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NEWSLETTER OF THE INTERNATIONAL HUMAN DIMENSIONS PROGRAMME ON GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE UPDATE IHDP 02/2005 WWW.IHDP.ORG IHDP Update is published by the International Human Dimensions Programme on Global Enviromental Change (IHDP), Walter-Flex-Str. 3, 53113 Bonn, Germany, V.i.S.d.P.: Ula Löw 1 Modern Global Environmental History: A Turbulent and Dramatic Scenario | John McNeill 4 Integrated History and Future of People on Earth (IHOPE) | Rik Leemans and Robert Costanza 6 A Socio-Ecological View on Industri- alization in Europe since the 19 th Century | Marina Fischer-Kowalski and Fridolin Krausmann 8 Africa’s Environmental History | Jane Carruthers 10 Bialowiez a Primeval Forest: The Last Remnant of Pristine Woodlands Between Conservation and Eco- Tourism | Tomasz Samojlik 11 Disaster Coping and Prevention in the Swiss Alps in the Early 19 th Century | Agnes Nienhaus 12 Becoming Aware of the Seas’ Potential Richness | Interview with Poul Holm 14 From LTER to LTSER:The Socio- Economic Dimension of Long-Term Socio-Ecological Research | Helmut Haberl 16 Can Cities Reduce Global Warming? Urban Development and the Carbon Cycle in Latin America | Summary Report 18 The Challenge of Stabilizing Atmospheric CO 2 Concentrations | Pep Canadell and Michael Raupach 20 Increasing IHDP’s Visibility Across the Globe | Debra Meyer-Wefering 21 In Brief 23 Meeting Calendar, Publications C ONTENTS In its time the earth has undergone many dramatic environmental shifts, from ice ages and hot spells to the emergence of new species and massive extinction spasms. Lately another historical moment of rapid environmental change has dawned, an era of environ- mental shock and awe, on this occasion brought on by the activities of a single species, the rogue primate homo sapiens sapiens. Humankind of course affected earth’s environment from the earliest moments of our career, and in thoroughgoing ways at least since the late Pleistocene megafauna extinc- tions. The intensity and scope of human impact upon the earth only grew with the transi- tions to agriculture that began roughly 11.000 years ago, and grew yet more with the initial harnessing of fossil fuels in the 18 th century. But what has occurred in the past three or four human generations is novel in scale and scope, and in some respects, in character. Some forms of modern environmental change are totally new. Until 1930, there were no CFCs anywhere on earth (nor presumably anywhere else either). The earth’s protective layer of stratospheric ozone remained robust. But by the late 20 th century, large quantities of CFCs had escaped to the stratosphere, significantly depleting the ozone shield. Until the first self-sustaining nuclear reaction in 1942 there were no nuclear wastes anywhere on earth, but within six decades there were millions of tons of them. But what makes the last century such an era of unusual environmental turbulence is more the scale and scope of venerable human practices such as farming and forest clear- ance, the use of fire and fuel, fishing and so forth. The following table gives a rough sense of the magnitude of some forms of environmental change over the last century. More data continued on page 2 MODERN GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY A Turbulent and Dramatic Scenario | BY J OHN MCNEILL ISSN 1727-155X FOCUS: ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY
Transcript
Page 1: 7180

N E W S L E T T E R O F T H E I N T E R N A T I O N A L H U M A N D I M E N S I O N S P R O G R A M M E O N G L O B A L E N V I R O N M E N T A L C H A N G EUPDATEIH

DP

02/2005

W W W . I H D P . O R GI H D P U p d a t e i s p u b l i s h e d b y t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l H u m a n D i m e n s i o n s P r o g r a m m e o n G l o b a l E n v i r o m e n t a l C h a n g e ( I H D P ) , Wa l t e r - F l e x - S t r. 3 , 5 3 1 1 3 B o n n , G e r m a n y, V. i . S . d . P. : U l a L ö w

1 Modern Global Environmental History: A Turbulent and DramaticScenario | John McNeill

4 Integrated History and Future ofPeople on Earth (IHOPE) | Rik Leemans and Robert Costanza

6 A Socio-Ecological View on Industri-alization in Europe since the 19th

Century | Marina Fischer-Kowalski andFridolin Krausmann

8 Africa’s Environmental History | Jane Carruthers

10 Bialowiez•a Primeval Forest: The Last Remnant of Pristine WoodlandsBetween Conservation and Eco-Tourism | Tomasz Samojlik

11 Disaster Coping and Prevention in the Swiss Alps in the Early 19th Century | Agnes Nienhaus

12 Becoming Aware of the Seas’Potential Richness | Interview with Poul Holm

14 From LTER to LTSER: The Socio-Economic Dimension of Long-TermSocio-Ecological Research | Helmut Haberl

16 Can Cities Reduce Global Warming?Urban Development and the CarbonCycle in Latin America | Summary Report

18 The Challenge of Stabilizing Atmospheric CO2 Concentrations | Pep Canadell and Michael Raupach

20 Increasing IHDP’s Visibility Acrossthe Globe | Debra Meyer-Wefering

21 In Brief

23 Meeting Calendar, Publications

C O N T E N T S

➤ In its time the earth has undergone many dramatic environmental shifts, from iceages and hot spells to the emergence of new species and massive extinction spasms. Lately

another historical moment of rapid environmental change has dawned, an era of environ-

mental shock and awe, on this occasion brought on by the activities of a single species, the

rogue primate homo sapiens sapiens.

Humankind of course affected earth’s environment from the earliest moments of our

career, and in thoroughgoing ways at least since the late Pleistocene megafauna extinc-

tions. The intensity and scope of human impact upon the earth only grew with the transi-

tions to agriculture that began roughly 11.000 years ago, and grew yet more with the initial

harnessing of fossil fuels in the 18th century. But what has occurred in the past three or

four human generations is novel in scale and scope, and in some respects, in character.

Some forms of modern environmental change are totally new. Until 1930, there were

no CFCs anywhere on earth (nor presumably anywhere else either). The earth’s protective

layer of stratospheric ozone remained robust. But by the late 20th century, large quantities

of CFCs had escaped to the stratosphere, significantly depleting the ozone shield. Until the

first self-sustaining nuclear reaction in 1942 there were no nuclear wastes anywhere on

earth, but within six decades there were millions of tons of them.

But what makes the last century such an era of unusual environmental turbulence is

more the scale and scope of venerable human practices such as farming and forest clear-

ance, the use of fire and fuel, fishing and so forth. The following table gives a rough sense

of the magnitude of some forms of environmental change over the last century. More data

➤ continued on page 2

MODERN GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL

HISTORY A Turbulent and Dramatic Scenario | BY JOHN MCNEILL

ISSN 1727-155X

FO CUS:

ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY

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2 | I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5

Environmental History

of the same sort may be found at the website maintained by the

Dutch Rijksinstituut voor Volksgezonheid en milieu (RIVM) at:

http://arch.rivm.nl/env/int/hyde.

It is well to remember that environmental turbulence is nei-

ther all good nor all bad, and indeed almost all of it is good for

some people or some species, and bad for others.

Just why the last few human generations have been so envi-

ronmentally turbulent is not self-evident. Many interacting, co-

evolving variables are involved. Probably the most important

among them is the energy system that grew up around fossil

fuels such as coal and oil. Cheap and abundant energy in the

form of fossil fuels helped to create the smoky, sulfurous atmos-

pheres of industrial cities such as Pittsburgh or Glasgow (much

improved since 1960 one should note). Cheap energy also made

possible the modern mining industry, capable of crunching

through thousands of tons of rock to get a few grams of gold,

and the modern timber industry, which over the past 40 years

has done much to clear the forests of the world’s tropical lati-

tudes.

Cheap and abundant energy is of course only part of the

story. The 4-fold expansion of human numbers (from 1900 to

2000) and the 14-fold expansion of the world’s urban popula-

tion are also important driving forces helping to explain mod-

ern environmental history. So, of course, are matters not easily

reduced to numbers, such as the nature of modern technologies

and the systems in which they are embedded, the emergence of

(now) prevailing ideologies of mass consumption and econom-

ic growth, the pressures on state behavior generated by the

international political system and so forth (see McNeill 2000:

267-356).

E D I T O R I A L

The global environment changes at an ever-increasing

pace. Many of the changes are triggered by human

activities, and the magnitude of human-induced

changes is rising. Understanding of changes in the

earth system critically depends on an improved under-

standing of these ‘socio-economic drivers.’ Environ-

mental history, the theme of this UPDATE, is one of

the approaches to fill some of the gaps in our under-

standing of the past. The study of interactions

between human societies and their biophysical sur-

roundings emerged as a distinct field of scholarship in

the 1970s, as part of the then new environmental

movement. It has since then become increasingly pro-

fessionalized with the development of organizations

like the American (1979) and the European (1999)

Societies for Environmental History (ASEH and ESEH,

respectively). As the subject requires an understanding

of both natural and social systems, environmental his-

tory is an interdisciplinary field. This UPDATE gives an

overview of relevant issues in the light of the field’s

interdisciplinarity.

The introductory article by John McNeill stresses that the

emerging superpowers of the East, especially China,

may soon be responsible for a major part of global

human pressures on ecosystems. Rik Leemans and

Robert Costanza describe IHOPE, a new project

designed to increase our understanding of past

changes in society-nature interactions. IHOPE aims at

improving our ability to project plausible future sce-

narios. In casting a “socio-ecological view” on Euro-

pean industrialization over the last 200 years, Marina

Fischer-Kowalski and Fridolin Krausmann offer a bio-

physical analysis of long-term changes in society-

nature-interaction in Europe. Jane Carruthers gives a

brief overview of African environmental history and

analyses the (geo-)political framework, especially that

of colonization and decolonization, which has shaped

the discourse within the field. The interview with one

of the pioneers of marine environmental history, Poul

Holm, gives an intriguing insight into his field of

research. Agnes Nienhaus demonstrates how changes

in the understanding of nature, especially the scientific

and mechanistic worldview, have affected strategies of

disaster coping in the Swiss Alps. Tomasz Samojlik

introduces the environmental history of Bialowie•za

National Park, a large and ecologically extremely valu-

able woodland in Poland and Belarus, and points out

how humanities scholarship can inform initiatives for

sustainable tourism.

VERENA WINIWARTER, HELMUT HABERL,GUEST EDITORS

The Guest Editors are lecturing and researching at the Institute forInterdisciplinary Research, Universities of Vienna and Klagenfurt,Austria; www.iff.ac.at

A D R A M A T I C S C E N A R I O

freshwater use 9-fold increase

marine fish catch 35

cropland 2

irrigated area 5

pasture area 1.8

forest area 0.8 (i.e. 20% reduction)

CO2 emissions 17

SO2 emissions 13

Lead emissions 8

Cattle population 4

goat population 5

pig population 9

Table 1: Scale of Environmental Change, c.1890s-1990s (co-efficient of increase)

sour

ce:M

cNei

ll 20

00;R

IVM

Population 4

Urban proportion 3

Urban population 13

World economy 14

Industrial output 40

Energy use 13

Coal Production 7

Table 2: Some Driving Forces Behind EnvironmentalChange (co-efficients of increase, 1890s-1990s)

Sour

ce:M

cNei

ll 20

00 a

nd R

IVM

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I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5 | 3

Environmental History

For most of the period from, say, 1870 to 1970 the industrial

heartlands of the world, mainly in Japan, Europe, and North

America, were undergoing the most dramatic environmental

turbulence. They suffered the most acute air pollution prob-

lems, the most severe chemical pollution (as opposed to bacteri-

ological pollution) of their waterways, and witnessed many

quick shifts in land use. They also helped to generate environ-

mental transformation elsewhere in the world, through their

hunger for energy and resources, their capital investment in

transport and other infrastructure-often undertaken in colonial

contexts-and the export of their ideas and ideologies. The rea-

sons behind this were simple enough: the most rapid industrial-

ization, the most rapid economic growth, and the greatest con-

centrations of political power were to be found in these lands.

In the last 30 or 40 years, however, things have changed. East

and Southeast Asia emerged as the zone of the greatest turbu-

lence, and lately have begun to generate environmental pressures

elsewhere in the world.

In some ways this is a return to patterns of the more distant

past. The emergence and centralization of the Chinese state,

from the Bronze Age onward, proved highly disruptive for peo-

ples and environments of East Asia, organizing a long trend of

deforestation and agricultural expansion (Elvin 2004; Reardon-

Anderson 2000). Despite the prevalence of religious ideologies

often held to be reverent of the natural environment – Bud-

dhism, Taoism – traditional China was neither an environmental

Eden nor a Shangri-la. By the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-

turies, the ecological impact of the Chinese economy made itself

felt throughout adjacent lands and out into the islands of the

Pacific, which for example, supplied Chinese consumers with

fragrant sandalwood and delicious sea slugs (McNeill 1994).

From the end of the 19th century, Japan’s rapidly industrializing

economy – and its imperial expansion between 1895 and 1945 –

meant that its ecological impact extended to Manchuria, Korea,

Taiwan, Micronesia, and parts of Southeast Asia.

China, meanwhile, underwent imperial collapse and political

chaos (c. 1910-49), followed by a political consolidation under

Mao Zedong which brought its own unique environmental con-

sequences (Shapiro 2001). Mao’s China took infrastructure

development as a sacred duty, building dams, roads, and rail-

roads with great gusto. For a few years, during the so-called Great

Leap Forward (1958-61) the government ordered peasant com-

munes to make steel in backyard furnaces, a tremendously ineffi-

cient process that led to widespread loss of vegetation (used as

fuel) and masses of nearly useless steel. Perhaps 10% of China’s

extant forests went into the furnaces. Beijing alone acquired

2,000 smelters with their attendant air pollution. Mao’s geopolit-

ical and other ambitions translated into environmental disrup-

tions across China, few of which can be regarded as beneficial

from the human point of view.

Since the end of the Mao era in 1976, China has taken part –

lately the leading part – in a general surge of economic growth

and industrialization in East and Southeast Asia. Between 1980

and 2000 China managed to raise per capita incomes about 10-

fold. Never in the annals of human history has so much econom-

ic growth been achieved so fast, and by so many. Meanwhile,

South Korea, which in 1960 was poorer on a per capita basis than

Ghana, in one generation became one of the world’s richer

countries and most efficient industrial producer in many areas of

heavy industry such as steel and shipbuilding. Japan rebounded

from the destruction and privation of the war years (1937-45) to

emerge again as East Asia’s leading industrial power, hungry for

fuel, timber, and other raw materials from adjacent lands. By the

1980s, Taiwan, and to some extent Indonesia, Malaysia, and

Thailand had also managed to transmogrify themselves into

Asian tigers in the world economy.

The astonishing rapidity of economic growth in this part of

the world inevitably brought environmental repercussions. East

Asian cities soon became among the most polluted in the world,

particularly those of north China, which burn quantities of

high-sulfur bituminous coal. Fresh water shortages came to

bedevil much of North China, as did more frequent dust storms,

a result of putting millions of hectares of grasslands under the

plow (Economy 2004; Smil 2004). In many respects, China’s

environmental problems by 2005 came to resemble those of the

United States as of 1905 – urban air pollution, regional water

shortages, rapid soil erosion on former grasslands – except China

was growing economically even faster than the U.S. of a century

ago, and had more than ten times as many people in roughly the

same territory.

