8 Case studies. · ing crisis and forced migration of Syrian refugees, the NGO aims to mainstream...

163

8Case studies. (p. 162)

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112

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165fig. 107 - 121: Variety of rooftop functions in Palestinian refugee camps (own photographs)

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The first part of this chapter provides an insight into the abundance and variety of rooftop

farming projects in the Middle East in general. The second part focuses on four concrete

rooftop farming projects in Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan and the West Bank, which

we have visited and analysed in depth during our field research. A juxtaposition of the case

studies at the end of this chapter (see 8.3 Juxtaposition of the case studies within the four

dimensions) detects their action space as well as their limits and boundaries according to the

four dimensions by Safier (2002) (see Chapter 2.2 Room for manoeuvre). Thus, this chapter

lays the basis for the definition of a potential action space for agents operating within com-

munity-based projects in the area of climate change adaptation.

8 Case studies

fig. 122: Urban agriculture projects in Palestinian refugee camps in the Middle East (own illustration)

167

1

2

3

45

67

89

10

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01

Jordan, Husn Camp – GIZ / Al-Karmel

Club

community building, activating existing

capacities, self-initiative

This rooftop farm project is one outcome of

the 2012 completed CIP and was financed

and initiated by the GIZ. Within this pro-

cess, the GIZ offered four CBOs the oppor-

tunity to realise self-initiated projects. As a

result, one of the CBOs focused on rooftop

farming and implemented 34 greenhouses

on private and institutional rooftops inside

and outside of Husn Camp. The responsible

CBO is embedded in the already existing

structure of the local football club Al Kar-

mel.

02

Jordan, Jerash Camp and Amman –

Greening the Camps

women’s participation, community buil-

ding, cooperation with an existing educa-

tional institution

The project is run by the NGO Greening

The Camps, which consists of an interdis-

ciplinary, international team. The NGO

started with a pilot project on the rooftop

of a cultural centre in Amman in 2017 and

finished their first rooftop farm in Jerash

Camp in 2018. In Jerash Camp, the project

was implemented on the rooftop of a newly

built vocational school and lays a focus on

women’s participation in rooftop farming.

Financially the NGO relies on crowdfun-

ding campaigns and independent donors.

(Greening The Camps, n.d.)

03

West Bank, Ramallah – Café La Vie

subsistence economy, commercial use

The rooftop farm at Café La Vie is a self-or-

ganised project initiated and implemented

by the owner of the café. The aim of the

project is to produce vegetables as organi-

cally as possible. The yield is used by the

restaurant as well as by the family of the

8.1 Urban agriculture practices in the Middle East

The field- and online research revealed that using the roof as a resource to produce food has

become a common practice all over the Middle East, and in Palestinian refugee camps more

specifically. (see fig. 122) Mostly implemented under the umbrella of international donor-led

projects the roof is more and more perceived and used as a productive space.

168

owner. The beds are self-built and consist

mainly of recycled materials. Furthermore,

the Café La Vie has a garden, where they

hold chicken and sheep. The owner is in

contact and interacts with organic farmers

in Palestine. (Cooper, n.d.)

04

West Bank, Dheisheh Camp – Karama

economic empowerment, commercial

use, women’s participation

The project is run by the camp-based CBO

Karama, which aims to enhance the par-

ticipation of women within Dheisheh re-

fugee camp. The project’s aim is to create

a business, which goes beyond the camp

borders. Thus, it enables women to genera-

te additional income for their households

and to raise awareness about healthy nu-

trition. Within two funding phases, the

European Union and other donors, installed

more than 50 rooftop farm units until 2017.

(Karama Organisation, n.d.)

05

West Bank, Aida Camp – Refutrees / La-

jee Center

building awareness, subsistence eco-

nomy, community building

As a critical reaction to the failure of cur-

rent development and aid programs and in

order to end donor-reliance, the Canadian

NGO Refutrees started an urban farming

project in Aida Camp. In cooperation with

a community-based cultural centre they

aim to increase awareness on healthy nu-

trition and provide camp inhabitants with

the possibility to grow and consume orga-

nic and fresh products themselves. (Ma’an

News Agency, 2014)

06

West Bank, Fawwar Camp – GIZ / FCYC

creates a sense of ownership, community

building, experimenting on site

The project, which is funded by GIZ, aims to

integrate youth and young adults into the

development of the camp. For this purpose,

the Fawwar Camp Youth Council (FCYC)

was formed. The initial farming-project is

set up like a laboratory, in which the par-

ticipants themselves are in charge of de-

signing and managing a feasible prototype

of a rooftop farm. Furthermore, the young

volunteers implement and support private

rooftop farms within the community them-

selves. (Interview Mura, 2018)

07

Gaza, Gaza City – Global Communities

subsistence economy, training

The project is run by the US-based NGO

Global Communtites. The funding of this

NGO consists of contributions of various

large, global companies. Within this pro-

ject, 2,000 families received a starter kit to

implement a rooftop farm, whereas other

families received chickens or rabbits. In

169

addition, all participants receive a training

on how to maintain their new urban farms.

(Collard, 2013)

08

Gaza, Deir El Balah – Anera

economic empowerment, commercial use,

training

Within this project, greenhouses in two

neighbourhoods in Gaza are financed by

the Gaza Food Security Programme, an in-

itiative, which was set up by the American

NGO American Near East Refugee Aid (An-

era). Project participants are supplied with

greenhouses, farming tools, water tanks,

irrigation systems, seedlings and training.

The produced vegetables are sold at the ne-

arby market, whereas the thus generated

money is used for healthcare services of

family members. (Anera, n.d. A)

09

Gaza, Beit Lahia – Anera

economic empowerment, commercial use,

visibility in public

This project is implemented by the NGO

Anera as a pilot project for urban farming,

in which mainly strawberries are grown

in vertical garden structures. As reaction

to peoples’ interest in farming, the farm

was opened up to interested visitors and

schools. As this project passed the global

standard test, the farm owner will, besides

producing for the local market, also export

his harvest in the future. (Anera, n.d. B)

10

Libanon, Nahr El Bared Camp – Anera

subsistence economy

The project is implemented by the NGO

Anera and embedded in a broad recons-

truction process of Nahr El Bared Camp,

which was destroyed due to war in 2007.

The project follows a previous successful

approach in Ein El-Helweh Camp, where a

rooftop farm and vertical farming structu-

res were developed in cooperation with the

local Women’s Programme Centre. In Nahr

El Bared Camp, the NGO provides eight fa-

milies with plants, trees, seeds, fertilizer as

well as boxes and barrels to plant in. (Ane-

ra, n.d. C; Anera n.d. D)

11

Egypt, Maadi – Schaduf

economic empowerment, commercial

use, use of innovative irrigation system

This project is initiated and developed by

the Egyptian company Schaduf, which

partly focuses on implementing rooftop

farms for low-income families in Maadi.

Through a pay-back system the initial in-

vestment is returned after one year. The

participants pay off the loan by selling

parts of the harvest back to the enterprise.

All rooftop farms were implemented with a

hydroponic system. (Kalan, n.d.)

