof education,Smith(1989: 176)has argued that rather han trying o understand hange throughanyparticular heory betterunderstandingmay be gained through themore modest development of models that are wide in scope, areflexibleand whose usefulnessdepends on how well they contribute ounderstanding omplex relationships ver limitedperiodsof time .

In the concluding part of this paper therefore drawing on theevidence from the curriculum eformsdescribed, ome indicationofthe points from whichsuch modelscould be established re explored.Two areas merit particular ttention: he evidence of local influenceand control, and the activitiesof interest groups in initiating and

* .

sustalnlngretorm movements.Firstly here is clearevidenceof localautonomy,even controlwithin

systems that would fall within the centralized model of policyformulationand decisionmaking.

In the Frenchmathematics eforms he local,schoolbasedauthorityto purchasenew textbooksprovidedan importantmeansof bypassingcentral directives.Parallelevidence for this exists in other areas ofcurriculum.Horner (1981), for example, describeshow, despite thedissolutionby ministerialdictat of a reform commission or science,the members reconstituted themselves and set about publishingtextbooksto salvageas much as possible of the original proposals.Broadfootet al. (1988) followinga comparative tudy of the roles ofFrench and English teachers has shown how (p.282) the actual

constraints o which French teachers are subject, and the controlswhichare exercisedover them, are relatively imited . n lookingat theworking of the French system it is possible to see how, contrarytopopular perceptions, significantdecisions about curriculumcan bemade at the level of the schools or the commune. The Maire, forexample, with the conseilmunicipal an decide whetherto fund theteaching of languages other than German or English in the localcolleges. In the early part of the 1990s countriessuch as Englandand






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the Netherlandshave embracedmore centralizedmodels for adminis-tering the curriculum.It will be important o monitor the extent to

whichthese inhibit ocalautonomy.Overall, however, the linear model of the centralized system is

inadequate or understanding he system n action and the way theseprocessesor impede reform. Secondlyand more significantly, here-fore, it is necessary o look at the activitiesof interest groups. In theexamples of subject based reform in the 1960s and legislativeintervention n the 1980s the activitiesof interest groups are promi-nent. University mathematicianswere instrumental in promotingchange in each of the three countries. Key individualsas well as the

groups they led played a leading role in workingthe systemto theirends. The tacticsadopted, however,varied from country to countryand were always trategically istanced rom traditional tructuresofcontrol and decision making.Freudenthal n the Netherlandswooedgovernment nterests o establishhis own centralagency for develop-ing the mathematics urriculum.Matthews n Englandworkedwithina private foundation although with the very public support of DESadministratorsand the inspectorate. French university mathema-ticians such as Lichnerowiczpursued independent approachessup-

ported by wide mediacoverage.In the first subject based phase of reform Universitymathema-ticianswielded significant nfluence. To achieve influence, however,requiredacknowledgement f and accommodation o other groups.Allianceshad to be created sometimes nvolving he centraladminis-trationor the inspectoratebut not always o. Publishing nterestsweresignificant n all three countries. These groupings, however, weretemporaryreflectionsof a particular onfigurationof circumstances.As conditionschangedso new allianceswere established.Publishersn

Francewere only willing to back reformersworkingoutside govern-ment guidelinesfor a relatively hort period of time.A volatilityof interactionbetween interest groups and between

groups and government s characteristic f developments n each ofthe countries.Freudenthal, he recipientof majorDutchgovernmentfinance in 1970, had all funding withdrawn within a decade asbusiness interests rather than professional educators gained influ-ence. The inspectorate n France,bypassedby the reforming zeal ofuniversity mathematicians n the 1960s, painstakinglyreasserted

influence throughout the 1970s. The reforming zeal of MargaretThatcher s third administration ed to the exclusion of all thesignificanteducational nterest groups that had played a significantrole under previousLabourand Conservative dministrations.

The evidence from each of the countries in both phases ofcurriculum reform points to the importance of interest groupstrategies or determiningthe way in which reforms were instituted.Where circumstancesare appropriate,for example in a period of






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442 Bob Moon

constrainedresources within a centralizedstructurethe traditionalstructure could be embraced. Chevenement s reforms in France

provide an example. In the same system, however, twenty yearsearlier, it was more expedient to bypassthe formal structures o anextent that the study of the formal decrees would give a whollyinaccuratepictureof reform.Strategicdecisionsabouthow to proceedbecamecrucial o the successof interestgroup activity.

The process hereforeof orchestratingsee Fullan 1982) key partsofthe formal and informal network of interests within educationalsystems merits particular attention. Where reform initiatives de-velopedone group appears o have playeda leadingrole in orchestrat-

ing support. Universitymathematicianswere significant n the Dutchand French context in the 1960s. In England civil servantsand thecentral inspectorate were equally influential although workingthrough the Nuffield Foundation network to establish a centrallydirectedcurriculumproject.In the 1980s political think ank groupscloselyalliedto ministerial r primeministerialnterestshave playedasimilarrole.

Closer examination therefore of these processes is important indeveloping a richer appreciation of the way educational systems

promote or respond to change. New parameterswill need to beestablished nd some constructs,however irmlyembedded n currentunderstandings,will require substantialmodification.Most signifi-cantly, given the focus of this paper, the idea that the way in whichevents unfold withineducational ystems s predicatedon the formalstructuralproperties of the system have assumed mythical status.Attemptsat schoolreform n Britain anbe seen as markedly imilar odevelopments in other European countries. Explanationsmust ex-tend beyond nationalboundaries.As Kogan 1983:83) has eloquently

pleaded we should guard against aking centre-local elationships sprocesses and structures in themselves. They are all transitiveconcepts requiring objects, namely the work and life of primeinstitutions, f they are to becomemeaningful .

RobertMoonSchoolof Education

TheOpenUniversity

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