Paralleling the U.S. and Britain of a century ago, China’s rapid

industrial growth has lately come to mean that China generates

environmental turbulence for other parts of the world, as does

Japan and, on a smaller scale, South Korea. The tiger economies

import massive amounts of grain, oil, timber, mineral ores and

other primary products from Southeast Asia, Australia, the Pacif-

ic Rim generally, and in the case of oil from the Persian Gulf, pro-

viding a fillip to extractive activities in all affected lands (King

1998). The 21st century bids fair to be just as environmentally

turbulent as was the 20th, and if it is, the historic resurgence of the

East Asian economies will be among the major reasons.

REFERENCES to this article are included on the IHDP website

at www.ihdp.org/updatehistory05/references.htm;http://www.ihdp.org/updatehistory05/references.htm

JOHN MCNEILL is Professor of History at the History Depart-

ment and Cinco Hermanos Chair in Environmental and Inter-

national Affairs at the School of Foreign Service, Georgetown

University, Washington DC, USA; [email protected];http://www.georgetown.edu/sfs

A D R A M A T I C S C E N A R I O

➤ The IHDP UPDATE newsletter features the activities ofthe International Human Dimensions Programme on GlobalEnvironmental Change and its research community.ISSN 1727-155XUPDATE is published by the IHDP Secretariat Walter-Flex-Strasse 3 53113 Bonn, Germany.EDITOR: Ula Löw, IHDP; [email protected] AND PRINT: Köllen Druck+Verlag GmbH, Bonn+Berlin,GermanyUPDATE is published four times per year. Sections of UPDATE maybe reproduced with acknowledgement to IHDP. Please send acopy of any reproduced material to the IHDP Secretariat.This newsletter is produced using funds by the German FederalMinistry of Education and Research (BMBF) and the UnitedStates National Science Foundation (NSF).The views and opinions expressed herein do not necessarilyrepresent the position of IHDP or its sponsoring organizations

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I H O P E

4 | I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5

Environmental History

INTRODUCTION

➤ Understanding past environmental change is seen as aprerequisite for understanding future change. But most past

changes were driven by natural trends and variability, while

future changes will be strongly determined by human activi-

ties. Over the last century, human activities have already

become so pervasive that they affect the whole system Earth in

a complex, interactive way. The Earth system now probably

operates beyond its normal historic mode (Steffen et al. 2004).

Earth System modelers have simulated this complex

dynamic behavior by stressing the environmental processes

within the Earth system. They now also start to recognize the

importance of human activities in their models (e.g. Rotmans

and de Vries 1997, Alcamo et al. 1998, Boumans et al. 2002),

but few comprehensive datasets have been available to initial-

ize and validate these models. Some research groups

(Ramankutty and Foley 1998, Klein Goldewijk 2000) have

filled part of this void by creating global historical databases of

land-cover change. Their approaches filled gaps in incomplete

statistical datasets by applying interpolations and model-

based extrapolations. These datasets have, for example,

improved simulations of the contemporary carbon cycle but

did not generate enhanced understanding of historic human

environment interactions.

Social scientists, in contrast, have traditionally portrayed

the history of the Earth in terms of the rise and fall of great

civilizations, wars, and specific human achievements. They

essentially ignored environmental contexts that often trig-

gered and mediated these events. Based on the last decade of

research, we are now beginning to understand the complex

ways in which humans have affected and have been affected by

environmental change (e.g. Diamond 1999, Redman 1999).

We now have the capability to better integrate human history

with a fairly detailed environmental history of the Earth over

the last 10,000 years.

The global change research programs have stimulated

these attempts to integrate human dynamics and environ-

mental change to improve management of the earth system

(e.g. Schellnhuber et al. 2004). Their core projects reflect this

integration in various degrees. The need for a broader, more

systematic project arose at the IGBP Congress in Banff,

Canada, in June 2003. Representatives of all the major global

projects in both the biophysical and social sciences initiated

the “Integrated History and future Of People on Earth

(IHOPE) project and defined its scope and objectives. Here

we will summarize the objectives of IHOPE and present one

of its first activities.

THE OBJECTIVE OF IHOPE

An integrated historical understanding of the Earth is nec-

essary for both scientists and policy makers, since the issues

that both must address are neither isolated nor singular by

nature. More specifically, such an integrated approach would

constitute an extensive interdisciplinary basis for studying var-

ious aspects of the Earth system upon which future research

efforts will be defined and directed. Such a basis does not exist

now.

The resulting knowledge would form the core upon which,

for example, integrated models of human-environment sys-

tems could be developed and tested. In turn, the resultant sub-

set of models that exhibit skill in replicating the integrated his-

tory of humans on earth could then be used to make projec-

tions into the future with much higher confidence.

The specific goals of the IHOPE project are:

1. Map the integrated history of the human-environment sys-

tem over the last 10,000 years, with higher temporal and

spatial resolution in the last 1000 and the last 100 years.

2. Understand the dynamics of human history by testing

human-environment system models against this history.

For example, how well do various models explain the his-

torical patterns of human settlement and population?

3. Project with much more confidence and skill options for

the future, based on models and understanding that has

been tested against the integrated history and with partici-

pation from the full range of stakeholders.

THE FIRST ACTIVITY:THE DAHLEM CONFERENCE ON IHOPE

The first milestone activity of IHOPE is happening in June.

A group of forty experts from a broad range of disciplines

convenes at a conference in Dahlem, Berlin to discuss issues

related to land-use systems, human settlement patterns,

atmospheric chemistry and composition, climate, material

and water cycles, ecosystem distribution, species extinctions,

technological changes, patterns of disease, patterns of lan-

guage and institutions, wars and alliances, and the host of

other variables necessary to describe and understand the inte-

grated history of people on Earth over the last 10,000 years.

This conference focuses on integrating formal scientific

knowledge with traditional knowledge, data and models, and

will cover processes that span multiple spatial scales, from the

local to the global. More specific objectives are:

• To evaluate the current level, scope, resolution, and quality

of historical data available in both the biophysical and

social sciences and the potential for their integration.

• To evaluate the current state-of-the-art of human-environ-

ment system studies and develop creative ideas for the next

generation of these studies.

• To investigate the possibilities for using human-environ-

ment system models to project plausible future scenarios

for people on Earth.

• To develop strategies for achieving the long-term goals of

the IHOPE project.

The conference involves in-depth discussions in a series of

focus groups, which meet in a highly systematic way to achieve

INTEGRATED HISTORY AND FUTURE OF

PEOPLE ON EARTH (IHOPE)BY RIK LEEMANS AND ROBERT COSTANZA

Page 5: 7180

I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5 | 5

Environmental HistoryI H O P E

optimal interactions among and between members of all

groups. These focus groups need to address the full range of

empirical, semantic, and academic culture aspects of IHOPE

without getting bogged down in endless arguments. The first

three focus groups will address issues surrounding the collec-

tion, access, integration, interpretation, quality assessment,

and analysis of information at three temporal scales and reso-

lutions (with different degrees of quality and coverage) about

all aspects of human-environment systems. The fundamental

question for these three groups is: What do we know about the

history of human-environment systems at multiple time and

space scales?

The first group ‘Millennial Time Scale’ would try to com-

prehend the agricultural transition, formation of nation states,

major religions, language groups, etc. The second group ‘Cen-

tennial Time Scale’ would try to understand events like the

industrial revolution and the rise of consumerism and the

middle class, while the third group ‘Decadal Time Scale’ would

pick up the Depression, WWs I and II, and the “1950 disconti-

nuity” (when there seems to have been a significant change in

the rates of many important social processes in the developed

world, see Crutzen and Steffen 2003).

Group 4 ‘Future Scenarios of Human-Environment sys-

tems’ focuses on the modeling and scenario tools that are

available to explore future trends end events. The fundamental

question for this focus group is: How can we best use human-

environment systems history and models to generate plausible

future scenarios that can integrate various policy, decision-

making, and stakeholder communities?

Besides their own internal complexities, human-environ-

ment systems are intimately linked in ways that we are only

beginning to appreciate. This poses multiple challenges, and it

will be necessary to integrate the different perspectives, theo-

ries, tools, and knowledge of multiple disciplines across the

spectrum from social to biological to chemical to physical sci-

ences in order to understand the integrated history of the

Earth (Costanza and Jørgensen 2002, Turchin 2004).

A key purpose of IHOPE is to construct integrated models

to generate scenarios of the future under different assump-

tions about key driving forces, including alternative assump-

tions about institutions, technology, living standards, and

policies (van Notten et al. 2003). Future scenarios are inher-

ently about the sensitivity of models to changes in underlying

assumptions and parameter values and the confidence we have

in model projections based on their ability to reproduce his-

torical behavior. Deciding which scenarios to run and inter-

preting the results are activities that require significant input

from a very broad range of stakeholders. The fourth focus

group will also discuss alternative methods to achieve stake-

holder input and outreach with communities such as policy

makers, nongovernmental organizations and business.

LATER PHASES OF IHOPE

The Dahlem conference will provide insight into the

already available innovative approaches and projects. This will

form the basis for the scientific expansion of IHOPE. We rec-

ognize that a productive approach to integration needs to be

pluralistic but evaluative, which is impossible to achieve with-

out the use of models. We view “models” in the broadest sense:

conceptual to mathematical; adopting a narrative, agent, or

system perspective; at the landscape, regional or global scale.

There is no one “right” way to represent complex reality in

models, but we can judge and evaluate the relative quality of

different representations for different purposes.

Significant efforts in the IHOPE project need thus to be

devoted to testing and evaluating model performance relative

to data and other criteria, and understanding and communi-

cating uncertainty. Since the models represent a complex real-

ity, the conceptual or mathematical representation remains

poor and the data is of highly variable quality and coverage,

this is not a trivial task. This is illustrated by the insufficient

degree of human and natural system integration into current-

ly available models. Additionally, the degree of calibration and

testing of the models against real world data is generally low.

In both areas, IHOPE may be able to contribute significantly.

We do not wish to simply proliferate new models, but

rather to develop a deeper understanding of the many ways in

which models relate to data and better ways to judge the per-

formance of models in order to winnow out the best perform-

ers for further development. The Dahlem participants, for

example, have extensive experience in model assessment

through inter-comparison of models with other models and

with data.

Finally, it will be necessary to continuously incorporate the

perspectives of non-disciplinary experts. These stakeholders

include policy makers who must formulate and justify frame-

works for future development, resource managers who must

interpret and implement those frameworks, and ultimately the

communities who will either suffer or benefit from these poli-

cies and decisions. The core approach of IHOPE will always

be an attempt to integrate and synthesize perspectives across

all relevant disciplines and stakeholders.

REFERENCES to this article are included on the IHDP website

at www.ihdp.org/updatehistory05/references.htm

RIK LEEMANS is Professor of Environmental Sciences and

Chair of the Environmental Systems Analysis Group at the

Department of Environmental Sciences, Wageningen Uni-

versity, The Netherlands;

[email protected];www.dow.wur.nl/UK/cwk/org/esastart.htm

ROBERT COSTANZA is Professor of Ecological Economics at

the Gund Institute of Ecological Economics, Rubenstein

School of Environment and Natural Resources, University of

Vermont, Burlington, VT, USA; [email protected];www.uvm.edu/giee

Global Change in Mountain Regions

Open Science Conference2 – 6 OctoberPerth, Scotland, UKFor information visit: www.mountain.conf.uhi.ac.uk/

Page 6: 7180

R E G I M E S H I F T S

6 | I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5

Environmental History

➤ Why look at socio-ecological systems in history? We feelthat it is indispensible for understanding long-term sustainabili-

ty options of present-day societies. Therefore, complementary to

case-studies on recent transitions, we have analysed historical

and present transitions, using the conceptual scheme outlined

below.

Figure 1 gives a graphical representation of our concept for

analysing the coupling of social and ecological systems, contem-

porary or historical. Socio-ecological systems can be defined,

according to Figure 1, as comprising a “natural” or “biophysical”

sphere of causation governed by natural laws, and a “cultural” or

“symbolic” sphere of causation reproduced by symbolic com-

munication. These two spheres overlap, constituting what is here

termed “biophysical structures of society.” These biophysical

structures must be sustained by a continuous exchange of energy

and materials with environmental systems (socio-economic

metabolism), depending on technologies that are rooted in the

knowledge (culture) of the social system. In order to maintain

this metabolism, social systems intervene into natural systems in

order to transform them and keep them in a desired state that is

usually far from natural equilibrium. This is what we call colo-

nization; the most obvious example of this being agriculture.

Both socio-economic metabolism and colonization constitute

specific interdependencies between social and natural systems,

and mould them in a co-evolutionary manner.

From such a perspective, industrialization appears as a

process which fundamentally alters the size and structure of

socio-economic metabolism as well as its relation to land-use

and agriculture. In a number of empirical case studies we have

investigated the socio-ecological dimensions of this historical

transition in Central Europe (Fischer-Kowalski et al. 2004;

Krausmann and Haberl 2002; Fischer-Kowalski and Haberl

2006).

Our socio-ecological view focuses on the transformation of

the socio-economic energy system which represents the biophys-

ical core of industrialization since the late 18th century. Under the

conditions of the agrarian regime into the nineteenth century,

the socio-economic energy system was closely linked to land-

use: Biomass accounted for more than 95% of societies’ annual

demand of primary energy, including wood for the provision of

space and process heat, and food as well as feed to provide

human and animal power. Water, wind and coal were quantita-

tively unimportant, at least on a larger level of scale. The strong

reliance on biomass created a tight coupling of energy provision

and land-use. Around 1830 in Austria, for example, 85% of all

land was directly used for energy provision: 15% was used to

feed draught animals, 30% was necessary to provide space and

process heating and more than 40% was required to feed the

human population. The area-based, and hence decentral, char-

acter of the energy system had major implications on socio-eco-

nomic development. Area and labour productivity strictly limit-

ed energy availability and thus socio-economic growth. Popula-

tion density could not exceed values of 30-50 people per km2

(Table 1). Spatial differentiation was restricted by the high ener-

gy costs of overland transport, which allowed for transportation

of bulk products only over short distances.

Agriculture represented the core element of the pre-indus-

trial energy system. It was essential that agriculture produced a

surplus of energy which fed the non-agricultural labour force

and fuelled non-agricultural production. The main bottleneck

of pre-industrial agriculture was the lack of external inputs and

its strong reliance on natural processes, locally available plant

nutrients, and animate power. A local mix of cropland, grass-

land and woodland to provide for the local requirement of fire-

wood, animal power and food for humans was typical. In Cen-

tral Europe, livestock was the integrating element of the locally

optimized production systems: Farm animals and their manure

allowed for active nutrient management, they provided the nec-

essary power for farm work and transportation, and supplied

food and raw materials. By and large, livestock was not compet-

ing for food with humans but allowed to utilize land not suit-

able for cropping as it was fed biomass not digestible by

humans. Agricultural production systems were low input – low

output systems. Exports of agricultural produce had to be small

compared to internal turnover of biomass to minimize losses.