170

12

Iraq, Domiz Camp – Lemon Tree Trust

and

Jordan, Azraq Camp - Lemon Tree Trust

community building, subsistence eco-

nomy, building awareness

The project is run by the British NGO Le-

mon Tree Trust. Responding to the ongo-

ing crisis and forced migration of Syrian

refugees, the NGO aims to mainstream and

encourage urban agriculture and greening

innovation by setting up a demonstration

garden, supporting the implementation

of community gardens and distributing

gardening kits in Syrian refugee camps

in Jordan and Iraq. The NGO’s projects

do not focus on rooftop farming, yet, they

strongly address community-based and ca-

pacity-building approaches within urban

farming in the context of refugee camps.

(Lemon Tree Trust, 2018)

171

172

8.2 Four detected typologies of rooftop farming in Jordan and the West Bank

The four case studies, which we have visited and examined more closely during our stay in

Jordan and the West Bank are all located in Palestinian refugee camps, however, following

different approaches and aims. Even though they all share the concept of contributing to

the resilience of the particular neighbourhood on an economical, ecological and/ or social

scale, they can be differentiated into four detected typologies:

I. rooftop farming as a continuation of existing knowledge of community-based initiatives

II. rooftop farming as an introduced tool for community building

III. rooftop farming as an income generating practice

IV. rooftop farming as part of an educational system

Since the case studies are supposed to generate information about different project setups

and approaches, in a first step, they are analysed under the following aspects:

• context

• approach

• project setup

• target group

• involved actors and financing

• timeframe

• used techniques and costs

173

As described in the chapter 2 Theoretical framework and chapter 3 Methodology, for

evaluating the case studies the four-dimensional model of action space by Safier (2002) is

applied. Thus, the current action space and the limits and boundaries of the investigated

community-based projects are detected. In a second step, the case studies are dismantled

into the four dimensions:

a. improving technical-professional – in the broadest sense – innovations and individual or

group ethics and behaviours (technical)

b. extending institutional and inter-organisational reforms of goals, roles, priorities, proce-

dures and resource allocations (organisational)

c. expanding social interaction and mobilisation – involvement in modes of inclusive, parti-

cipative and collaborative bargaining and negotiation (social)

d. enlarging the scope of strategic analysis and tactical response to the dynamics of urban

development in time and place (strategic)

The analysis of the case studies by using the four-dimensional model of action space is

made in order to learn from previous projects. By understanding the actual action space and

current limits and boundaries of the individual projects, it is possible to draw conclusions

for a potential action space. In a second step, this basis, in combination with the overall

literature and empirical research of the thesis enables us to give recommendations for com-

munity-based urban agriculture projects in the context of Palestinian refugee camps (see

chapter 9 Recommendations for action). It is, however, important to note that not all case

studies could be analysed equally intensively. Due to the limited travel and accommodation

possibilities, the case studies in the West Bank were examined less intensively than the case

studies in Jordan.

174

Typology I: rooftop farming as a continuation of existing knowledge of community-based initiatives (Husn Camp)

6m

4,5m

fig. 123: Greenhouse structure in Husn Camp (own illustration)

175

0 125 250 375 m

CS 01: Husn Camp

Context

Husn Camp is located in the north of Jordan, approximately 80 km from Amman on a slo-

ping topography. The camp is situated at the outskirts of Irbid and its immense density con-

trasts with its rural surroundings. The initial emergency camp was established in 1968 and

sheltered around 12,500 Palestinian refugees and displaced people, who mostly originated

from the West Bank and were seeking refuge from the consequences of the 1967 Six-day-

war. Today around 25,000 inhabitants live on an area of 0.72 km2. Compared to the other

official camps in Jordan, Husn Camp challenges the highest unemployment rate with 18% of

all camp inhabitants. (UNRWA, n.d. D)

fig. 124: Husn Camp 2018

(Google Maps, 2018)

176

Approach

The rooftop farm project is embedded in the local CIP and was financed and initiated by the

GIZ. Four CBOs had the opportunity to apply for the realisation of self-initiated projects.

Members of the local football club Al Karmel submitted the idea to design and build rooftop

farms on private households. Thereby they adopted already existing individual ideas and

implementations in the field of urban agriculture on the roof in order to elaborate them

further. Implementing rooftop farms should react to the high density of the camp, crea-

te possibilities of self-sufficiency and activate the roof as a productive space. The donors‘

approach was to promote a small-scale project that would generate environmental and

cultural benefits for the camp community. The social participation and internal knowledge

transfer of camp residents in this community-based project is intended to be fostered, whe-

reas the generation of income was explicitly not in the focus of the project (UNRWA (ed.) &

Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (ed.), 2012, p. 227).

Project setup

Within two years and two phases 34 rooftop farms were realised. Whereas the first phase

with 24 realisations aimed at private family households, the second phase focused on ten

public institutions. Institutional greenhouses were not only implemented within Husn

Camp, but also in Irbid Camp and on further institutions outside the borders of the camps.

The latter were implemented with the aim of supporting the connection between the inside

and the outside of the camp.

Since the beginning of the project, the local CBO has been responsible for the project ma-

nagement. One manager, one accountant and one other employee were locally hired for the

period of the project. Regarding the construction of the greenhouses, local capacities were

used. Thus, project participants were included into workshops to strengthen farming skills

and gain the necessary knowledge. Individual project participants went beyond the basic

offer of workshops and experimented with innovative irrigation systems such as aqua- and

hydroponics. However, these projects could not be developed further due to the lack of

components such as the required minerals.

The local CBO designed and implemented the greenhouses. The project manager conducted

the selection process of the participants in the project. By handing over the full decisi-

on-making power to the CBO and project manager, a horizontal relationship was enhanced.

177

However, local power structures and inequalities were reproduced at the same time. In the

end it turned out, that the project manager selected the project participants according to

personal relations. This impression is reinforced by the fact that today only eight out of 24

rooftop farms of the private households are still intact and used. It seems that the project

manager did not select the participants according to their interest in farming. However, the

selection process was probably not intentionally excluding, but it unconsciously made the

access to the project only possible for a small part of the community.

The greenhouses on the rooftop of institutions, show a gap between the demands and rea-

lity of the project. While the second phase of the project was designed to make the topic of

rooftop farming more accessible to the public and to stimulate an exchange of knowledge,

the field survey revealed a largely different picture. Often the greenhouse structures re-

mained closed to the public because individual staff members of the institutions operated

the rooftops.

Target group

Community-Based-Organisations

178

Involved actors and financing

Timeframe

Husn Camp

Irbid Camp

CBOAl Karmel Club

GIZGesellschaft für Int.