This system allowed for low, but rather stable yields. Growth,

however, posed a major sustainability threat under the agrarian

regime. In order to feed a growing population, by the beginning

of the 19th century, woodlands were pushed back to the poorest

soils and virtually every plot of land and all available land and

biomass was used.

The diffusion of the utilization of coal in combination with

iron production, steam engine and the railroad system initiated

the transformation of the energy system. In the UK, the amount

of coal burnt in households, industry and engines equalled a

subterranean forest (Sieferle 2001) which exceeded the domesti-

cally available land area as early as in the 1850s, and Central

European countries followed suit. The coal phase of industrial-

ization only partially brought the emancipation of the energy

system from land-use: Agrarian modernization of the 19th centu-

ry, by and large, remained within the conditions of the solar

A SOCIO-ECOLOGICAL VIEW ON INDUSTRIALIZATION IN

EUROPE SINCE THE 19TH CENTURYBY MARINA FISCHER-KOWALSKI AND FRIDOLIN KRAUSMANN

Figure 1: The structural coupling of social and ecologi-cal systems (after Haberl et al. 2004)

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Environmental History

energy regime. New crops, more livestock and better nutrient

management allowed for a doubling of yields during the 19th

century. Regardless, growth of agricultural output hardly kept up

with population growth. By the beginning of the 20th century, the

potential for further optimization of the land-use system and

increasing output was largely exhausted. Only large scale bio-

mass imports facilitated the enormous growth of the forerun-

ners of European industrialization. In the UK, the land area cor-

responding to the imported agricultural products equalled its

own territory around 1900.

The implementation of the oil and gas driven technology

complex (electricity, internal combustion engine) after the 2nd

World War accomplished the transformation of the energy sys-

tem and gave rise to rapid growth of per-capita energy and mate-

rial consumption. This phase completely altered the socio-eco-

logical significance of agriculture and land-use. The fossil fuel

based industrialization of agriculture boosted agricultural

labour productivity and yields through mechanization, use of

new plant varieties and a host of agrochemicals. The industrial-

ization of agriculture resulted in the dissolution of locally opti-

mized land-use systems. Livestock lost its integrating role and

was reduced to the production of animal protein. Agriculture

became a throughput system relying on large external inputs of

fuels, feed and agrochemicals, and exporting most of the agricul-

tural produce. Local optimization was replaced by large scale

specialization of land-use. The best soils were used with increas-

ing intensity, whereas marginal land was taken out of production

and reforested. Spatial differentiation resulted in transfers of

large quantities of biomass and nutrient transfers across long

distances. As a result, the environmental impact of agriculture

and food production shifted from a local to larger, sometimes

even the global scale. The fossil-fuel powered industrialization of

agriculture multiplied area and labour productivity and total

output far beyond the limits of the agrarian regime. The cost of

this growth was a dramatic reduction of the energy efficiency of

agriculture. Within only two decades agriculture developed from

an energy source into an energy consuming activity.

From a socio-ecological perspective industrialization appears

as a bi-fold decoupling process which, in several steps, resulted in

the emancipation of energy provision from land-use, and of

industrial production from both human and animal power. This

means that socio-economic material and energy flows become

increasingly decoupled from ecosystem processes and thus from

the size of “natural” flows which tightly limited physical growth

under agrarian conditions. This allowed socio-economic flows

to be increased by several orders of magnitude. The fossil fuel

powered industrial system supports population densities of sev-

eral 100 persons per km2 and boosts total material and energy

throughput considerably. While energy and material use per

capita increased about three-fold since the early 19th century, the

full dimensions of the decoupling of energy provision and land-

use are revealed when relating energy to the available land (Table

1): Energy use per unit area in Europe increased from less than

30 GJ/ha in fully developed agrarian regimes to several hundred

GJ/ha in current industrial systems. This is far beyond the limits

imposed by the solar powered agrarian regime, and represents a

fundamentally new level of human domination of the Earths

ecosystems (Vitousek et al. 1997).

What can sustainability science, or industrial ecology, learn

from looking at historical socio-ecological systems and

regimes? In the most general way, it profits from an extension

of the time horizon, and from an increase in number of com-

parative cases across various scales, as a basis for scenario

development. If scenarios and projections are to reach several

decades ahead, they need to be based upon at least equally long

footing in the past. More specifically, biophysical processes in

nature as well as in society are more robust, sluggish and pre-

dictable (because subject to strong coupling) than cultural and

economic phenomena, and therefore less sensitive to varying

assumptions. The better a socio-economic process can be root-

ed in some biophysical base, the smaller the range of alternative

options to be considered. Even more specifically, the historical

analysis contributes to discrimination in longstanding contro-

versies of environmental and sustainability policies. For exam-

ple: Is decoupling of energetic and material flows from (mone-

tary) economic growth possible, and does it actually take place?

As could be seen from the historical example above (more cases

also in Weisz et al. 2001), the typical energy and material use

per capita in industrial societies is three to five times larger

than the agrarian society’s use a hundred years before; in the

same period, (monetary) real income per capita has multiplied

by a factor of 15 or more (Maddison 2001). So inevitably,

decoupling must have taken place. On the other hand, we

should be aware that a per-capita reduction in energy or mate-

rials use, as propagated for example by Weizsäcker et al. (1997)

by “factor 4”, would get us to the level we had 150 years ago –

which, even by crediting magical powers to efficiency gains,

appears a very ambitious goal, indeed.

REFERENCES to this article are included on the IHDP website

at www.ihdp.org/updatehistory05/references.htm

MARINA FISCHER KOWALSKI is Professor of Social Ecology at

the Institute for Interdisciplinary Research and Training

(IFF), University of Vienna, Austria;

[email protected];www.iff.ac.at/socec/basics/basics_leitung_en.php

FRIDOLIN KRAUSMANN is Research Fellow at the Department

of Social Ecology, IFF, University of Vienna, Austria;

fridolin.krausmann@uni-klu-ac-at;www.iff.ac.at/socec/staff/krausmann_en.php

R E G I M E S H I F T S

Pop. Density[cap/km2]

Energy use[GJ/cap.a]

Energy use[GJ/ha.a]

Material use[t/cap.a]

Material use[t/ha.a]

Agrarian regime 30–50 60–80 20–40 5 3

Industrial regime 100–300 150–350 200–600 15–25 20–50

Table 1: The agrarian and the industrial socio-ecological regime

Sour

ce:F

isch

er-K

owal

ski

and

Habe

rl 20

06

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T H E A F R I C A N P A S T

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➤ Over the last twenty years a rich literature dealing with avariety of environmental issues – biodiversity conservation,

eco-justice, colonial agricultural policy and science, and land-

scape heritage among them – has developed about the African

past. A number of factors is responsible for this. First, Africa

(particularly southern Africa) enjoys a strong tradition of

social history that began in the 1970s when a younger genera-

tion of radical socialist scholars challenged older conservative

historiographies. Employing a Marxist paradigm of class rela-

tions to explain African dispossession, capitalist industrializa-

tion, the disruption of indigenous lifestyles and African resist-

ance to oppression, the environmental themes that were

implicit in much of this activist historiography have emerged

as seminal concerns in more recent years.1

A second factor was the growth of environmentalism as an

international political movement. In the South African situa-

tion of that time, this translated into robust debates around

environmental justice within the socialist order that was

expected to follow the end of apartheid. Using slogans like

‘apartheid divides, ecology unites’ and ‘the greening of our

country is basic to its healing’, environmentalism rode a wave of

euphoria.2 Third, in addition to responding to societal con-

cerns around eco-politics, environmental history was invigor-

ated by appropriating new sources. The environment itself was

reconceptualized and examined anew as a site of power.

Fourth, African environmental history emerged in order to

contest the point of view emanating from the United States that

environmentalism was modern North America’s achievement

alone. A number of Africanists were adamant that environ-

mentalism was a consequence of past imperial and colonial

eras and that investigating these periods was more ‘interesting

and innovative’, ‘more integrated, outward-looking and com-

parative ... in uncovering the processes and discourses of colo-

nial expansion and cultural encounter’ than the ‘ultra-national-

ist’ North American perspective.3

William Beinart, one of Africa’s leading practitioners,

believes that African environmental history has made its con-

tribution by refiguring colonialism in environmental terms. A

close analysis of colonial environmental responsibility and

African agency, he argues, influences our understanding of

power relations and environmental transformation in Africa.4

Many historians regard environmental history as an aspect of

African history rather than a stand-alone enterprise on a spe-

cific topic or one that is necessarily aligned with the concerns of

environmental historians in the rest of the world.

African environmental history has been described as a

‘rather large can of worms’ and the subject generally as ‘one of

the least understood [with] more inherent theoretical ambigu-

ities and methodological dilemmas than any other area of his-

tory’.5 In addition, Africa is a uniquely diverse continent and

the task of interpreting common themes seems daunting. Cov-

erage is very uneven. Researching in many parts of Africa is

hard and expensive work, fraught with cultural and language

barriers and a paucity both of oral and documentary sources.

Another difficulty relates to the contestation around intellectu-

al and disciplinary boundaries, particularly anthropology-his-

tory and archaeology-history. For some regions, inspiring work

by gifted individuals (such as Terence Ranger with respect to

Zimbabwe6) has played a large part in engaging other enthusi-

astic scholars and creating a vibrant historiography, but other

areas have not found the champions they deserved. It has not

gone unnoticed that very little African environmental history is

written by indigenous Africans and a great deal by ‘outsiders’7

and ‘foreigners’ who may not have sufficient African insights.8

Capacity-building and academic encouragement for black

African historians is a real challenge.9

Because of Africa’s colonial history of subjugation, it is not

surprising that there has been an emphasis on the history of

environmental injustice and eco-racism. Other important

themes relate to those that have practical relevance to econom-

ic development, including agriculture, eco-tourism and the

extraction and export of natural resources. Reconceptualizing

the colonial experience – so fundamental to many parts of

Africa – is proving a fruitful avenue of investigation, generating

nuances and uncovering agencies. The cultural history of colo-

nial and imperial science is another high-growth area.

While these are important contributions, there are substan-

tial gaps in African environmental history and there are sub-

jects as well as places that have received very little attention.

Generally speaking, the historiography lacks work on disease,

urban and bioregional studies, cultural and visual constructs of

African space and place, explorations of ‘deep time’ and aspects

of public history. There is also an overall absence of active col-

laboration between historians and other disciplines which is

counter-productive.

Any historical field is influenced by the concerns of its time

and the rise of environmentalism has already been mentioned

as a catalyst to rethinking history within an environmental par-

adigm of the 1980s and 1990s. But ‘Africa’ itself is, at the begin-

ning of the 21st century, being reconceptualized from within.

While history has always been shifting and contested terrain,

current debates about who ‘owns’ history and heritage and who

has the ‘right’ to speak for cultural diversity are more heated

than they have been in the past. This affects Africa directly and

South Africa in particular.

During the years of apartheid from 1948 to 1994, South

Africa had an uneasy relationship with the rest of Africa, one

that, generally speaking, denied or minimized African connec-

tions and celebrated links with the ‘civilized’ West. Since 1994 the

new South African government, which received great support

from the rest of Africa when it was an outlawed liberation move-

ment, has realigned itself with Africa and moved away from

Europe and the United States. The discourse is often overtly anti-

West and promotes ‘African solutions for African problems’. A

recent newspaper article puts it thus: ‘ ... part of the liberation of

South Africa is to transform it from a European outpost in Africa

into an African country with a predominantly African cultural

character ...’10 As far as the cultural construction of the environ-

ment is concerned, this is fundamentally encapsulated in the

Parliamentary Millennium Project, a permanent exhibition of

AFRICA’S ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY BY JANE CARRUTHERS

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Environmental HistoryT H E A F R I C A N P A S T

antique maps owned by the South African Parliament in Cape

Town. This display, together with its educational outreach pro-

gramme, is explicitly constructed to minimize the European per-

spective on and contribution to Africa and to emphasize pre-

colonial African map-making and Chinese cartographical

knowledge about Africa well in advance of its ‘discovery’ by

Europe.11 The significance of the cultural pride that is generated

can be appreciated through the ‘African Renaissance’, a pan-

African intellectual movement that encourages Africans to

reconnect with each other and with an honourable precolonial

heritage.12 Because academic environmental history is taking a

leading role in reclaiming African agency and possession, it is

paradoxical that so much of

the current non-historical

literature about Africa’s

environmental issues con-

tinues to reflect an inaccu-

rate and pessimistic percep-

tion of African inaction,

inertia and helplessness.

The colonial experience

was, without doubt, the

most defining historical

experience of the conti-

nent, at least south of the

Sahara, but it was too

diverse to be encapsulated

within a single postcolonial

theory. As Sachs argues,

much of the postcolonial

perspective locks history –

including environmental history – into a stereotype of an

unchanging bi-fissured exploitative relationship between mono-

lithic groups of colonizer and colonized, recognizing neither

change over time nor specific historical context.13 In most parts

of Africa, both colonized and colonizers were highly diversified

and the imposition of an over-arching ‘settler mentality’ was

uneven, specific, and always challenged strongly by continuous

African resistance. Beinart refers to a ‘struggle to free historiogra-

phy and social studies from narratives of dependence, victim-

hood and romanticism’ and this is the theoretical, even activist,

role that environmental history encourages.14 In this regard the

research of Melissa Leach, James Fairhead, James McCann and

other environmental historians has gone a long way to changing

both historical and current thinking about African responses to

the environment.15 Very little, however, is still known about what

indigenous or authentic regional natural resource strategies

might have been, nor how they might be revived or integrated

into modern conservation biology and management. There are

‘explicit claims about who best understands African environ-

ments, and who should have the right to control them – whether

scientists, national governments or local people. Environmental-

ists sometimes emphasize ... responsibility to future generations

for the well-being of the planet ... Africanists by contrast, some-

times see access to resources as the critical issue for communities

... All such approaches imply both historical investigation and

historical judgment.’16

That Africans are taking control of many of the theoretical

debates around conservation thinking is evident from Africa’s

hosting of the World Summit on Sustainable Development in

Johannesburg in 2002 and of the Fifth World Parks Congress in

Durban in September 2003.17 Natural resources exist in disre-

gard of national boundaries and, depending on how they are

utilized, they have the power both to fracture or to unify com-

munities. Because of this, as well as reflecting a greater African-

ist perspective, transnational themes are emerging as signifi-

cant in African environmental history.18 More recently there

has been critical literature that moves the discussion away from

social and conservation policy and considers issues of identity

and cross-cultural African concerns, particularly the paradox

of a nationalism that uses ‘nature’ to further the aims of local

and international capital

and the aspirations of a

global elite.19

The present is a time of

shifting ideas around en-

vironmental conservation

that cry out for historical

analysis and interdiscipli-

nary consideration.20 Con-

servation managers use

history – stories about the

past – simplistically in

order to bolster policy and

entrenched positions21 but

also, one suspects, because

they are somewhat afraid

of historical analysis, igno-

rant of historical context,

wary of professional histo-

rians and unsure of how best to combine the humanities and

conservation science.