Zusammenarbeit

Irbid Directorate

of Agricul-ture

Higher

Council

for Y

outh

1 23

45

67

8

9101112

13

1415

6117

18

1920

5

6

7

8

12

1

2

3 4

(fun

ds)

(umbrella)

(sup

port

s)

1

1

= Implementation Phase I / on private rooftops

= Implementation Phase II / on institutional rooftops

Irbid Camp

training team and volunteers promotion

Month 2

Month 1

forming projectteam

Month 3

choosing 20 families,signing contracts

Month 5

Installation of greenhouses and distribution of seeds

Month 7

lectures for participants

Month 12

submit financial and technical report to GIZ

implementation of 2 rooftop farms on institutions in Irbid camp

training 20 families in rooftop gardening

Month 4

start farming, lectures for participants

Month 6

follow upresolve problems

Month 8-11

implementation of 8 rooftop farms on institutions within in the camp and its surroundings

Husn Camp

Irbid Camp

CBOAl Karmel Club


Zusammenarbeit

Irbid Directorate

of Agricul-ture

Higher

Council

for Y

outh

1 23

45

67

8

9101112

13

1415

6117

1819

20

56

7

8

12

1

2

3 4

(fun

ds)

(umbrella)

(sup

port

s)

1

1


= Implementation Phase II / on institutional rooftops

Irbid Camp

training team and volunteers promotion

Month 2

Month 1

forming projectteam

Month 3

choosing 20 families,signing contracts

Month 5

Installation of greenhouses and distribution of seeds

Month 7

lectures for participants

Month 12

submit financial and technical report to GIZ

implementation of 2 rooftop farms on institutions in Irbid camp

training 20 families in rooftop gardening

Month 4

start farming, lectures for participants

Month 6

follow upresolve problems

Month 8-11

implementation of 8 rooftop farms on institutions within in the camp and its surroundings

fig. 125: Involved actors and financing and project timeframe in Husn Camp (own illustration)

179

Used techniques and costs

The greenhouse appears like a micro version of a conventional greenhouse structure used

for large-scale agriculture in Jordan. Before the project was launched, several camp inha-

bitants had already used their roof for urban farming. Two of these self-initiated rooftop

farms were visited. Both included recycled local materials in their design.

Based on the experience gained in the first implementation period, the CBO technically op-

timised the structure of the greenhouse for the second stage. Structural and climatic issues

were considered as major challenges for the design. As a result, a steel frame was added

for structural improvement, the plastic cover was connected to the steel structure to resist

heavy weather conditions and a window was added, to improve air circulation. To respond

to spatial changes like vertical building extensions, the mainly welded greenhouse structure

was replaced by a more flexible plug system, which can be set up and dismantled quickly.

To avoid a possible damage to the roof, crops are planted in elevated cut-in-half barrels,

which are hold by a welded metal structure. Although, the project team developed an auto-

matic dripping system for plant irrigation, watering is mainly carried out manually, as the

envisioned system quickly becomes clogged with soil. Water, which has not been consumed

by plants, is collected and reused in a specially developed system. The system consists of

small hoses attached to the bottom of the barrels, that transfer the water into a collection

container. The used seeds are mainly industrial and are bought at the market in Irbid, whe-

reas the soil is imported from Finland and is therefore rather expensive and little sustain-

able. However, some urban farmers use a mixture of local clayey soil and peat moss to save

money. A mixture is necessary because the clayey soil is very dense and impermeable and,

moreover, reaches a high weight when absorbing water, which the roofs may not withstand.

180

substructure barrelwelded metal profiles

plant tubscut-in-half barrel

irrigation system

support structureplugged and welded metal profiles

isolational layersynthetic

fig. 126: Explosion of the greenhouse structure in Husn Camp (own illustration)

181

Action space and limits and boundaries within the four dimensions

a. improving technical-professional – in the broadest sense – innovations and individual

or group ethics and behaviours (technical)

The project has succeeded in giving space to and strengthening self-governing structures

and individual passions for agricultural production. Hereby more general issues such as

awareness for a sustainable and healthy nutrition, entrepreneurial spirit and the careful use

of resources, were triggered. It was even possible to develop existing technical know-how

further and to optimise it over the two phases in the form of the revised structure of the

greenhouse. In this respect, the approach has a visible positive impact on individuals and

has contributed to the goal of creating some productive roofs.

However, the small number of still functioning greenhouses diminishes the overall success

of this approach. People who previously had no contact with or no knowledge of agriculture

and food production lacked the expertise, interest or motivation to continue the project on

a sustainable basis. In addition, the structure of the greenhouse was too large and expensive

to achieve an effective imitation effect of other interested persons. Innovative ideas that go

beyond the rather simple system of this rooftop farm, i.e. hydro- or aquaponic-approaches

could not be integrated within the project and thus remained without implementation.

b. extending institutional and inter-organisational reforms – of goals, roles, priorities, pro-

cedures and resource allocations (organisational)

Due to the low influence of hierarchically higher agents, the project has succeeded in

strengthening local initiatives and allowing them to participate in the development of the

camp. Thus, the project is also in line with UNRWA‘s strategy to enable participation on an

eye-level.

As a consequence of the lacking continuation, the project offers little prospects. Due to the

lack of monetary funds, it can hardly be continued sustainably in the long term. Because of

the high initial costs and the absence of new funding, the project did not manage to involve

new participants.

c. expanding social interaction and mobilisation – involvement in modes of inclusive,

participative and collaborative bargaining and negotiation (social)

The funding of the CBO and the associated formation of a group has led to a new thematic,

182

social interaction in the camp. The distributed greenhouse prototypes made local ideas and

concepts accessible to a selected group of participants. Within this group, the participants

exchanged – mostly via WhatsApp groups – about problems and their possible solutions.

Also, the cooperation with the urban agriculture project from Fawwar Camp promoted the

interaction and exchange of knowledge beyond the boundaries of the camp.

Nevertheless, not only the selection of participants, which was largely based on nepotism,

but also the failed opening of the institutional rooftop farms to the public caused that the

project remained rather isolated within the camp. By embedding the project within the

structures of the existing football club of the camp, it turned out to be dominated by male

participants and nepotism was supported.

d. enlarging the scope of strategic analysis and tactical response to the dynamics of

urban development in time and place (strategic)

Within the increasingly dense structure of the camp, the approach creates potential spaces

for residential (climatic) recreational areas as well as for the urban production of food. This

enables the project to react on a small scale to urban dynamics and the associated prob-

lems while testing prototypical approaches. Furthermore, the participants used YouTube as

knowledge resource, which enhanced their farming capacities and lead, in many cases, to

a self-initiated extension of the originally implemented greenhouse. The embedding of the

project into a strategy, which goes beyond camp borders (e.g. Irbid Camp), also strengthens

the regional transfer of knowledge.

Nevertheless, the short duration of the project and the lack of embedding the project into

larger concepts or masterplans, result in a rather minor impact on urban dynamics. Due

to the lack of prominence of topics such as greening or urban food production in the key

document CIP (see chapter 10 New Perspectives), there is no strategic urban development

approach to further promote the topic. Moreover, wrong expectations concerning the ex-

ternal financial support of the project beyond the implementation phase, for instance, lead

to an early drop-out of participants and thus, enhanced a lack of sustainable and long-term

success of the project.

183

Jerash Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion

institutional / interorgani-

sational dimension

social relations /

mobilisation dimension

Husn Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /


[I]f you seen somebody [...] interested of agriculture, you can give him

the chance, he can manage his life.

- Interview Anonymous, 2018 -

- Interview Anonymous, 2018 -

fig. 127 Action space and limits and boundaries of the urban agriculture project in Husn Camp within the four dimensions by

Safier (2002) (own illustration)

184

fig. 128: Husn Camp (own photograph)

185

186

fig. 129 -137: Impressions of the rooftop farm project in Husn Camp

(own photographs)

129

130

131

187

134

135

137

136

132

133

188

fig. 138: Isometric drawing of a project participant‘s rooftop in Husn Camp (own illustration)

189

190

Typology II: rooftop farming as a continuation of existing knowledge of community-based initiatives(Fawwar Camp)

8m

5m

6m

1m

fig. 139: Greenhouse structure in Fawwar Camp (own illustration)

191

0 125 250 375 m

CS 01: Fawwar Camp

Context

Fawwar camp is located in the West Bank, eight km south of the city of Hebron. The camp

was established in 1948 and initially sheltered around 3,000 Palestinian refugees. Today it

covers a total area of 0.27 km2 and is inhabited by approximately 9,500 Palestinian refugees.

As most of the West Bank inhabitants, the refugees inside the camp are suffering from the

present situation of occupation. The current inaccessibility of the Israeli labour market has

worsened the economic situation in the camp and has contributed to the high unemploy-

ment rates and poverty. (UNRWA, n.d. E) The Israeli settlement Beit Haggay and an Israeli

military camp are located close to the camp. The access to the camp is regulated by Israeli

security forces (ISF), which are located at an Israeli checkpoint, including a watchtower

right at the camp’s entrance. On some days the main road at the camp entrance is tempora-

rily blocked with concrete blocks, hindering any flow of food and goods.

fig. 140: Fawwar Camp 2018

(Google Maps, 2018)

192

Approach

The project, which is funded and initiated by GIZ, aims to integrate the youth and young

adults into the development of the camp. For this purpose, the gender-mixed Fawwar Camp

Youth Council (FCYC). The FCYC works as a voluntary institution, which aims to increase

a sense of responsibility for the environment of the camp, as well make the youth more

visible and let them participate in the decision-making process. For this reason, the donors‘

focus is mainly on social issues rather than on producing vegetables and generating income.

Urban agriculture is only one aspect of the project. The project served primarily as an initial

impulse and initiator for the formation of a group, since the FCYC now also deals with

topics such as dance, drama and graffiti.

Project setup

The GIZ brought the idea of rooftop farming into the camp. The initial farming-project was

set up like a laboratory, in which the participants themselves designed and managed a fea-

sible prototype of a rooftop farm. GIZ employees conceived and designed the rooftop farm.

They then set up and commissioned the farm together with a local youth group. Including

the youth already in the construction process enhanced the creation of a sense of owners-

hip by the youth and helped to improve their craft skills and capacities. For its projects

the group is allowed to use the rooms and the roof of the local rehabilitation centre. As a

consequence, they are dependent on the institution’s opening hours, which limits possible

activities in the evenings.

Within the first six months, the FCYC tested and evaluated four different systems of rooftop

farms (including hydroponic-, dripping-, deep watering systems) on the roof of the local

rehabilitation centre. During the project the group decided on a final rooftop farm system

and installed it on eight roofs of private households. The group visits the participating

families weekly and assists them. Furthermore, they cooperate with other institutions, such

as the close-by UNRWA school, which they occasionally invite for workshops at the rooftop

farm. To enhance an exchange beyond the borders of the camp and even the West Bank, the

GIZ offered to participants to travel to Husn Camp and to exchange about rooftop farming

practices. Even though the youth regularly visits a farm outside the camp to learn more

about agriculture, they still feel a remarkable lack of knowledge about the topic (this was

openly communicated during the visit in Fawwar Camp).

193

Target group

FCYC (Fawwar Camp Youth Council)


Timeframe


Zusammenarbeit

Fawwar Camp

FCYC

1

23

45

67

8(f

unds

&

supp

orts

)

1

= Implementation Phase I / on institutional rooftop1

= Implementation Phase II / on private rooftops

Fawwar Camp Youth Council

1

(exchange) (exchange)

GazaHusn Camp

introducing the idea of rooftop farming by GIZ

experimenting with different ways of irrigation

youth implements 8 rooftop farm units on private households within the camp

implementation of first rooftop farm on the CBRC by GIZ and the youth

weekly visit by the youth to support private household units

2017 2018


Zusammenarbeit

Fawwar Camp

FCYC

1

23

45

67

8

(fun

ds &

su

ppor

ts)

1

= Implementation Phase I / on institutional rooftop1


Fawwar Camp Youth Council

1

(exchange) (exchange)

GazaHusn Camp

introducing the idea of rooftop farming by GIZ

experimenting with different ways of irrigation

youth implements 8 rooftop farm units on private households within the camp

implementation of first rooftop farm on the CBRC by GIZ and the youth

weekly visit by the youth to support private household units

2017 2018

fig. 141: Involved actors and financing and project timeframe in Fawwar Camp (own illustration)

194


The prototype of the project includes four greenhouses with two different heights, allowing

different kind of plants to grow. In contrast to the other projects the greenhouses are co-

vered boxes, where only the plant boxes are covered with a plastic sheet and not as in other

cases, where the thermally separated space also includes circulation space for the human

being. The elongated beds were elevated on a metal structure later in the project, to prevent

a possible damage of the roof.

The youth decided on using deep-water irrigation, which needs to be filled up only once a

week. This type of irrigation is particularly useful when a daily irrigation cannot be gua-

ranteed. Particularly for the composition of the greenhouse is also the compost, which is

integrated into the bed and thus passes on nutrients to the soil. Synergy effects were also

considered in the positioning of the plants. The deliberate use of Rosemary, for instance,

ensures a natural defence against pests.

[B]ut the main challenge, I would say again is how to convince

the community that such unit [...] could be..eh..having positive results.

Its not anyone coming from outside installing, it‘s just the own capacity of the youth.

Thats why I am saying we are not afarming project, but we are supporting this,

trying to make them visible. In the camp. And to be more active in the community.

So they are doing it as a communication. Ja? That’s why looking to it from a social cultural…

like project not about having a garden products, more about whats happening around these. As a tool.

- Interview Mura, 2018 -

Maybe less male than female. And these people they want a reason to go outside the

house. They need reason, it’s not that conservative, but they want to make something from their own.

This is also what make them believe. And [...] to feel the ownership.






195


crank for isolation layer

attachment for furled isolation layerelastic band

support structurewelded metal profiles

irrigation system

inlet plant tubpolypropylen sheet

plant tubwooden panels

substructurewelded metal profiles

fig. 142: Explosion of the greenhouse structure in Fawwar Camp (own illustration)

196




The experimental character of the project, which involved testing various technical systems

for cultivating crops, established a relevant basic knowledge and manual capacities within

the participating group. This cautious approach to the rather unknown matter not only ge-

nerated a sense of ownership for the implemented structures, but also provided a technical

overview of the various possibilities of rooftop farming, which counteracts possible misun-

derstandings. A common misconception mentioned during interviews was that plants were

cultivated directly on the roof, leading to roof- or water damages inside the house.

But even in this project, the problem of low imitability due to the high costs of the structure

on the one hand, and the still high technical requirements on the other is evident. Despite

the involvement of the youth group in the technical development of the greenhouse, they

have mentioned that the lack of knowledge in the field of urban agriculture continues to be

a hindering factor.

b. extending institutional and inter-organisational reforms – of goals, roles, priorities,

procedures and resource allocations (organisational)

The fact that the responsible youth group is in close cooperation with other relevant orga-

nisations in the camp is an indication of the FCYC‘s scope of influence. For example, the

joint project work with the UNRWA school allows the project to outreach more. It is also

beneficial that the group has developed as an independent actor with a sense of responsi-

bility for their project. Furthermore, as perceived during the field research, the relationship

between the youth and the GIZ employees revealed a communication rather on an amicable

eye-level, which might have enhanced open communication about faced challenges. Pro-

moting gender-mixed activities addresses a generational shift taking place in the camps and

shows new cooperation formats of a community.