Environmental historians have been active in analysing

ideas around colonial agricultural science and have played a

modest role in bringing together the sciences and humani-

ties. Whether African environments were ‘degrading’ and

‘declining’ as so often stated, is a case in point, and historians

have begun to unpack what these have meant in specific

places at specific times.22 African historians have also started

to consider issues relating to the invasion of alien species of

plants and their effect on cultural constructs of nature.23 The

relationship betwen humans and wildlife has loomed large in

African environmental history from the start. Imperial (par-

ticularly British) attitudes to wildlife and game protection

has been a significant strand in African environmental histo-

ry. The rise of national parks and game reserves has been dis-

sected and an extensive literature has developed.24

The environmental history of Africa is diverse, informa-

tive and becoming richly layered. It provides a highly pro-

fessional, scholarly and innovative interpretation of the

African past.

REFERENCES to this article are included on the IHDP website

at www.ihdp.org/updatehistory05/references.htm

JANE CARRUTHERS is Senior Lecturer at the Department of

History, University of South Africa; [email protected];www.unisa.ac.za

A BaTswana hartebeest hunt. Contemporary painting byCharles Bell, from W.F. Lye, ed., Andrew Smith’s Journal ofhis Expedition into the Interior of South Africa, 1834–1836

(Cape Town: Balkema, 1975)

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F O R E S T M A N A G E M E N T

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➤ Bialowie •za Primeval Forest (BPF) which covers about 1500

km2 is not the largest woodland in Poland and Belarus, but it is

undoubtedly the most recognized one. The fragments of

primeval forest that survived many wars, political changes and

management regimes, make Bia lowie •za a special place for

everyone interested in natural processes as undisturbed by

humans, as it is possible in European lowlands. A central part of

the forest, straddling the Pol-

ish-Belarussian border, is

strictly protected; on the Polish

side, Bialowie•za National Park

covers over 100 km2, and on

the Belarussian side, the strict

reserve covers about 160 km2. It

was granted a status of World

Heritage Site and UNESCO’s

Man and Biosphere Reserve.

However, the larger part of the

forest on both sides is currently

exploited for timber, though

with varying intensity.

Annually, 130,000 tourists

visit BPF to see European

bison, hike in primeval woods, do bird-watching, and perform

other ecologically-oriented activities. Tourism is a serious

source of income for the local community, but further increase

of visitors has its limits. Pristine forest is a fragile ecosystem.

Thus, already now, the access to the reserve is strictly regulated.

With its nearly 200-year tradition, the scientific research in

BPF has predominantly focused on pristine nature, as biologists

tended to perceive the great primeval forest of Bialowie•za as an

ecological model and reference point for other temperate

ecosystems in Europe (eg. Falinski 1986). Human footprints in

BPF, nicely featured in popular books (eg. Schama 1995), have

only recently become subject of scientific endeavours. Studies in

environmental history of BPF may answer the question how the

Forest located in the heart of Europe survived in such a good

condition, and what traces of past human activities are still visi-

ble in the ecosystem. As evidenced by scarce archaeological,

palynological, and written sources available, in historical times

BPF was slightly but steadily influenced by humans, with patch-

es of deforested land constituting 5-15% of the contemporary

Forest area. Ancient and early medieval settlers inhabited small

glades inside the forest, and as of the 14th century BPF became a

strictly protected royal game preserve of Polish kings, Lithuan-

ian dukes, and (in the 19th century) Russian czars. The research

conducted so far suggests that the centuries-long administrative

protection, combined with traditional sustainable use of non-

timber resources, has led to preservation of the forest itself and

also allowed for the survival of its most fascinating animal, the

European bison (Samojlik and Jedrzejewska 2004). It was only

in the 20th century, that economic-scale timber exploitation

began to threaten the natural character of BPF.

The environmental history study currently carried out in

BPF aims at reconstructing the main ways of forest use in the

past and determining their impact on the ecosystem. Such

results can be translated into concrete actions, both in the fields

of conservation as well as eco-tourism. First, the reconstruction

of the extent, durability, type, and role of human impact on the

forest through time is highly relevant to present protection

needs. It can give conservationists

new historical arguments for

strengthening and adjusting the

protection rules and regimes. The

historical context has already been

used by ecologists in the cam-

paign for enlarging the Bialowie•za

National Park (created in 1921

and expanded in 1996), and

establishing a small nature-

archaeological reserve in 1979.

Also, by showing how sustainable

use was functioning in the past,

environmental history may

change the way of thinking about

forest usage nowadays. Hopefully,

the decision-makers will be guided towards sustainable multi-

purpose use of various resources rather than simply timber

exploitation.

The reconstruction of the past could also be a magnet for

visitors. Ancient barrow and stone graves surrounded by the old

trees, places with well-recognized history of settlement, and for-

est ranges connected with royal hunts appeal to imagination.

Some of the existing tourist trails already refer to the history of

BPF, but usually in a rather general and banal way. This could be

improved by communicating the research results. Yet another

possibility is the reconstruction of traditional crafts (such as

forest beekeeping, traditional use of mushrooms, medicinal

plants, forest fruits, wood types) in the form of an outdoor

museum or seasonal workshops.

Last but not least, environmental history may help forest

managers to preserve or restore some old, relic forms of anthro-

pogenic landscape within BPF, such as wooded meadows, and

glades with single ancient oaks, which are often reservoirs of a

unique biodiversity of plants and invertebrates. Conclusively it

can be said that, in the case of the Bialowie•za Primeval Forest,

environmental history appears to have a good potential of link-

ing conservation needs to sustainable eco-tourism develop-

ment.

REFERENCES at www.ihdp.org/updatehistory05/references.htm

TOMASZ SAMOJLIK is Research Fellow at the Mammal Research

Institute, Polish Academy of Sciences;

[email protected];www.zbs.bialowieza.pl/bioter

BIALOWIE •ZA PRIMEVAL FOREST The Last Remnant of Pristine Woodlands Between Conservation and Eco-Tourism

BY TOMASZ SAMOJLIK

European bison, the largest European land animal, roaming inBia lowie •za Primeval Forest, Poland

Phot

o by

R.K

owal

czyk

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Environmental History

result of a general change in the way how society identified social

and natural phenomena as «problematic», and how it thought to

solve these problems. This redefinition has to be regarded as a

social process and cannot be separated from the actors putting it

forward – actors who also pursue their own interests. A central

subject of research is therefore the identification of various social

groups, their interests and respective approaches in developing

natural hazard management strategies.

As a result of these changes, scientifically or technically trained

experts became the ones who increasingly influenced the natural

environment. This is most evident in the example of river regula-

tions. These rules often changed the borders between communi-

ties. In addition, newly acquired land property had to be attrib-

uted to owners and to its intended use. The new role that the engi-

neers took up also created tension: Many of their disaster man-

agement solutions were not only contrary to traditional knowl-

edge, but also to economic interests and local political structures.

Thus it is scarcely surprising that the experts’ commitment to sci-

entific progress and technical feasibility sometimes met social

limitations, as the above-discussed example of Felsberg shows.

Reform-oriented philanthropists and their enlightened soci-

eties played a central role in establishing these experts, as well as in

introducing rational approaches towards managing natural haz-

ards. They initiated first discussions and private projects of

hydraulic engineering and helped to fund relief measures through

relief campaigns for the victims of natural disasters. They increas-

ingly subordinated these measures to rational procedures such as

collecting statistical data about the losses, applying mathematical

formulas to distribution and public reporting. Above all, these

societies introduced the use of donations for prevention. Stressing

the need for the improvement of traditional structures these cam-

paigns achieved some successes in modernizing infrastructure. It

can be argued therefore, that the philanthropists used their power

in the distribution of resources to impose their own approaches

on an agrarian society that did not necessarily share their views.

As the technical approaches proved their value and the state

increased its financial power, Government finally took over origi-

nally private initiatives, introduced subsidies for preventive infra-

structure and issued a new legislation on the use of natural

resources.

The new measures of modern disaster management resulted

in fundamental changes in the alpine landscape which are still

shaping the face of the region today. The previously avoided valley

plains became a central area for living, agriculture, industry and

infrastructure. While these changes initially were due to an

increased security level, they nevertheless led to an expanding

exposure to the impacts of natural hazards.

REFERENCES at www.ihdp.org/updatehistory05/references.htm

AGNES NIENHAUS is a Junior Researcher at the Department

of Economic, Social and Environmental History at the Uni-

versity of Berne, Switzerland; [email protected];www.wsu.hist.unibe.ch

D I S A S T E R P R E V E N T I O N

➤ Between 1834 and 1843, the rocks above the village ofFelsberg in Grisons, eastern Switzerland, started to move. Under a

lot of public attention experts surveyed the opening cleavages. In

1843 they forecasted an enormous rockslide, but after two minor

rockslides without much damage in 1843 and 1844, the geological

situation stabilized. Nevertheless a governmental commission

proposed to resettle all villagers into a new model village. In an

international campaign philanthropic societies raised funds for

this resettlement programme. But as the forecasted disaster never

eventuated, the resettlement met increasing communal resist-

ance. In the end, Felsberg consisted of two separate villages whose

inhabitants were quarrelling about the distribution of public

infrastructure for decades.

The case of Felsberg is one of several case studies analysed in

the course of a dissertation undertaken within a wider historical

disaster research framework at the University of Berne. The

research specifically examines concepts of coping with natural

disasters (avalanches, floods and rockslides) in Grisons during the

first half of the 19th century. In this period Grisons, the largest

alpine canton in Switzerland, underwent fundamental changes

regarding its political structure and culture. How these changes

are reflected in natural hazard management shall be shown in this

paper.

Far into the 19th century, religious practices formed one of the

main aspects of natural hazard management – such as praying

and the ringing of the church bells during times of danger or the

cult of patron saints in processions, pilgrimages and vows to

ensure the saints’ help in the future and remember their help in

the past. Christian theological interpretations of God’s punish-

ment often mixed with popular beliefs in devils and witches. Until

the 19th century, technical preventive measures – such as special

construction methods for buildings to reduce avalanche damage,

avalanche forests and basic hydraulic structures – were limited to

the individual community level.With the enlightenment era, cop-

ing strategies to deal with natural disasters changed fundamental-

ly. A new, mechanistic and scientific understanding of nature

resulted in more research on the dynamics of environmental

processes. Disastrous events were increasingly linked to natural

processes on a regional instead of a local level. Religious interpre-

tations and practices were gradually replaced by scientific expla-

nations and technical solutions. Based on a scientifically oriented

cause-and-effect study, discussions emerged on how to improve

the preventive protection infrastructure. Flooding danger in the

valley areas was tackled by means of new hydraulic engineering

approaches which aimed simultaneously at reducing damages

and winning new land for cultivation. As the deforestation of the

mountains – due to the surging wood export during the industri-

alization period – was considered as a major cause of floods,

efforts emerged to halt deforestation by means of forestry laws

and better supervision of the various economic uses of the forests’

resources.

The process of scientification was not only just a consequence

of the progressing scientific knowledge. In accordance with the

current historical debate, scientification can be regarded as the

DISASTER COPING AND PREVENTION IN THE SWISS

ALPS IN THE EARLY 19TH CENTURY

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M A R I T I M E H I S T O R Y

1 2 | I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5

Interview

➤ Poul Holm is Professor of Maritime History at theUniversity of Southern Denmark, President of the European

Society for Environmental History, and Chairman of the Dan-

ish Research Council for the Humanities. He is also Internation-

al Chair of the History of Marine Animal Populations Project

(HMAP).

Q: Can you outline the focus of your work and the research

agenda of the HMAP?

My main focus is on the environmental history of the

world’s oceans. The questions I address in my work mainly

relate to what has been the impact of humans on life in the

world’s oceans. I am also utilizing historical documentations

and historical archives to help build longer time series and

effectively shift the baseline of our thinking about biodiversity

and long-term changes in marine life. It is an interaction

between environmental history and marine science. So, the

research agenda of HMAP basically encompasses the two

dimensions of long-term historical change in the natural habi-

tat, and the impact of humans on the seas.

Q: Who is working in HMAP?

HMAP is currently bringing together marine scientists,

fisheries historians and ecologists. This kind of research com-

munity has not really been in existence a few years ago, so it is

very innovative, and a developing environment – many

researchers are coming into the field and many seminal papers

have been published in the last four to five years.

Q: Can you give us some interesting examples of the project’s

research?

One of the real eye-openers and a stimulus to HMAP was

Jeremy Jackson’s studies of the green turtle in the Caribbean,

published in 1997. It can be called the first marine-historical

ecological paper. He used British colonial archives to docu-

ment the enormous impact of human fisheries in the

Caribbean in the 17th century, which effectively led to a

regime shift in the Caribbean. This shift was caused by a

strong preference for turtle in Europe. They were exported in

hundreds of thousands. Based on colonial customs records,

Jackson back-casted the effects on the marine turtle popula-

tion and calculated the carrying capacity of the Caribbean.

What came out was a dramatic decline in the turtle popula-

tion. With this finding, he was also able to explain the changes

in the benthic ecosystems. The turtles – the ‘lawn-mowers’ of

the Caribbean – were herbivorous animals, feeding on the

plants and sea grasses on the sea bottom. With their disap-

pearance, the sea bottom turned into a benthic environment

which was dominated by sea urchins and which changes the

whole set-up of the ecosystem and the food-web. With this

dramatic change, which was already caused in the 17th and

18th century, we have irrevocably lost the pristine ecosystem of

the Caribbean.

Q: What lesson can be

learnt from this intervention?

Perhaps the most salient

lesson we can learn from

these historical studies is

that pristine nature is not a

useful concept to us when

we think about the world’s

oceans. By and large, people

think that the impacts of

humans have only really

come into existence in the

last thirty to fifty years, and

that there are no major

extinctions yet. That is not true. We are seeing large-scale com-

mercial extinctions, and we are seeing regime shifts that have

been caused not only by recent activities but actually have

been taking place over the last four to five hundred years. The

effect of early human contact with marine populations is

much more dramatic than we have realized previously.

We have another very good example from Australia. Neil

Klaer did a study for the Australian Fisheries Administration,

the CSIRO, where he used business archives of Australian

trawling companies of the early 20th century. The findings

show that the first two decades of the 20th century which saw

the introduction of modern-type steam trawlers in Southeast-

Australia caused a fundamental change of the ecosystem of,

for example, Botany Bay off Sydney. With the publication of

that report the CSIRO has actually stated that, in the future,

historical references need to be taken into account when con-

servation targets are determined. This is a major break-

through for environmental history – managers pick up the

message and actually say themselves that, if we push back the

reference points, we realize that we have lost very much in the

sea. So much has changed already that we are challenged in

our views on what a sustainable fishery is. Present fisheries

may be sustainable only at a very basic level, and at a very

deprived level for the ecosystem. The food-webs may have

been much more elaborate previously.

Q: So the findings are even worse than what we have thought

before?