However, the proximity to the existing institutions also brings disadvantages, since the

absence of own room creates a dependency, which in itself reduces the accessibility and the

range of possibilities.



197

Fawwar Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /


Jerash Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /


In addition to the sense of responsibility already mentioned, it should be emphasised that

the project achieved to allow a group of young people to take part in participative and crea-

tive developments concerning the camp. Although it seems that urban agriculture was only

a vehicle for this purpose, the process of the project shows that a critical mass of interest

and motivation for the topic can also be aroused within young people. By implementing and

continuously supporting farms also on other roofs in the camp, the project reaches a wider

range of the camp community. Furthermore, the fact that the responsibles are a mixed-gen-

der group is a progressive development, especially in the context of the camp.

However, it should also be noted that this project remains financially dependent on the do-

nor GIZ. In addition, this approach was not based mainly on existing knowledge, but rather

on targeted thematic input from outside. The project thus remains both knowledge-wise and

financially dependent on external action.



The project succeeds in reacting to the urban dynamics of the camp. To actively involve the

often unasked and neglected youth and young adults in community-based projects not only

provides information about their visions and perspectives, but also creates new motivated

actors in the camp development. The exchange with other projects such as Husn Camp also

created an exchange beyond the borders of the camp.

fig. 143: Action space and limits and boundaries of the urban agriculture project in Fawwar Camp

within the four dimensions by Safier (2002) (own illustration)

198

fig. 144: Fawwar Camp (own photograph)

199

200

fig. 145 -151: Impressions of the rooftop farm project in Fawwar Camp

(own photographs)

145

146

147

201

148

150

149

151

202

fig. 152: Isometric drawing of the rooftop farm project in Fawwar Camp (own illustration)

203

204

Typology III: rooftop farming as an income generating practice (Dheisheh Camp)

8m

5m

6m

1m

fig. 153: Greenhouse structure in Dheisheh Camp (own illustration)

205

0 125 250 375 m

CS 03: Dheisheh Camp

Context

Dheisheh camp is located in the West Bank, it is situated on the main road to Bethlehem on

a sloping topography. The camp was established in 1949 to shelter around 3,000 Palestinian

refugees. The camp covers a total area of 0.33 km2 and is currently inhabited by 15,000 refu-

gees. As in Fawwar Camp, the camp community is constantly affected by the conflicts and

consequences of the occupational situation in the West Bank. (UNRWA, n.d. F)

fig. 154: Dheisheh Camp 2018

(Google Maps, 2018)

206

Approach

The project, which was initially funded by a private U.S. donor and later on by the Europe-

an Union and the cosmetic company Lush, is run by the camp-based CBO Karama, which

aims to enhance women’s participation within the camp. The micro farm project is there-

fore exclusively targeting the women of the camp. The approach shall generate additional

income for their households and raise awareness about healthy nutrition.

Project setup

Talking about the initial phase of the project in the camp, the CBO manager reported, that

in the beginning he felt a lack of interest in the rooftop farm project, which he traces back

to reluctance and mostly technical misconceptions. However, after he advertised the project

on social media and local television, the interest has increased abruptly.

Within two years of funding acquisition and implementation, 50 rooftop farm units were

installed. The initial phase contained 20 greenhouses, whereas the following phase resulted

in 30 further, technically upgraded greenhouses, which were installed in 2017. Since the

project specifically addressed women, all farms were built up on their private roofs. The

participating women, however, were not involved in the construction process of the green-

houses, since it was conducted by external workers.

The participants sign a contract with a duration of four years, which obliges them to parti-

cipate in the meetings taking place twice a week. Additionally, Karama provides technical

support on demand and is constantly visiting the involved roofs. While the participating

women keep 10% of the organically produced harvest, Karama buys off the other 90%,

which is then sold inside and outside the camp and partly distributed to needy camp inha-

bitants. Even though, women can buy back their harvest for a reduced price, the fact that

a major part of the crops is sold to the CBO makes the women highly dependent on the

success and financial capacities of the CBO.

By 2021, Karama plans to be completely independent from external donors. In order to

achieve this independency, the CBO aims to expand their activities to other camps in the

West Bank, such as Aida, Fawwar and Beit Jibrin. Furthermore, a plan to acquire additional

farmland outside the camp aims to increase productivity and the quantity of goods. Finally,

exporting food such as pickles and sauces to Europe is a proclaimed aim of the CBO. To

achieve these goals, the CBO manager works on co-operations with local supermarkets and

branch offices in larger European cities.

207

Target group

women


Timeframe

12

3

45

6

79

1011

1213

14

1 2 34

67

89

0111

1213

14

15161718202122

23

2425

2627

2829

3031

32

34 35 36

1

1



(buy

s)

(sel

ls)

LushPrivate Company

EUEuropean Union

(initi

al-f

unde

d)

(funds)

(fund

s)

Private Donor from

the USA

(produce)

HARVEST

Dheisheh Camp

8

19

533

X

Beit Jibrin C

amp

Aida

Cam

p

X NGOCamp based NGO

„Karama“

signing contracts

& implementation of 14 greenhouses

two-times weekly workshop meeting with all participants

end / possibility of extension of first contracts

signing contracts

& implementationof another36 greenhouses

2012 2017 2017 2021

cultivating additional farmland outside of the camp and greenhouses in other camps in the West Bank

& sell and export products

12

3

45

6

79

1011

1213

14

1 2 34

67

89

0111

1213

14

15161718202122

23

2425

2627

2829

3031

32

34 35 36

1

1



(buy

s)

(sel

ls)

LushPrivate Company

EUEuropean Union

(initi

al-f

unde

d)

(funds)(fu

nds)

Private Donor from

the USA

(produce)

HARVEST

Dheisheh Camp

8

19

533

X

Beit Jibrin C

amp

Aida

Cam

p

X NGOCamp based NGO

„Karama“

signing contracts

& implementation of 14 greenhouses

two-times weekly workshop meeting with all participants

end / possibility of extension of first contracts

signing contracts

& implementationof another36 greenhouses

2012 2017 2017 2021

cultivating additional farmland outside of the camp and greenhouses in other camps in the West Bank

& sell and export products

fig. 155: Involved actors and financing and project timeframe in Dheisheh Camp (own illustration)

208


The greenhouse consists of a mainly plugged metal structure, which is covered with a

plastic sheet as thermal separation. A black net on top of the plastic layer secures the plants

from extreme sun exposure. The crops are grown in recycled drainage pipes. To enhance

a less time-consuming irrigation, the beds are irrigated through a dripping system, which

connects all beds with each other through a small hose.

Soil is provided by the CBO only in the first year, and is, as in the other projects, imported

from Finland. To be more efficient and to guarantee a stable outcome, the CBO decides on

which plants should grow in each of the greenhouses. Regarding the evaluation of the first

phase, small technical improvements were conducted in the second phase of implementati-

on. The size was enlarged slightly, and the ventilation was improved through an additional

window.

Actually, some of them just attend the training. You know? They love it, it’s the idea to make them love it. When they eat organic, yani,

encourage them this is something unusual, this is something perfect.

- Interview Al Haj, 2018 -

After 4 years, they should be independent with themselves. Then they don’t need me.

And if you continue with them for four years, when you leave them they will love

the project. They will love it.

- Interview Al Haj, 2018 -

209

shadingblack net


attachment for furled isolation layerelastic band

support structureplugged and welded metal profiles

irrigation system

plant tubsedited pvc sewer pipeØ = ca. 20 cm

fig. 156: Explosion of the greenhouse structure in Dheisheh Camp (own illustration)

210




Karama not only activates the roof as a productive space but also creates new perspectives

within the camp using an entrepreneurial approach. Technical knowledge is generated by

the intensive support of the participating women during the weekly meetings as well as by

generating income with quantifiable feedback and benefits. At the same time, the project‘s

focus on healthy, sustainably produced food sets an important accent that confronts cont-

emporary problems.

However, the imitability of the project has been compromised. The expensive greenhouse

structure and its design and construction by external experts reduce the necessary exchan-

ge of knowledge and the feasibility of the structure as a subsistence model.



The project is embedded locally and follows its own agenda and therefore shows a progres-

sive example in an environment often determined by the external agents. Finding one’s own

funding partners reduces the dependence on goals that one might never have set oneself.

The selection process of female participants appears to be less affected by nepotism struc-

tures. The contract made between CBO and participants is a firm component of the project

strategy, which enhances a sense of responsibility and includes monetary incentives. The

weekly meetings allow a certain transparency of the participants regarding the overall pro-

ject and create a basis for participation.

Caution is required with the ambitious plan to be completely independent of external in-

vestments in the future. If this promise cannot be kept, the further feasibility of the project

would be strongly limited.



The regular meetings, the large number of participants and the diverse feedback stimulate

social interaction and promote the formation of networks. In particular, the role of women

as income-generating members of families is strengthened.

211

Dheisheh Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /


Jerash Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /


It is precisely this orientation of the project, however, that also carries the risk of sabotage

or blockade by other non-integrated target groups - primarily men. In addition, the strongly

regulated set-up of the project implies that there is little room for implementing own ideas

in the rooftop farm.



The local roots of the CBO imply a better understanding of present dynamics in the camp

and how to react to them within a strategic framework. The strategic use of media, the

progressive adherence to one‘s own agenda, as well as the appropriate and important goal

of independence from external investments by 2021, prove this impressively. Moreover, the

multiple partnerships and media attention of the CBO inside and outside the camp enables

feedback and recognition. The creation of realistic income opportunities also contrasts with

many donor-related projects, which often lack the integration of financial incentives as

main motivator. The fact that trends such as organic food production are brought into the

context of the project and made entrepreneurially usable underlines the good integration

and reaction to local and global dynamics.

fig. 157: Action space and limits and boundaries of the urban agriculture project in Dheisheh Camp within the four dimensions by


212

fig. 158: Dheisheh Camp (own photograph)

213

214

fig. 159 -166: Impressions of the rooftop farm project in Dheisheh Camp

(own photographs)

159

160

161

215

162

163 164

165

166

216

fig. 167: Isometric drawing of a project participant‘s rooftop in Dheisheh Camp (own illustration)

217

218

Typology IV: rooftop farming as part of an educational project (Jerash Camp)

plant tubEU-pallet

inlet plant tubIBC water tank

irrigation system

shadingsun sail

perforated platefor seedlings

hydroponic basinwooden panels

table

shadingsun sail

plant tubEU-pallet


irrigation system

shadingsun sail



table

shadingsun sail

wooden frameEU-pallet

rollable compostbarrel


wooden frame

wooden frame

wooden supportstructure

fig. 168: Greenhouse structure in Jerash Camp (own illustration)

219

0 125 250 375 m

CS 04: Jerash Camp

Context

Jerash Camp is situated in the outskirts of Jerash City and is surrounded by agricultural

areas and forests. The camp was established in 1968 to shelter around 11,500 refugees and

displaced persons, who are originated mostly from the Gaza Strip. The camp covers a total

area of 0.75 km2 and is currently inhabited by more than 29,000 Palestinian refugees. Unlike

other camps in Jordan, the inhabitants of Jerash camp do not have a full citizenship (see

Citizenship of Palestinian refugees in Jordan in chapter 4.2 Rights of Palestinian refugees and

their legal and political situation in Jordan) and therefore, for instance, suffer from signifi-

cant restrictions in the labour market. As a result, Jerash Camp is considered the poorest

among the ten official camps in Jordan. (UNRWA, n.d. G)

fig. 169: Jerash Camp 2018

(Google Maps, 2018)

220

Approach

The project is run by the European NGO Greening The Camps, which consists of an interdis-

ciplinary, international team who finance their project through crowdfunding campaigns.

The NGO aims to introduce the concept of rooftop farming as a tool of self-sufficiency and

to align with the existing Palestinian narrative of the Fellahin (see The notion of the fellahin

in chapter 4.4 Collective memory and common narratives).

Project setup

After implementing a first prototype in a cultural centre in Amman, the NGO formed a

partnership with the local camp-initiative One Love to implement their first rooftop farm

on a vocational school inside Jerash Camp, which is currently under construction (state:

June 2018). By cooperating with other upcoming camp-based institutions, the NGO tries to

incorporate existing dynamics and strengthen synergy effects. However, the project is not

yet integrated into larger organisational and economical structures of the camp. Here it is

important to note that the NGO tries to work independently and without any cooperation

with big institutional stakeholders, such as UNRWA or the DPA.

The NGO started with several low-threshold craftsmen workshops in the camp, mainly

addressing the youth. Nevertheless, the final construction was conducted by the NGO itself

without involving the community in planning and realisation processes. The construction

was finished in March 2018, but farming practices had not commenced during the field re-

search. The project consists of six beds, which will be given as trial beds to different female

members of the camp community, who can then find out whether their interest in urban

agriculture is of long-term. After testing the interest of the participants, in a second phase

rooftop farms should be implemented on the private roofs of participating women. By thin-

king in phases, a sense of ownership and responsibility among the participants is created

slowly. At the same time, the NGO can evaluate who is really interested in the project and

willing to continue.

During field research the official operation of the rooftop farm was hindered by gender-re-

lated issues. As the rooftop farm is situated on the roof of a gender-mixed vocational school,

the women were not allowed by their men to access the rooftop farm through the school

(see The role of women as an example for invisible power in chapter 6.2 Power structures).