The historical exercise is indeed quite depressing. When we

shift our baseline and realize that we should look beyond the

past generation of marine biological research and begin inves-

tigating historical records it becomes blatantly clear how much

we have lost. Sometimes, however, we get reassured that things

change and stocks rebuild. There is a lot more resilience than

we have thought. We can document very few actual extinctions

of marine species of commercial fisheries, and of related

species. We do see a lot of ‘commercial extinctions’, meaning

that the stocks are no longer economically viable but the

stocks could be rebuilt. So, we are becoming much more aware

of the potential richness of the seas. You can take this as the

BECOMING AWARE OF THE SEAS’ POTENTIAL RICHNESS

Poul Holm

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I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5 | 1 3

Interview

optimistic message – the productivity and resilience of the

oceans is much bigger than we have thought.

Q: What kind of policy results are you aiming at?

What we want to do is interact with fisheries managers,

and also with nature conservation agencies as regards biodi-

versity. I think the historical approach will feed into our

thinking of marine protected areas, as this approach provides

essential information for conservation. Environmental histo-

ry should also feed into our thinking about climate change.

We are also documenting a lot of long-term interactions

between climate change and marine populations. For exam-

ple, we now have a wonderful documentation of 500 years of

herring fisheries in the North Sea where we were able to

establish catch-per-unit-effort series over a very long time

span. We are working with climatologists to read the climate

signal from these changes and we should be able to address

some of the big puzzles of environmental history with regard

to climate as a main driver.

One of the big puzzles of climate and marine life is the so-

called ‘Bohuslan phenomenon’ which is the fact that in a cen-

tury-long perspective you see the occurrence of enormous

schools of herring off the Swedish coast of Bohuslan. They are

there for two, three decades and suddenly disappear again.

That is a phenomenon which we observe in many natural sys-

tems. The challenge is to get an understanding of what is driv-

ing these enormous outbursts of one species. Historical

analysis is opening new ways to analyse the climate as a likely

main driver of this phenomenon.

Q: Is active policy collaboration already happening?

Personally, I am in close collaboration with the Danish

Institute for Fisheries Research. Another clear signal that this

is an emerging field is that they have co-funded a new

research professorship in historical marine ecology. It is

spreading across the globe that managers need to gain a

longer perspective. I already mentioned the report of the Aus-

tralian Fisheries Administration, CSIRO. Also, this year in

early March, the journal ‘Frontiers in Ecology’ had a lead arti-

cle by Andrew Rosenberg on the calculation of the Gulf of

Maine’s historical biomass of cod stock in the 1850s based on

a huge collaborative research project. They were able to show

that the historical stocks in the 1850s were ten to fifteen times

larger than the conservation targets that are set today for the

Gulf of Maine. So, not just the actual biomass that is present

but even the perceived potential carrying capacity for the Gulf

of Maine is now being challenged with this historical infor-

mation.

This type of research and awareness building is happening

in a lot of places mainly within the History of Marine Animal

Populations Project. It is an international community that has

grown in the course of the last five years only. We began in

2000 and we will have our first World Conference in October

this year, called ‘Oceans Past’*. This will be an exciting next

move where we will see a lot of this work on marine history

coming forward and, hopefully, getting across to managers

and also to the wider public.

Q: What are the research challenges in assessing biodiversity?

The challenge in assessing biodiversity is that, of course,

most of the historical data is generated from commercial catch

statistics which will not necessarily tell us a lot about biodiversi-

ty. We are trying to develop a broader collaboration which also

looks at habitat changes because that will have enormous infor-

mational potential for understanding biodiversity changes. If

we even could begin to understand how we have changed sea

bottoms, for example, or the way that we have changed our

coastal defences. That is a major driver for biodiversity change.

We also need to develop the collaboration with archaeolo-

gists because their kitchen-midden sites will tell us a lot about

the actual marine species that were taken out of the seas.

Kitchen-midden sites are shell banks piled on the shorelines

since prehistorical times by humans who dumped the shells of

oysters, shellfish or crayfish. These sites have built up well into

the 19th century and they have real potential for research! In

HMAP, we are now building a large project where we undertake

a comparative study of these kitchen-middens. We find that

these are excellent documentations of very long-term changes

in marine biodiversity – all kind of creatures have been dumped

there and they are often well-preserved.

Q: Can you share with us some of your insights on interdiscipli-

nary studies, particularly of biodiversity?

One thing to really take to heart in an interdisciplinary collab-

oration is the mutual respect of the disciplines. There needs to be

an intellectual benefit to both disciplines – both to marine scien-

tists and to historians. Also, we need to identify as many disci-

plines that can provide an insight as possible. Do not restrict

yourself to just two or three disciplines – this is multi-disciplinary

work. You need very hard science, i.e., you can learn a lot from

isotope analysis, but you need to spread out to, at least, history,

archaeology, anthropology, to make it a multi-disciplinary team

work. No one discipline can be said to be privileged in its ability

to inform us on long-term changes in biodiversity.

So, one important thing is to be inclusive. At the same time

we need to raise tough questions. We need to ask: ‘what do we

know, what don’t we know and what could we know?’ And this

‘what could we know’ is extremely interesting because it can be a

driver to get us out of the research agenda that is often contained

within one discipline (and will not talk to other disciplines). So

we need to really come from the outside and ask a pertinent

question and say, let us put our brains together and address the

overarching question. It is not about forgetting your disciplinary

origin but to bring in your skills while at the same time standing

outside the restrictive research agenda of your own discipline

which may be fully understandable from a historical point of

view but which often will not allow us to have interdisciplinary

collaboration.

* The Conference ‘Oceans Past: Multidisciplinary Perspec-tives on the History of Marine Animal Population’ will takeplace in Kolding, Denmark, from 24 to 27 October 2005;www. Marbef.org

INTERVIEW BY ULA LÖW

M A R I T I M E H I S T O R Y

Page 14: 7180

July 17–23, 2005 · www.liphe4.org · [email protected]

L U C C / I T

1 4 | I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5

Core Projects

➤ A report on the LUCC/IT workshop at the Institute ofSocial Ecology, IFF Vienna / Klagenfurt University, February2005

Long-term ecological research (LTER) today faces the chal-

lenge to engage itself in the production of knowledge useful in

solving current sustainability problems. This requires the

inclusion of socio-economic dimensions, thus transforming

LTER into “long-term socio-ecological research” or LTSER.

While classical LTER is focused on patterns and processes in

ecosystems, LTSER deals with socio-ecological systems, i.e.,

systems emerging through society- nature interaction. LTSER

investigates not only changes in ecosystems, but also societal

pressures, their underlying driving forces, impacts on society

and the economy, as well as preventive or adaptive measures.

The workshop brought together a small group of scientists

from the natural and social sciences and aimed at generating

new insights on how to conceptualize society-nature interac-

tion in LTSER projects. Among others, it tackled the issues of

how to integrate biophysical processes with communicative

ones, how to integrate patterns and processes across spatial

scales, and how to integrate results from measurements with

statistical data, cadastral surveys and soft knowledge.

The discussions led to the conclusions that there are at least

four central themes to be dealt with in LTSER: (1) Metabolism,

i.e. the material and energy flows in ecosystems and the econ-

omy; (2) land-use, long-term changes in cultural landscapes,

their perception, as well as their impacts on ecosystems

(resilience, biodiversity, etc.); (3) communicative processes

representing and shaping the way in which humans use natu-

ral resources; and (4) the analysis of institutions and decision-

making processes relevant to society-nature interaction.

The latter point is particularly important as LTSER should

help to improve decision-making with regard to sustainability.

The workshop was organized by the Institute of Social Ecology

of Klagenfurt University as a joint activity of IHDP’s core sci-

ence project Industrial Transformation (IT) and the

IHDP/IGBP core project Land-Use/Land-Cover Change

(LUCC). In an ongoing post-workshop process the partici-

pants are currently busy drafting a paper to be submitted to a

peer-reviewed scientific journal later this year.

HELMUT HABERL is Assistant Head of the Institute of Social

Ecology / IFF Vienna / Klagenfurt University, Austria;

[email protected]; www.iff.ac.at

FROM LTER TO LTSER The Socio-Economic Dimension of Long-Term Socio-Ecological Research

liphe4 summer schoolProcedures and Toolkits for Integrated and ParticipatoryAnalysis of Sustainability

Scope of the Summer School

The purpose of the summer school is to provide a referencepoint on the state of the art in the field of sustainabledevelopment studies to young researchers and students.

2005 Themes

(i) Integrated Assessment for sustainability – epistemo-logical and conceptual issues

(ii) Social metabolism on multiple scales (iii) Tool and methods for organizing scientific information

for decision making (iv) Resources, time, and land – operationalizing biophysi-

cal constraints(v) Geographical Information Systems applied to Integrat-

ed Analysis of Sustainability(vi) Participatory approaches and Multicriteria Evaluation

MethodsPlease download the detailed schedule of the Liphe4 –CEMACAM Summer School here http://www.liphe4.org/programme.doc

Participants

The summer school invites PhD and Master students, as wellas young professionals, interested in problems related tosustainable development and natural resource management.Participants should have proficiency in English, which is theworking language of the event. In addition, a basic knowl-edge of analytical tools used in the field of Ecological Eco-nomics is preferred. The total number of participants willnot exceed 30 to allow for close interaction between partic-ipants and teachers.

The modalities of application and selection are availableat: http://www.liphe4.org/application.html Send the application form to Jesus Ramos [email protected] not later than June 25, 2005.

Page 15: 7180

Adaptive Management and Resilience� Adaptation to Extreme Events:Concepts and Results from South Asia� Climate Change / Vulnerability – Conceptual Frameworks� Hazards and Vulnerability� Local Responses to Environmental Stress and Risks� Local Strategies for Adapting Water Resources Management in Semi Arid Environments

under Global Change� Vulnerability: Social and Legal Dimensions and Early Warning� Vulnerability to Climate Change� Vulnerability to Climate Change in the Developing World� Vulnerability to Climate Variability and Change

Coastal Zones,Human Use of Oceans� Coastal Vulnerability to Climate Change� Integrating Human Dimensions and Coastal Zone Management� Marine Risks and Sustainability

Environmental History� Historical Depth,Temporal Patterns, and Trajectory

Global Environmental Change and Human Security� Arctic Environmental Change – A Bellwether of Global Changes� Droughts, Poverty and Livelihoods:Key Issues from Southern Africa� Early Warning of Natural Hazards and Disaster� Environment,Development, and Sustainable Peace� Environmental Change,Conflict and Vulnerability in Africa� Environmental Migrants and Refugees� Global Environmental Change, Equity, and Human Security� Global Environmental Change,Gender, and Human Security� Human Security and Climate Change� Transboundary Water Governance: Lessons learned in Southern Africa

Globalization and Global Environmental Change� Differential Vulnerability of Local Communities to Global Economic and Environmental

Changes:Modelling Agent’s Behaviour� Lifestyle Dynamics,Consumption Patterns and Global Environmental Change� Migration and its Impact on Forest Governance and Management� The Role of the Human Dimension in the Global Water System Project

Human Dimensions of Carbon and Water Management,Food and Health� Controlling GHG Emissions� Globalization, Sustainability and Health� Green-house Gases,Carbon Cycle� Human Dimension in Water Management – Experiences from European Research� Human Dimensions of the Carbon Cycle:Networks of Research and Policy Making� Institutional Coordination among Stakeholders for Environmental Risk Management in

large River Basins� Land Use Changes and Social Systems – Linkages to Water Use and Resource Manage-

ment� Water Management

Industrial Transformation� Analysing and Managing Societal Transitions� Analysing the Dynamic of Transitions towards Sustainability – and How to Induce them?� Entrepreneurship Policy and Global Change. Industrial Transformation in Comparative

Cross-Spatial Perspectives� Sustainable Transition of Infrastructures� Technological Innovation & Environmental Sustainability

Institutional Dimensions of Global Environmental Change� Ecologies of Scale:Multi-Level Environmental Governance� Enhancing Compliance in Environmental Governance� Environmental Governance within the Local-Global Interplay:Understanding the Chang-

ing Role of the State in a Multilevel Setting� Global Institutions:Theoretical Questions� Globalization, Institutional Change and Vulnerability� Human Dimensions of Natural Disasters Risk Reduction:Comparative Analysis of Institu-

tions and Mitigation Responses to River Floods in Asia� Institutional Dimensions of Food Systems Studies across Spatial Scales� Institutions in Africa� Intermediating Pathways to Sustainability� International Environmental Regimes� Local, Regional, and International Institutions to Reduce Conflict and Increase Capacity

for Restoration, Protection, and Usage of Transboundary Waters� National Institutions in Latin America and Asia� Non-state Authority and Legitimacy in Global Environmental Governance� Reflexive Governance for Sustainable Development� Resilience and Vulnerability in Environmental and Resource Regimes

Land-Use/ Land-Cover Change� Agriculture and Land Use� Beefing up the World: Spatial Dynamics of Global Livestock Systems� Beyond the Primary Transition: Land Use and Land Cover Change in Agricultural Areas� Biodiversity Conservation� Contextualizing the Pixel:Comparing Continuous and Discrete Methods for Regional

Studies of Human Dimensions on Land-Use/Cover Change (LUCC) Research� Drought Preparedness in the Context of Global Desertification� Effects of Postsocialist Transformations on Land Use and Agrarian Institutions

� Global and Regional Forest Cover Monitoring� Household Decision Making Under Uncertainty:Concepts and Methods� Human Dimensions of Landscape Changes in the Amazon� Human Dimensions of Local LUCC in Asia� Impact of Land Use Change on Soil Resources� Land Use/ Cover Change and Ecological Security Assessment in Asia – The 5th Interna-

tional Colloquium on Land Use/ Cover Change and Environmental Issues in Asia� LUCC Methods: Spatial Analysis, Remote Sensing, Landscape Change� LUCC:Case Studies, Forests� LUCC:Case Studies, Forests,Agro-pastoral Systems� LUCC:Models,Decision-making, Scenarios� Modeling Environmental and Socio-economic Impacts of Land Use� Modeling Land Use Dynamics:The Challenge to Relate Process and Pattern� Multi-scale Scenario Development: Linking Narratives Stories and LUCC Models� Rates and Patterns of Global Land Cover Change� The Forest Transition� Understanding Biodiversity� World Market, Farmers and States

Methods in Human – Environment Studies� Can We Study Global Change without Global Data? Will Collaborate with the Panel on

“Open Access to the Global Change Data and Information in Developing Countries”� Integrated Modelling� Methods in Human-Environment Studies:What Does the World Look Like Beyond

Regression?� Modeling and Collaborative Planning within a Multi-Agent Framework – Empirical

Approaches and Methods� New Ontologies: Exploring the Anthropo-Sphere� Spatial Theory and Methodologies for Integrated Socio-Economic and Biophysical Analysis

and Modelling of Land Use Change: an International Test of Theory and Method and aComparative Synthesis of Change at Local and Regional Scales

� Remote Sensing and Early Warning� Remote Sensing and GMES as Tools for Environmental and Human Security� Uncertainty in Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation:Challenges for IPCC AR4

Regional Approaches to Human – Environment Studies� Case Studies on Adaptation� Environmental Ethics� Making Global Change Research Matter in Mountain Regions� Perspectives on Adaptation to Climate Change� Reframing Sustainability Issues, in Response to Global Governance and Environmental

Change in Africa� Regional Approaches to Food Systems Studies� Social Aspects of Desertification� Urban Transformation and Reform for Sustainability� Various Case Studies on Climate Change

Science – Policy Interface in Global Environmental Change� Climate Change Needs Social Change:The Role of Communication� Climate Change Policy and Science Interface:Case Studies of Adaptation from the Devel-

oping World� Climate Change Science and Policy Interface:An Overview of Adaptation Research and

Application� Climate Change, Energy and Policy� Climate Policy� Climate Science Policy Assessment and Research� Cross-cutting Themes in the IPCC Fourth Assessment Report� Enhancing the Contribution of Research-Based Knowledge to the Pursuit of Sustainability� Human Dimensions Research in the IPCC Working Group II Fourth Assessment Report� Law and Policy� Mainstreaming Climate Change Concerns in Development Policy: Issues and Challenges

for Asian Countries� Making Population-Environment Research Relevant to Policy Makers� Population and Environment Relations� Science – Policy and Stakeholders� The Challenge of Integrating Tourism into Current and Future Climate Change Policy� The Science-Policy Interface – Integrating Climate Information into Decision Making

Sustainable Development� Consumption and Choices:The Behavioural Side of the Problem� Consumption in Developed and Developing Countries� Psychological Perspectives on Sustainable Development� South North Dialogue on Equity in the Greenhouse� The Politics of Sustainable Consumption within an Area of Global Environmental Change� Where Do the Poor Live? What Have We Learned in the Past Decade?