221

Target group

women


Timeframe

81

(fun

ds)

1

723

4

CBO

NGO

(coo

pera

tes)

(impl

emen

ts)

(impl

emen

ts)

= Pilot-Implementation Phase / on semi-public rooftop

1 = Implementation Phase I / on institutional rooftop

„One Love“

„Greening The Camps“

1

PILOT(implemented)

(maintains)(supports)

PILOT

Crowd

Jadal„Cultural Center for

Knowledge and Culture“

5

6

21

Jerash Camp

founding of NGO

finding partners

implementation of first rooftop farm on a vocational school in Jerash Camp

start crowdfunding campaign

workshops for preparing first rooftop farm

implementation of first pilot rooftop farm in Amman

2017 2018

implementation of more institutional and private rooftop farms in Jerash Camp

81

(fun

ds)

1

723

4

CBO

NGO

(coo

pera

tes)

(impl

emen

ts)

(impl

emen

ts)

= Pilot-Implementation Phase / on semi-public rooftop

1 = Implementation Phase I / on institutional rooftop

„One Love“

„Greening The Camps“

1

PILOT(implemented)

(maintains)(supports)

PILOT

Crowd

Jadal„Cultural Center for

Knowledge and Culture“

5

6

21

Jerash Camp

founding of NGO

finding partners

implementation of first rooftop farm on a vocational school in Jerash Camp

start crowdfunding campaign

workshops for preparing first rooftop farm

implementation of first pilot rooftop farm in Amman

2017 2018

implementation of more institutional and private rooftop farms in Jerash Camp

fig. 170: Involved actors and financing and project timeframe in Jerash Camp (own illustration)

222


The greenhouse consists of a mainly plugged metal structure, which is covered with a

plastic sheet as thermal separation. A black net on top of the plastic layer secures the plants

from extreme sun exposure. The crops are grown in recycled drainage pipes. To enhance

a less time-consuming irrigation, the beds are irrigated through a dripping system, which

connects all beds with each other through a small hose.

Soil is provided by the CBO only in the first year, and is, as in the other projects, imported

from Finland. To be more efficient and to guarantee a stable outcome, the CBO decides on

which plants should grow in each of the greenhouses. Regarding the evaluation of the first

phase, small technical improvements were conducted in the second phase of implementati-

on. The size was enlarged slightly, and the ventilation was improved through an additional

window.

plant tubEU-pallet


irrigation system

shadingsun sail



table

shadingsun sail

223

plant tubEU-pallet


irrigation system

shadingsun sail



table

shadingsun sail

wooden frameEU-pallet



wooden frame

wooden frame

wooden supportstructure

fig. 171: Explosion of the greenhouse structure in Jerash Camp (own illustration)

224




The focus of the project is the innovative use of existing resources and the integration of

modern technical solutions concerning irrigation systems and recycling of waste. By rea-

lising these ideas through various prototypes, the project brings a technically high-quality

impulse to the camp. Furthermore, low-threshold craftsmen workshops are an attempt to

build manual capacities within the camp community.

However, the use of materials that are unusual and costly for the camp context makes the

rooftop farm appear like an alien and questions its feasibility. Here, too, doubts remain as to

whether the project can be adapted within the camp community. This assumption is further

underpinned by the fact that the NGO has mainly designed and built the structures autono-

mously like a service provider. The transfer of knowledge remains low at this point.



By linking up with the dynamics of an up-and-coming local initiative, the project, which

otherwise requires no major cooperation partners, has gained access to parts of the camp

community. By working directly on site and being closely connected to the local initiative,

decision-making processes are simplified, and goals can be measured and evaluated closer

to the actual field of action. The phasing of the project, furthermore, helps to slowly create a

sense of ownership and detect real interest among the participants.

However, the project‘s independence from players like UNRWA could easily lead to structu-

ral problems and obstacles, as the local power structures are still dominated by a few actors

who have a great influence on spatial and ownership issues. Especially male power structu-

res already appeared as a hazard, since males try to limit the women’s access to the project,

which is located in a gender-mixed vocational school.



Due to the early stage of the project, it is not yet clear whether it will be capable of increa-

225

Jerash Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /


Jerash Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /


sing social interaction within the camp in a long-term view. By cooperating with the rather

young academics of the local initiative, the NGO avoids the structural, power-based prob-

lems that may prevail in UNRWA projects, but by doing so, only a certain target group is

addressed. By taking over the role of a service provider, the NGO makes the emergence of

social participation more challenging.



The proximity to the camp context and the fact that the project agents are working on-si-

te enables the recognition of urban dynamics and how to respond to them. Especially the

integration of the rooftop farm project within the construction of a vocational school shows

high potential, since the project can be embedded in an existing process, profit from syner-

gies and does not have to stand on its own. The project also addresses contemporary issues

by tackling resource awareness, promoting healthy nutrition and local food production.

fig. 172: Action space and limits and boundaries of the urban agriculture project in Jerash Camp within the four dimensions by


226

fig. 173: Jerash Camp (own photograph)

227

228

fig. 174 -180: Impressions of the rooftop farm project in Jerash Camp

(photographs by Greening the Camps (n.d.))

174

175

229

178

176177

179

180

232

8.3 Juxtaposition of the case studies within the four dimensions

Action Space

Husn Camp Fawwar Camp Dheisheh Camp Jerash Camp

technical/ bahavioural dimension

• enhances awareness for healthy food, subsistence economy & sustainable resource management (e.g. recycling, water reuse)

• structure improval in the second phase

• integrates experi-mental, easy-care irrigation systems and different kinds of plant cultivation

• builds manual capaci-ties for male & female youth

• understands & resolves technical misconceptions

• participants gain technical knowled-ge through weekly meetings

• enhances awareness for healthy food

• participants generate income with their produce

• advanced water saving and easy-care irrigati-on systems

• ecological and organic approach

• steady prototyping• provides low-th-

reshold craftmen workshops

institutional/ interorganisa-tional dimension

• keeps up with new UNRWA guidelines (plan participetly and on eye-level)

• set up youth club as an independent institu-tion with institutional responsibilities

• cooperation with other institutions, e.g. UNRWA schools (give classes)

• funders and partici-pants on eye-level

• promote gender mixed activities

• promotes transparency in project evaluation and accounting, while criticising corruption, nepotism and aid agencie‘s agendas

• weekly evaluation and consultation

• creates responsibili-ties through binding contract

• work in different phases

• NGO works on site which facilitates deci-sion-making processes

• steady evaluation • applies phasing to

slowly create a sense of ownership and detect real interest

social relations/ mobilisation dimension

• supports CBOs in implementing their own ideas

• makes use of local capacities

• use a whatsapp group as communication platform

• enhances self-initiative • enables exchange bet-

ween different camps (Fawwar)

• enhances sense of responsibility for own project (e.g. via par-ticipation in building process)

• supports other urban farmers

• enhances youth parti-cipation and visibility in the camp

• enhances self-initiative• enables exchange bet-

ween different camps (Husn)

• offers regular activity and constant contact persons for women

• creates a network for women

• strengthens the role of women as inco-me-generating family member

• ownership also after the contract term

• works with existing networks like local CBOs (One love)

strategic responsedimension

• embedded in a strategy, which goes beyond camp borders

• use YouTube as knowledge resource

• increases mobility of project participants through embedment into GIZ-project (visa and invitation)

• creates findings about (mixed) youth parti-cipation

• project increases independency from occupying power

• uses media for promo-ting the project

• reacts to current trends (e.g. organic food movement)

• business plan to become independent by 2020

• embedded in a strategy beyond camp borders

• combine the esta-blishment of new alternative educa-tional institutions (vocational school) with rooftop farming practices

• create synergies with other upcoming initiatives

fig. 182: Juxtaposition of the case studies within the four dimensions (own illustration)