Urbanization� A Two-Way Lane:Cities as Drivers and Targets of Climate Change� Globalization,Megacities and Health� Urban Environment� Urban Environmental Management and Urban Planning� Urban Structure and Growth� Urbanization and Global Environmental Change� Urbanization and LUCC� Urbanization in West Africa: Patterns, Processes and Implications for Land Use and Land

Cover

SESSIONS ACCEPTED FOR THE 6TH OPEN MEETING OF THE HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF

GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE RESEARCH COMMUNITY, BONN, 9-13 OCTOBER, 2005

The Open Meeting website: http://openmeeting.homelinux.org

Page 16: 7180

U R B A N I Z A T I O N / G L O B A L C A R B O N P R O J E C T

1 6 | I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5

Core and Joint Projects

➤ As the growing Latin American population becomesmore urban, the importance of the way cities develop and are

managed for greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions and associat-

ed pollution happens to be a central point of intervention for

addressing climate change. This report explores the interac-

tions between both local and global socioeconomic and insti-

tutional processes and the carbon cycle in the cities of Mexico,

Mendoza, Buenos Aires and Santiago. It analyses how specific

pathways of urban development interact to influence land and

energy use; and how different mixes of forces or underlying

factors (e.g. economic and socio-demographic dynamics, lib-

eralization) operate at diverse scales to produce cities’ green-

house gases (GHG) emissions trajectories.

URBAN GROWTH AND ITS SPATIAL CRYSTALLIZATION,URBAN FORM

Mexico, Buenos Aires and Santiago transited during the

1980s from a city-based to a region-based pattern of urban

development.1 The city-based model dominated during the

import substitution industrialization (ISI) period (1940-

1970). The cities registered high rates of economic growth,

enjoyed big captive markets and attracted migrant labor, also

expulsed by increasingly hard conditions in rural areas. The

cities experienced a contiguous and apparently uncontrolled

urban growth outwards. The current, region-based pattern

of urban development crystallizes in a polycentric urban

expansion of first and second-order urban localities sprawl-

ing along major highways and functionally linked to the

main city. Its drivers (demographic, economic and institu-

tional dynamics operating at diverse scales) experienced a set

of carbon relevant changes during the last two decades in the

four cities.

Economic activities transited to liberalized and deregulat-

ed markets, and open economies, and were affected by the

retrenchment of the State as developer. Industry lost its role

as leading activity of the local economies, while financing

and commerce became the most dynamic sectors. Foreign

investment increased its presence within the most dynamic

enterprises of the three largest cities. There were changes in

enterprises’ localization patterns, related to a process of eco-

nomic fragmentation. The bulk of foreign investment and

most dynamic commercial activities tend to be situated in

modern corridors (e.g. Santa Fé-Polanco in Mexico City, or

renovated areas such as Puerto Madero, Buenos Aires).

One consequence of the retrenchment of the state in its

role as developer is that rather than by public planning,

urban growth has been driven primarily by market forces.

The case of Santiago shows how laws and regulations aimed

at controlling urban sprawl have at times been altered or not

fulfilled to satisfy the requirements of speculators and devel-

opers. Actions aimed at containing land occupation by the

poor did not take into regard that housing has increasingly

taken place through informal self-help practices outside legal

regulations, as high costs of legal land and low levels of

income make these the only way for most dwellers to get

access to land.

Population growth decreased at diverse rhythms in gener-

al but especially within the core areas of the cities. Contrary

has been the case in peripheral areas where growth-rates

have increased in different ways contributing to urban sprawl

(e.g., population growth decreased to 2.1% yearly in the core

area of Mexico City, and increased by 2.8% in the suburban-

ized municipalities).

These pathways of urban growth resulted in three carbon

relevant consequences. Passengers tend to travel longer dis-

tances to move from the locations of residence to their edu-

cation, employment and recreation facilities. Freight trans-

port tends to move products to longer distances. As the cities

increase, their ecological footprint on their satellites and on

areas outside their boundaries serving their carbon-related

needs (e.g. energy and food) becomes more distinct.

SCALE MATTERS

GHG emissions trajectories and their drivers change in

space and through time. As of the mix of activities emitting

carbon, transportation is the main releaser at city level, not

necessarily at national scale. Energy is the main releaser for the

three countries, followed by agriculture and livestock in

Argentina, transportation (32%) and manufacturing (24%) in

Chile, and the forest sector (24%) and transportation (14.6%)

in Mexico. Emissions patterns illustrate the economic struc-

ture of the countries that are more dominated by services –

especially by the informal sector – than by manufacturing.

The team found commonalities and differences as to how

GHG emissions drivers operate at global, national and local

scales to produce cities’ trajectories of carbon emissions. At

least two components of the current era of globalization, liber-

alization and regionalization of markets, exert an influence on

the patterns of localization of population, productive activities

and public investments, and by this on GHG emissions by

cities and regions around them. Driven by markets opportuni-

ties opened by the North American Free Trade Agreement

(NAFTA), corporations for instance have relocated their estab-

lishments within the central region of Mexico. Subsidiaries are

set in the city’s most dynamic corridors; high tech enterprises

move to localities in or around the satellites; activities

demanding cheap labor move to suburban localities function-

ing as dormitories. All this contributes to urban sprawl, to

longer commuting and freight transportation distances and,

by this, to increased GHG emissions.

CAN CITIES REDUCE GLOBAL WARMING? Urban Development and the Carbon Cycle in Latin America

A summary of the research report resulting from two workshops in Mexico City and Santiago de Chile,

2004

1 Mendoza has undergone a slightly different urbanization process character-ized by the functional centralization of industrial, administrative and com-mercial activities; accelerated growth of urban population stimulated bycity’s economic dynamics and the crisis of the rural sector.

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Core and Joint Projects

One component of the state reform is also present in all the

cities and in other Latin American urban areas: reduced state

participation in the management of public transportation,

which is related to deregulation, decentralization and liberal-

ization. This process became one of the drivers of the shift in

mode share from high-capacity modes (Metro and buses) to

low capacity modes (e.g. minibuses, private cars). The share of

public buses in Mendoza diminished from 50.5% in 1986 to

34.8% in 2000. As in other urban areas, motorization is taking

place in the four cities. The total fleet increased 2.3 times in

Santiago, 1.5 times in Mexico City, and 0.7 times in Mendoza.

Most automobiles are private (85%, 73% and 68.8% respec-

tively), but this is not reflected in their share of daily trips

(45%, 19.9% and 25% respectively).

Motorization tendencies have diverse carbon implications.

As calculated for Mendoza, a passenger using a private car

consumes about 4 times more energy than a passenger using a

public means of transportation. Motorization is related to the

weight of transportation in CO2 emissions, but most of the

total fleet is made up of private cars having a smaller share of

daily trips. Therefore, rather than private vehicles only serving

the requirements of middle to upper sectors, cities need better

public transportation systems, and public actions aimed at

making public transport more attractive.

IPAT OR KAYA IDENTITY

We kept the Kaya identity2 in mind to explore some driv-

ers of GHG emissions. Regarding technology, we found that

decreased emissions rates in Argentina relate to more effi-

cient thermal generation of electricity. But these indicators

are not enough to understand the complexity of the techno-

logical dimension. Two technological constrains for a car-

bon-relevant restructuring of Mexico City’s economy are low

levels of human capital and research, of innovation and tech-

nology, and lack of competition of the economy. Enterprises

have hence reduced incentives to introduce new technolo-

gies.

When applying the Kaya approach to the residential sec-

tor, it is usually assumed that when population grows and

standards of living improve so do the consumption of fossil

fuels and GHG emissions. We found that technology, afflu-

ence and demography are not enough to understand GHG

emissions trajectories in Mexico City. High levels of social

segregation relate to a differentiated contribution to both

energy consumption and GHG emissions. As an example,

private cars are highly concentrated among wealthy sectors

of Mexico City (50% from the trips go to and come from

16% and 23% of the city respectively), but only cover 18% of

the 29.5 trip segments.

Institutional settings are another key driver of GHG emis-

sions trajectories. Instruments like the Plan Canje (govern-

mental subsidy to automobile companies for each old car

accepted as payment for a new car) together with a good dol-

lar-peso exchange rate induced Argentineans to buy new

cars. The Plan intended to support the automotive industry,

but it also contributed to the renovation of the automotive

fleet, by this, to reduced levels of pollutants like Nitrogen

Oxide. Rather than climate change, air pollution has been

the main public concern in all cities. Public concern though

is not enough to guarantee effective management. As the

Mexico City case shows, GHG related policies, are con-

strained by the organizational structure and institutional

capacity of the city. States and the Federal District have dif-

ferent legal and fiscal systems undermining the city’s capaci-

ty to deal with this issue at metropolitan scale. Diverse man-

agement agencies have competing and overlapping responsi-

bilities, tend to focus on and react to specific issues, and can

not address the array of causes driving them. They lack

appropriated harmonization of their programs and responsi-

bilities, as well as financial provisions for them to work

together.

CAN CITIES REDUCE GLOBAL WARMING?

Cities are key players in the field of GHG emissions.

Notwithstanding their role, it is hard for them to reduce their

GHG emissions. Key drivers of emissions trajectories operate

at national and even global scales. Relevant actors in the car-

bon arena such as transnational corporations have national

and international decision making power. It is hence difficult

for local authorities to issue regulations without corpora-

tions’ conformity. Cities do not have institutions that are

explicitly prepared to deal with GHG emissions. Instead, they

focus on (for example) air quality issues. It is therefore neces-

sary to undertake future studies focusing on carbon-related

strategies and their interplay with environmental policies

more focused on pollution control. One example is the via-

bility of promoting win-win strategies that aim at reducing

GHG emissions and improving air quality.

The workshop coordinators and editors of the report are:

PATRICIA ROMERO LANKAO, Professor, Research Group on

Public Policies and Management and SSC member of the

Global Carbon Project, Universidad Autónoma Metropoli-

tana, Xochimilco, México; [email protected]

ENRIQUE PULIAFITO, Professor and Research Scientist at the

Universidad Tecnológica Nacional, Buenos Aires, Argentina;

[email protected]

ALEJANDRO LEÓN, Assistant Professor and Chair of the Cen-

ter for Studies of Arid Lands (CEZA),

Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile; [email protected]

MARIANA CONTE GRAND, Director of the Department of

Economics at the Universidad del CEMA, Buenos Aires,

Argentina; [email protected]

U R B A N I Z A T I O N / G L O B A L C A R B O N P R O J E C T

2 According to the Kaya identity, carbon emissions (I) are the product of thelevel of population (P) combined with affluence (A) (e.g., measured byincome per capita) and the level of technology (T) (e.g., measured by emis-sions per unit of income).

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➤ The entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol in February thisyear is a historic development in international environmental

negotiations, and a significant step towards Earth sustainability.

The protocol limits the emissions to the atmosphere of six

greenhouse gases for the 30 ratifying countries from the devel-

oped world.

There has been much debate as to how much difference the

first commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol will make to

atmospheric CO2 concentrations (a[CO2]), and which subse-

quent emission reduction targets would be required to stabilise

a[CO2] at a given level. This article will attempt to provide a

sense of the tremendous challenge of stabilising a[CO2] at a

level thought to avoid dangerous interference in the climate sys-

tem.

Although there is no consensus as to what a[CO2] will avoid

dangerous climatic interference, it is well understood that this

depends upon the sensitivity of the major Earth System process-

es to climate change, and the vulnerability – that is, sensitivity

to, and capacity to adapt – of different economic, environmen-

tal and social sectors. Thus, there is no single a[CO2] we can tar-

get, unless we apply a lowest-common-denominator approach.

For example, at the recent International Conference on

„Avoiding Dangerous Climate Change“ (Exeter, UK, February

2005), experts argued that human societies would be safeguard-

ed from dangerous interference in the climate system by a sta-

bilisation of a[CO2] equivalent to a global warming of 2°C. This

translates to a[CO2] of less than 550 ppm. Although these fig-

ures are contestable, they serve our present purpose, which is to

highlight the challenge in stabilising a[CO2] at 550 ppm – or

indeed at any level below 750 ppm. For context, the pre-indus-

trial CO2 concentration was 280 ppm, and the current concen-

tration is 378 ppm. Notably, the Framework Convention on Cli-

mate Change (FCCC), which has gained the commitment of

over 160 countries to stabilise a[CO2], has been very careful to

avoid stating a desirable stabilisation level.

A number of normative scenarios covering major possible

routes that societies could take in this century, have been devel-

oped (IPCC1 SRES2, 2000) based on major storylines leading to

alternative future emission pathways. These scenarios required

assumptions about population and income

growth, the cost and availability of current and

future energy production and utilisation, and

many other driving elements. The approach is con-

sistent with the fact that there are big uncertainties

as to whether our grandchildren – and the govern-

ments and institutions they may choose and create,

will be highly environmentally conscious, or will

become full practitioners of economic globalisa-

tion, understanding that the two trends are not

necessarily incompatible.

The range of carbon emissions covered by the

SRES scenarios is very broad, so that for practical

purposes, IPCC leaves us without a best guess at

the most likely future carbon emission scenario.

Carbon emissions for the end of this century in the

SRES scenarios, range from 3-35 Pg yr-1 (current

carbon emissions from fossil fuel are close to 7 Pg

yr-1), leaving an unconstrained set of requirements

for the amount of change needed to avoid danger-

ous interference in the climate system, for whatever

target we choose for the purpose of evaluating the

challenge.

Part of the uncertainty lies with the difficulty of quantifying

the impact of major technological improvements on a[CO2],

and understanding the difference we can make by, for instance,

collectively moving into automobile-hybrid technology, improv-

ing household energy efficiency by 50%, or generating two-

thirds of our electricity from renewable energies. None of these

major technological changes can be realised any time soon.

As part of a SCOPE3-GCP synthesis of the carbon cycle (Field

& Raupach, 2004), the value of some earlier work on emission

scenarios was rediscovered – particularly the IS92a IPCC sce-

nario. This scenario belongs to the family of „business-as-usual“

scenarios – those which attempt to highlight what could happen

if we do not take specific actions to address the climate change

issue, or in other words, what could happen if we let energy mar-

kets evolve as they have in the past without specific policies to

curb CO2 emissions.

The IS92a scenario does not include any CO2 emission reduc-

tion targets, nor any broad policy proposals to reduce deforesta-

THE CHALLENGE OF STABILIZING ATMOSPHERIC CO2

CONCENTRATIONSBY PEP CANADELL AND MICHAEL RAUPACH

1 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change2 Special Report on Emission Scenarios3 Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment

Figure 1. Global carbon emissions 1990-2100 using the IS92a and a 550 ppm stabilisation scenario

From EdmondsJ et al. (2004)

Scenarios,targets, caps,and costs. In:

Filed C andRaupach M

(Eds) The Global

Carbon Cycle:Integrating

Humans,Climate andthe Natural

World,Pp. 77-102

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Joint Projects

tion rates. What is less widely known, is that this scenario also

assumes business-as-usual in technological development, based

on the experience of the last century. Thus, IS92a assumes a

decrease in energy intensity by 0.8% annually up until 2025, and

a 1.0% decrease annually from 2025-2100. More strikingly, IS92a

also assumes that by the end of this century 75% of power ener-

gy will be carbon free, and that energy generated from bio-fuels

will provide more energy than the combined global production

of oil and gas in 1990 (Edmonds et al, 2004). These are massive

and difficult to appreciate transformations of the energy system,

but are probably not beyond what could happen, judging by the

impressive advancements of the last century.

Such magnitude of change towards renewable and zero-

emission energies, might suggest that the CO2 stabilisation

problem would be largely solved by the time we achieve such

transformations. But disappointingly, far from it – a[CO2] by

the end of this century would be over 700 ppm under IS92a –

about three times the pre-industrial level (Figure 1).

To appreciate the technological challenge involved in limit-

ing a[CO2] to 700 ppm – which itself may involve unacceptable

interference with the climate system, one can project a [CO2]

under a „freezing“ of technology at 1990 levels, without effi-

ciency improvements (Figure 1). This scenario provides a refer-

ence that illustrates the scale of the advancements already

expected to occur. Any attempts to stabilise a [CO2] below 700

ppm will require an even larger effort.

The difference in carbon emissions between a given busi-

ness-as-usual scenario (for example IS92a with a [CO2] at

about 700 ppm) and a chosen stabilisation level (for instance

550 ppm as argued above), is referred to as the „energy gap“.

The energy gap between IS92a and a 550 ppm stabilisation level

is a staggering 14 Pg C yr-1 (Figure 1). This gap can only be

closed by implementing emission reduction policies and clear

emission cuts, most likely with costs involved. For a number of

SRES scenarios, the carbon emission gaps by 2100 range from

1-25 Pg yr-1 (IPCC 2001).

Stabilizing a [CO2] will not only require large absolute cuts

of greenhouse emissions during this century, but it will ulti-

mately require reducing emissions to close to zero.

REFERENCES to this article are included on the IHDP website at

www.ihdp.org/updatehistory05/references.htm

JOSEP (PEP) CANADELL is Executive Director of the Global Carbon

Project,

CSIRO Marine and Atmospheric Research, Canberra, Australia;

[email protected]; www.gcp.org

MICHAEL RAUPACH is Co-Chair of the Global Carbon Project

and Science Leader of the Earth Observation Centre, Canberra,

Australia; [email protected];http://www.cossa.csiro.au

G L O B A L C A R B O N P R O J E C T

International Organizations and GlobalEnvironmental Change

2005 Berlin Conference on the Human Dimensions ofGlobal Environmental Change

Berlin, 2 – 3 December 2005

www.fu-berlin.de/ffu/akumwelt/bc2005/index.html

Insecurity and Development:Regional Issues and Policies for an Interdependent World

International Conference, 21–24 September 2005,Bonn

For accreditation see: www.eadi.org/gc2005

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N E T W O R K I N G A N D C A P A C I T Y B U I L D I N G

2 0 | I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5

National Committees

➤ Asia & the Pacific: There was a strong presence of the

HDGEC scientists from the Asia-Pacific region and elsewhere

at the Fifth Ministerial Conference on Environment and

Development in Asia and the Pacific (MCED 2005), held 24-

29 March 2005 in Seoul, Korea, with the theme „Achieving

Environmentally Sustainable Economic Growth in Asia and the

Pacific“. The UN Conference served as a decisive forum for

ministerial-level discussions on achieving sustainable develop-

ment in Asia & the Pacific region. As a side event to this Minis-

terial Conference, approximately 100 eminent scientists,

including social scientists and policy experts came together to

discuss the role of science in global change, environment and

development in the „Eminent Scientists Symposium“ with the

theme „Global Change, Environment and Development“. Topics

ranged from the Earth System and its climate, sustainable

development, water resources and sanitation, forestry and bio-

fuels, responses to climate change and disasters, including

early warning systems for extreme events, to environmental

industry, governance and tools for environmental manage-

ment. Symposium speakers and participants provided nation-

al, regional and global perspectives on these issues. The Emi-

nent Scientists Symposium was jointly organized by the Korea

Environment Institute (KEI), the IGBP, UNESCAP, and spon-

sored by KEI, UNU & Gwangju Institute of Science and Tech-

nology Joint Programme (Korea), Ministry of Environment

(Korea), Asia-Pacific Network for Global Change Research,

Samsung Global Environment Research Centre (Korea), Kore-

an National Committee for IGBP and the Ministry of Foreign

Affairs of Finland.

Philippines: A regional conference-workshop, „Enhancing

Competitiveness, Reducing Poverty: A Call for Effective Water

Governance in Southeast Asia“ was held on March 9-10, 2005

in Mandaluyong City, Metro Manila, Philippines. The confer-

ence discussed water governance and poverty issues in rural

areas in the Southeast Asian region to identify priority

research agenda and policy directions in water governance

towards poverty alleviation and food security. It also hoped to

pave the way for regional collaboration on water development

initiatives. The regional conference was organized by the

Southeast Asian Regional Center for Graduate Study and

Research in Agriculture (SEARCA) based in Los Baños, Lagu-

na, Philippines in partnership with institutions committed to

the same cause.

The meeting is also intended to expand and strengthen the

regional alliance against poverty by addressing the institution-

al and policy dimensions, research, and mechanisms for fund-

ing initiatives on water issues and concerns. More specifically,

the conferences geared towards raising the importance of

water governance in regional development and poverty allevi-

ation agenda; developing a framework for enabling policies

and programs towards equitable and sustained water access;

identifying priority water development initiatives, and fund-

ing mobilization strategies; and identifying areas for collabo-

ration in the region. The conference featured a keynote paper

by the Secretary of the Philippine Department of Agriculture

(DA), and five thematic papers on water governance, research

and development, water use and allocation, funding of water

resources development initiatives, and issues and concerns on

water-related disasters. A total of 35 researchers, planners,

decision-makers, multilateral donors and practitioners in Asia

who are involved in water governance in their respective coun-

tries attended the conference. Participants also included repre-

sentatives from the United Nations Development Programme

(UNDP), International Water Management Institute (IWMI),

Asian Development Bank, and the Global Water System Pro-

ject (GWSP). Papers and proceedings of the regional confer-

ence will be published as a special issue of the Journal of Agri-

culture and Development. Prof. Felino P. Lansigan, Chairman

of the Philippine IHDP National Committee and member of

the GWSP SSC helped in the organization of the conference.

([email protected])Taiwan: As part of the Capacity Building Program for the

Southeast Asian Regional Committee for START (SARCS), a

national workshop, „Advanced Training Workshop on Southeast

Asia Regional Carbon and Water Issues“ has been organized as

part of Taiwan’s contribution to two of the joint projects of the

Earth System Science Partnership. The main objective is to

promote the Global Carbon Project and the Global Water Sys-

tem Project-related research programs in SARCS member

countries, and to provide advanced training on the carbon

measurement, water resources, monitoring and modeling

techniques, as well as to develop a GCP and GWSP research

collaboration team within SARCS. The Advanced Training

Workshop will bring together leading researchers from SARCS

member countries representing all global change disciplines.

The Workshop will take place 15–28 November 2005 in

Chung-Li and Kaohsiung, Taiwan. Deadline for applicationsis 15 July 2005! (Contact Prof. Chen-Tung Arthur Chen at

[email protected])

Austria: As the result of a long heritage of significant com-

petences in various fields of climate and global change

research, the University of Graz has started the Wegener Cen-

ter for Climate and Global Change (WegCenter) with the

recognition of the potential of putting the diverse climate-

related activities under one umbrella. With its official opening

in April 2005, the WegCenter is an interdisciplinary, interna-

tionally oriented research center with a focus on climate, envi-

ronmental and global change monitoring, analysis, research,

impacts and policy. The WegCenter addresses natural and

anthropogenic climate, environmental and global change,

respectively, including impacts of changes, mitigation, and

policy issues. The initial research foci of the WegCenter are

mainly related to climate change, but the broader area of glob-

al change is addressed and will increase in the longer term. The

activities of the WegCenter are initially organized into two

major programmes, the Climate and Environmental Change

Research and Monitoring Programme and the Human

Dimensions of Climate and Environmental Change Pro-

gramme. The later will host the Austrian Human Dimensions

Programme (HDP-A). These Programmes are highly compli-

mentary to each other and tight cooperation is foreseen at the

multitude of interfaces and overlapping areas between climate

INCREASING IHDP’S VISIBILITY ACROSS THE GLOBE

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National Committees/In Brief

and environmental monitoring and research on the one hand,

and research on climate and global change impacts and policy

on the other hand. (http://www.wegcenter.at) Switzerland: The 6th annual Swiss Global Change Day was

held in Bern, Switzerland on 7 April 2005, organized by Pro-

Clim – Swiss Forum for Climate and Global Change in collab-

oration with the IHDP and IGBP Swiss National Committees,

the Commission for Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics and

the Swiss Biodiversity Forum. The established event provided

a platform and brought together 250 global change researchers

from Switzerland and experts from abroad to share and dis-

cuss leading research issues in a transdisciplinary manner.

Invited speakers from each field of global change research pre-

sented the state-of-the-art of ongoing research, according to

the aims of the ESSP Global Environmental Change Pro-

grammes (IHDP, DIVERSITAS, IGBP and WCRP). Topics

included global change and human health, the challenges for

the North and South; traces of global change in polar ice cores;

the fate of arctic sea ice; the ‘Syndrome Approach’ in studying

the syndromes of global change; and many others. The Swiss

Global Change Day is a continuing success in terms of number

and high caliber participants and discussions. Panel discus-

sions include representatives from inter-governmental institu-

tions, the private sector, policy, and the media to provoke dis-

cussions on needs and differing views on presented topics. A

highlight of the event for young scientists is the award for best

poster in each of the fields of ESSP Programmes. Congratula-

tions to Anke Huss of the Institute of Social and Preventive

Medicine at the University of Bern, whose poster „Impact of

the 2003 Heatwave on Mortality in Switzerland“ won the

IHDP award of SFr. 1000 to participate in a future internation-

al conference.

All full-length articles to the abstracts above on 2005

regional workshops related to IHDP research are available on

the IHDP Website (http://www.ihdp.org) under „National

Committees“.

Compiled by Debra Meyer Wefering ([email protected]), Science Project Coordinator and IHDP Liaison for

National Committees at the IHDP Secretariat, Bonn, Ger-

many.

N E T W O R K I N G A N D C A P A C I T Y B U I L D I N G / N E W S

Urbanization➤➤➤ The IHDP ScientificCommittee officially laun-

ched its new core project on

Urbanization and Global

Environmental Change in

March this year. Karen Seto(Stanford University, USA)

chairs the project. Her

research interests include

integrated land system sci-

ence, urbanization, agricul-

tural intensification, and

remote sensing. Further

members of the Scientific

Steering Committee are: Frauke Kraas (University of

Cologne, DE), David Simon (University of London, UK),

William Solecki (City University New York, USA) and

Xiaopei Yan (Zhongshan University, CN). The Scientific

Steering Committee will be extended during 2005 and

fundraising for an International Project Office will start.

Also, the Urbanization Science Plan has been published

under the leadership of Roberto Sánchez-Rodríguez and can

be obtained from the IHDP Secretariat or downloaded from

the IHDP website (www.ihdp.org). The science plan has four

thematic foci that cover the array of interaction between the

urban and the global environment components of the Earth

system. The conceptual framework starts with processes

within the urban system that contribute to global environ-

mental change. A second focus is on the pathways through

which specific global environmental changes affect the urban

system. Once these pathways and points of intersections are

identified, the framework addresses the resulting interac-

tions and responses within the urban system. Finally, the

framework centres on the consequences of the interactions

within the urban system on global environmental change, or

feedback processes. These four thematic foci create a com-

prehensive perspective of the dynamic, diverse, and complex

interactions between urban systems and global environmen-

tal change processes.

The Urbanization project will present itself by ways of ses-

sions and a reception at the 6th Open Meeting of the Human

Dimensions of Global Environmental Change Research

Community, taking place in Bonn, Germany, from 9 to 13

October 2005.

Global Land Project

➤➤➤ The second new IHDP core science project, theGlobal Land Project (GLP), was also officially launched in

March 2005 by the Scientific Committees of both IHDP and

its global change partner, IGBP. GLP will act as a successor to

the IHDP/IGBP core project LUCC (Land-Use and Land-

Cover Change) which will come to its end this year, as well as

the IGBP core project GCTE which closed in 2003. The GLP

Science Plan will soon be put to print and will be available on

the IHDP website. The next step is to set up a governance

structure with a Scientific Steering Committee and an Inter-

national Project Office.

The GLP Science Plan develops a new integrated paradigm

focused on two main conceptual aspects of the coupled

socio-ecological system. First, is a focus on land-use decision

making and secondly, on ecosystem services. Main themes

are 1. the causes and nature of land system change (globaliza-

tion & population, management decisions and practices,

atmospheric, biogeochemical and biophysical dimensions, as

well as combined human and biophysical impacts); 2.the

consequences of land system change (changes in ecosystem

IN BRIEF

Karen Seto

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structure, human well-being, human adjustment to changes

in ecosystem service provision, feedbacks from changes in

ecosystems to the coupled Earth system); and 3. integrating

analysis and modelling for land sustainability (dynamics of

land-systems, vulnerability and resilience of land systems,

land sustainability and policies/institutions). As is the case

with the Urbanization project, the Global Land Project will

be presented at the 6th Open Meeting in October in Bonn,

Germany.

GECHS

➤➤➤ Karen O’Brien (Uni-versity of Oslo, Norway)will be the new Chair of the

IHDP core science project

Global Environmental

Change and Human Security

(GECHS). She is a geogra-

pher working on issues relat-

ed to global environmental

change, vulnerability and

human security. Her

research has focused on

deforestation and climate

change in southern Mexico,

climate variability and the use of seasonal forecasts in south-

ern Africa, as well as climate change impacts and vulnerabil-

ity in the context of economic globalization. She has been a

member of the GECHS Scientific Steering Committee since

2001, and is a lead author on the adaptation chapter for the

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).

Karen’s publications include two books: Sacrificing the For-

est: Environmental and Social Struggles in Chiapas (Westview,

1998) and Coping with Climate Variability: User Responses to

Seasonal Forecasts in Southern Africa (Ashgate 2003, edited

with Coleen Vogel).

Also, five new members nominated by the GECHS Scientific

Steering Committee were approved by the IHDP Scientific

Committee in March 2005: Jon Barnett (University of Mel-

bourne, AUS), Indra de Soysa (University of Trondheim, N),

Patricia Kameri-Mbote (University of Nairobi, Kenya), LylaMehta (University of Sussex, UK), and Joni Seager (York

University, CAN). The GECHS International Project Office is

moving from Ottawa, Canada to Oslo, Norway in July 2005.

The GECHS IPO will be hosted by the Geography Depart-

ment at the University of Oslo. We are thanking Mike Brk-lacich, former GECHS Chair and Maureen Woodrow,

GECHS Executive Officer, for their commitment to the proj-

ect over the course of the past six years.

Other IHDP Publications

➤➤➤ Besides the Urbanization Science Plan, also the

revised Science Plan of the IHDP core science projects

IDGEC (Institutional Dimensions and Global Environmen-

tal Change) and New LOICZ (Land-Oceans Interactions in

the Coastal Zone) have been published. The scientific frame-

work of the original LOICZ Science Plan was further devel-

N E W SIn Brief

oped to integrate human dimensions. The revised IDGEC

Science Plan includes a new section on three flagship activi-

ties and a current version of the IDGEC publications list. The

IHDP Secretariat has also compiled a bibliography in order

to highlight the contributions of IHDP to global change

research, and produced a workshop report of the 2002

IHDW workshop, Urbanization and the Transition to Sus-

tainability. Further, flyers of the following projects have been

printed: GECHS, IDGEC and LOICZ. A general flyer

describing IHDP has also been produced. All publications

are (or will soon be) accessible online on the IHDP website.

They can also be ordered from the IHDP Secretariat.

More Short Cuts

➤➤➤ The International Group of Funding Agencies forGlobal Change Research (IGFA) and the InternationalCouncil for Science (ICSU) organized a workshop from 17 to

19 May 2005 in Stockholm, Sweden, called „The Interface

between Global Change and Development-Oriented Research“.

The workshop brought together researchers in global change,

researchers engaged in development, as well as funding agen-

cies that fund global change research, or development activi-

ties respectively. The meeting was felt to be of high impor-

tance and seen as a good start for these different communities

to work together and to make a better case to major donors.

Further steps include discussions between funding agencies

and research groups on both sides (GEC as well as develop-

ment). Both communities have to take advantage of intersec-

tions between global environmental change research and

development research and highlight them at important meet-

ings.

➤➤➤ The United Nations University’s Institute for Envi-ronment and Security (EHS) held a scientific colloquium on

„Reflections on Common Concerns and Scientific Challenges in

the Field of Risk and Vulnerability“ in Bonn, Germany, on 5

April 2005. The colloquium included presentations on: vul-

nerability from economic prospective, the perception of flood

risk, the meaning of risk and vulnerability in applied peace

and conflict research, and the vulnerability of the global water

system. IHDP Executive Director Barbara Göbel presented the

Global Environmental Change and Human Security (GECHS)

core project.

➤➤➤ IHDP will hold a workshop called „Global environ-

mental change: how do we link science to policy and practice?“ on

7 September at the International Forum on the Social Science-

Policy Nexus, 5 to 9 September 2005 in Buenos Aires, Argenti-

na. For more information on the conference, go to

www.unesco.org/shs/ifsp.➤➤➤ ICSU, The International Council for Science, has

established an ad-hoc scoping group for a programme on nat-

ural and human-induced environmental hazards. A hazard

programme should build on the basis of the disciplinary

expertise of the ICSU unions, in particular the geo-unions and

the hazards theme of the Year of the Planet Earth, as well as the

relevant subject areas of the Global Environmental Change

programmes, with additional components such as population

health and critical infrastructure. IHDP Chair Coleen Vogel has

been appointed by ICSU as a member of the scoping group.

Karen O’Brien

Page 23: 7180

I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5 | 2 3

Calendar/PublicationsN E W B O O K S

ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY IN THE EU:ACTORS, INSTITUTIONS AND PROCESSES(2ND EDITION)

Edited by Andrew Jordan

This second and fully revised

edition brings together some of

the most influential work on the

theory and practice of contem-

porary EU environmental poli-

cy. Comprising five comprehen-

sive parts, it includes in-depth

case studies of contemporary

policy issues such as climate

change, genetically modified

organisms and trans-Atlantic relations; and an assess-

ment of how well the EU is responding to new chal-

lenges such as enlargement, environmental policy inte-

gration and sustainability. One of the main aims of this

new edition is to look forward and ask whether the EU

is prepared or even able to respond to the ‘new’ gover-

nance challenges posed by the perceived need to use

‘new’ policy instruments and other processes to ‘main-

stream’ environmental thinking in all EU policy sectors

in pursuit of sustainability.

Earthscan 2005, 352 pages, Paperback £19.51,

ISBN 1-84407-158-8; Hardback £68.00, ISBN

1-84407-157-X

PUBLICS, RISK COMMUNICATION AND THESOCIAL AMPLIFICATION OF RISK

By Jeanne X. Kasperson and Roger E. Kasperson

We live in a ‘risk society’ where

the identification, distribution

and management of risks, from

new technology, environmental

factors or other sources are cru-

cial to our individual and social

existence.

The two Volume edition collects

the authors’ fundamental work

on how risks are communicated

among different publics and stakeholders, including

local communities, corporations and the larger socie-

ty. It analyses the problems of lack of transparency

and trust and explores how even minor effects can be

amplified and distorted through media and social

responses, preventing effective management. The

final section investigates the difficult ethical issues

raised by the unequal distribution of risk depending

on factors such as wealth, location and genetic inher-

itance - with examples from worker and public pro-

tection, facility siting conflicts, transporting haz-

ardous waste and widespread impacts such as climate

change.

Earthscan 2005, 376 pages, Paperback £24.95,

ISBN 1844070735; Hardback 2 volume set £120.00,

ISBN 1844070727

MEETING CALENDAR➤➤➤ 6–7 July – Marseille, France

Environment, Knowledge and Democracywww.vcharite.univ-mrs.fr/shadyc/CIEnv.pdf

➤➤➤ 7–9 July – Amsterdam, The Netherlands

People and the Sea III: New Directions in Coastal and MaritimeStudieswww.marecentre.nl

➤➤➤ 10–12 August – Beijing, China

PAGES 2nd Open Science MeetingPaleoclimate, Environmental Sustainability and Our Futurewww.pages2005.org

➤➤➤ 21–27 August – Stockholm, Sweden

World Water Week15th Stockholm Water Symposium on Drainage Basin Manage-ment–Hard and Soft Solutions in Regional Developmenthttp://worldwaterweek.org and http://www.siwi.org

➤➤➤ 23–27 August – Amsterdam, The Netherlands

Modelling Land Use ChangeSession at the 45th Congress of the European Regional ScienceAssociationwww.feweb.vu.nl/ersa2005

➤➤➤ 27 August–2 September – Grindelwald, Switzerland

From the Holocene to the Anthropocene: Climate of the Last 1000 Years; 4th International NCCR Climate Summer School

➤➤➤ 28 August–2 September – Wageningen, The Nether-lands

Land Science: Concepts, Tools and Uncertainties in Land-UseStudies and Landscape Dynamicswww.dpw.wageningen-ur.nl/PEenRC/education/courses/pgc-land_science.htm

➤➤➤ 29 August–1 September – Buenos Aires, Argentina

Environmental Change and Rational Water UseCommission for Water Sustainability of the International Geographical Union (IGU)http://water-sustainability.ph.unito.it

➤➤➤ 31 August–2 September – London, UK

Flows and Spaces in a Globalized Worldwww.rgs.org/AC2005/registration.htm

➤➤➤ 11–14 September – Liverpool, UK

Complexity and Ecological Economics www.euroecolecon.org/pdf/EcoEcoCallForPapers_Liverpool2005.pdf

➤➤➤ 19–23 September – Goettingen, Germany

The Stability of Rainforest Margins: Linking Ecological, Econom-ic and Social Constraints of Land Use Conservation www.storma.de/symp2005

➤➤➤ 20–21 September – Cambridge, UK

7th Annual BIOECON Conference on the Economic Analysis ofPolicies for Biodiversity Conservationwww.bioecon.ucl.ac.uk

NEW BOOK

Page 24: 7180

2 4 | I H D P N E W S L E T T E R 2 / 2 0 0 5

C O N T A C T A D D R E S S E SAddresses

IHDP SECRETARIAT

• IHDP Secretariat:Barbara Göbel, Executive DirectorWalter-Flex-Strasse 3 53113 Bonn, Germany Phone: +49-228-739050Fax: [email protected]

IHDP CORE PROJECTS

➤ GECHS

• Global EnvironmentalChange and Human Security c/o Maureen WoodrowExecutive OfficerGECHS International Project OfficeDept. of Geography & Environmental Studies,Carleton University1125 Colonel By DriveOttawa, ON K1S 5B6, [email protected] www.gechs.org

➤ IDGEC

• Institutional Dimensions ofGlobal Environmental Change c/o Heike Schröder, Executive OfficerIDGEC International Project Office4526 Bren Hall, Bren School ofEnv. Science and ManagementUniversity of California at Santa BarbaraSanta Barbara, CA 93106-5131, [email protected]@bren.ucsb.eduhttp://fiesta.bren.edu/~idgec/

➤ IT• Industrial Transformation c/o Anna J. Wieczorek,Executive OfficerIT International Project OfficeInstitute of Environmental Studies De Boelelaan 10871081 HV AmsterdamThe [email protected]://130.37.129.100/ivm/research/ihdp-it/index.html

➤ LOICZ• Land-Ocean Interactions inthe Coastal Zonec/o Hartwig Kremer and MartinLe TissierLOICZ International Project OfficeP. O. Box 59, 1790 AB, Den Burg,Texel, [email protected]

➤ LUCC

• Land-Use and Land-CoverChange c/o Helmut Geist, Executive Officer LUCC International Project Office University of LouvainPlace L. Pasteur 3 1348 Louvain-la-Neuve, [email protected]/LUCC

JOINT ESSP PROJECTS

➤ GECAFS

• Global EnvironmentalChange and Food Systems c/o John Ingram, Executive OfficerGECAFS International ProjectOffice, NERC-Centre for Ecology &Hydrology, Wallingford OX 10 8BB, [email protected]

➤ GCP

• Global Carbon Projectc/o Pep CanadellExecutive OfficerGCP International ProjectOffice, CSIROCanberra, [email protected]

➤ GWSP

• Global Water Systems Projectc/o Eric Craswell, Executive OfficerInternational Project Office GWSPCenter for Development ResearchWalter-Flex-Str. 353113 Bonn, [email protected]

IHDP SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE (SC)

➤ Chair

• Coleen Heather VogelDept. of Geography & Env. StudiesUniversity of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, South [email protected]

➤ Vice Chair

• Roberto Sánchez-RodríguezUC-Mexus, University of CaliforniaRiverside, CA, [email protected]

• Katrina BrownSchool of Development StudiesUniversity of East Anglia,Norwich, [email protected]

• Geoffrey DabelkoEnvironmental Change and SecurityProject (ECSP)Woodrow Wilson InternationalCenter for Scholars, WashingtonD.C., [email protected]

• Carl FolkeCentre for Research on NaturalResources and the Environment(CNM)CNM, Stockholm UniversityStockholm, [email protected]

• Roberto GuimarãesUnited NationsDivision for SocialPolicy andDevelopmentNew York, NY, [email protected]

• Gernot KlepperKiel Institute of World EconomicsKiel, [email protected]

• Tatiana Kluvankova-OravskaInstitute for ForecastingSlovak Academy of SciencesBratislava, Slovak [email protected]

• Sander van der LeeuwDepartment of Anthropology,Arizona State University, Tempe,AZ, [email protected]

• Elinor OstromCenter for the Study ofInstitutions, Population &Environmental ChangeIndiana UniversityBloomington, IN, [email protected]

• Xizhe PengInstitute of Population ResearchFudan UniversityShanghai, P.R. [email protected]

• Hebe VessuriDepartment of Science Studies,Instituto Venezolano deInvestigaciones Cientificas, Caracas,[email protected]

• Paul L.G. VlekCenter for Development Research (ZEF), University of Bonn,Bonn, [email protected]

EX OFFICIO MEMBERSIHDP SCIENTIFICCOMMITTEE

➤ ICSU

• Gordon McBean Institute for Catastrophic Loss Reduction, University of Western Ontario, London, ON, [email protected]

➤ I S S C• Lourdes Arizpe Universidad Nacional Autónomade México (UNAM)Cuernavaca, [email protected]

➤ DIVERSITAS

• Michel LoreauÉcole Normale SuperieureLaboratoire d'Écologie Paris, [email protected]

➤ IGBP

• Guy Brasseur Max-Planck-Institute for MeteorologyHamburg, [email protected]

➤ START (alternating)

• Sulochana GadgilIndian Institute of Science& Oceanic SciencesBangalore, [email protected]

• Graeme I. PearmanCSIRO Atmospheric ResearchAspendale, [email protected]

➤ WCRP

• Peter LemkeAlfred-Wegener-Institutefor Polar and Marine ResearchBremerhaven, [email protected]

➤ GECHS

• Karen O’Brien Institute for Sociology & Human GeographyUniversity of Oslo, [email protected]

➤ IDGEC

• Oran R. Young Bren School of Environmental Science and ManagementUniversity of California at Santa BarbaraSanta Barbara, CA, [email protected]

➤ IT

• Frans BerkhoutDirector, Institute forEnvironmental Studies (IVM),Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam,The [email protected]

➤ LOICZ

• Liana Talaue McManusRosenstiel School of Marine andAtmospheric ScienceUniversity of Miami, Miami, FL,[email protected]

➤ LUCC

• Eric Lambin Dept. of GeographyUniversity of LouvainLouvain-la-Neuve, [email protected]

➤ URBANIZATION

• Karen Seto Dept. of Ecological & Environmental Sciences Stanford University, USA [email protected]

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