233

Limits &Boundaries

Husn Camp Fawwar Camp Dheisheh Camp Jerash Camp

technical/ bahavioural dimension

• many structures re-main as unused ruins

• innovative ideas (e.g. aquaponic, hydro-ponic) are not yet supported

• low external impact limits imitation effect

• participants feel a lack of knowledge conside-red necessary for the project

• used materials (e.g.wood) are costy, which limits imitation effect

• lack of knowledge transfer: NGO const-ructs structure, which is why technical skills are not transfered

• used materials (e.g.wood) are costy, which limits imitation effect

• lack of knowledge transfer: NGO const-ructs structure, which is why technical skills are not transfered

institutional/ interorgani-sational dimension

• lack of sustainability due to short project phase

• misses follow-up strategies

• location on public roofs hinders free access already at early night time, which is why youth group lacks access to their space whenever they want

• high dependence on the overall success of the company

• male power structures limit the target group‘s access to project in the gender-mixed vocational school

• misses inter-organi-sational cooperations (e.g. with the DPA & UNRWA)

social relations/ mobilisation dimension

• projects on institu-tions remain private with low external impact

• access to project is mainly dependent on nepotistic (male-do-minated) structures

• project idea was pro-posed from above

• barely space for own ideas or extensions

• practice of „service providing“ excludes community right from the beginning, which limits a sense of ownership

strategic responsedimension

• project remains isolated and lacks inte-gration into a broader scope (e.g. CIP)

• wrong expectations concerning the project lead to early project drop-out by partici-pants

• misses integration into larger strategic struc-tures in the camp

target group • families, institutions • youth • women • women

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8.4 Critical reflection on the application of Safier’s four-dimensional model of action space to the case studies

What were the advantages and disadvantages in applying Safier’s four-dimensional

model of action space to the investigated case studies?

By applying the model of action space by Safier to the case studies presented before, it was

possible to approach each of them in a specific manner and to discuss their actual action

space as well as their limits and boundaries within the four dimensions given. During the

analysis of the case studies, a recurring occurrence of certain aspects across the investiga-

ted projects could be perceived (e.g. the low imitability of projects due to high initial costs).

The assignment of these aspects to the four dimensions of Safier provides information about

possible limits and boundaries and thus, opens up the possibility to develop recommenda-

tions for action within the four dimensions. In this respect, the interdimensional model of

Safier was particularly helpful.

Similar to conventional and commonly used urban planning analysis tools, such as the

SWOT analysis, the model reveals potentials and limits of the project. In contrast to it,

however, it simultaneously embeds the project into four predefined strategic dimensions for

a more precise evaluation. Furthermore, the selected dimensions are designed for practices,

which aim to introduce social justice and empowerment and are therefore suitable for the

investigated context (Safier, 2002, p. 128). A further advantage is that while four dimensions

are given, they are rather indicative and can be easily adapted for the analysis of the respec-

tive project.

The applied model, however, shows limitations in the comparability of the four case stu-

dies, since the comparison of the resulting graphs hardly reveals any significant differences

between the projects. The reduction of many aspects to the respective dimension and the

resulting, sometimes inappropriate, equal weighting makes the evaluation of the projects

almost look alike and lacks the representation of important points of the analysis. There-

fore, a comparative evaluation of the different case studies through the application of the

graph only provides little informative value. Furthermore, the missing differentiation within

the four dimensions leads to a lack of concrete recommendations for actual project imple-

mentations.

235

Husn Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /

mobilisation dimensionDheisheh Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /


Fawwar Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /

mobilisation dimensionJerash Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /


Jerash CampDheisheh CampFawwar CampHusn Camp

ACTORAGENCY

non-existent

little developed

developed

well developed

very well developed

techn

ical /

baha

vioura

l

dimen

sion

strate

gic re

spon

se

dimen

sion


sational dimension

social relations /


fig. 183 Application of Safier‘s four-dimensional model of action space to the investigated case studies (own illustration)

fig. 184: Overlay of the applications (own illustration)

236

The results presented in the last chapter (see chapter 8 Case studies) were produced during our field research in Jordan and served as an important intermediate status that we didn‘t intend to keep merely to ourselves. Many of the people and projects we got to know during our investigation, had worked parallelly on the topic of rooftop farming practices in Palestinian refugee camps (which was also the name of the event we organized) but there were barely any points of interaction or exchange and the-refore the projects themselves stayed rather isolated concerning relations beyond the individual camp borders. That and the desire to acknowledge the enormous help, hours of interviews and hospitality, gave us reason enough to organize a get-together where we would at least invite ever-yone who was involved in the rooftop farming projects we had visited in Jordan (due to difficulties or the sheer impossibility of border-crossing, contacts from the West Bank could not be invited). From the very beginning it was clear to us that the ambition to stimulate a network with one event was utopian. Nevertheless, in the context of an event, which was also conceived as a farewell and meant to express gratitude, we wanted to try out whether approaches for such networking could be fruitful after all.

As a location we chose the Amman-based cultural centre Jadal for Knowledge and Culture since it was best accessible for all. Furthermore, we felt the need to provide a neutral ground to avoid exclusionary effects caused by local power structures (see chapter 6.2 Power structures) and to provide a setting, in which an equal discussion would be possible. Also, we were aware, that if we would have met in one of the camps, the high commitment to hospitality by the camp inhab-itants would create, even if unintended, a lot of work for the camp inhabitants hosting the event.

The get-together was divided into two parts: an internal part and a public part. Furthermore, the event was complemented by an exhibition which was set up in the courtyard of Jadal. The exhibi-tion contained our visualised analysis of the four investigated case studies as well as a collection of photos taken by 10 camp inhabitants with disposable cameras, which we had distributed some weeks before. The camp inhabitants had slipped into the role of a photographer and thus the photos showed their individual perception of places associated with plants, greening, recreational qualities and places that they connected with the memory of Palestine.

Internal part – process, objectives and formats

For the internal part we deliberately did not invite any (potential) donors, as we feared that their presence could hinder people to openly speak about their problems und could possibly lead to a distorted representation of their projects. For this first part of the event, we invited rooftop farmers and camp inhabitants who shared a general interest in the topic. Our guests came from Husn Camp (10 persons), Talbiyeh Camp (5 persons) and Jerash Camp (1 person). Beyond that the NGO Greening the Camps (GTC), which operates in Jerash Camp, participated (3 persons).

Excursus: Get-together in Amman

237

fig. 185 - 189: Impressions of the get-together in Amman (own photographs)

185

189

186

188

187

238

Our main objective of the internal part was to share the knowledge and insights we had acqui-red during our stay and discuss about future possibilities of how to exchange the experience, knowledge and challenges the participants are commonly facing. Since we had heard from vari-ous people that there was an interest in creating and maintaining a network, we also assumed the meeting could offer a chance to initiate a series of get-togethers, and thus promote a network that could evolve after our departure.

We started with input lectures about our research results and the structure of the GTC project, whereas in the second part of the block there would be room for open discussions. The prece-ding input would serve to present different models and techniques, which can then be discussed in the large plenum. We had deliberately decided to conduct the discussion in Arabic and to ref-rain from direct moderation. This should ensure a fluent and open discussion between the various participants. Through whisper translation we were kept informed about the discussed contents in order to be able to intervene as moderator if necessary and to ask further questions. By reducing our moderation activities, we wanted to stimulate the exchange between the invited actors and to enable us to listen as silent observers. It should be tested whether an exchange within the group could also function without us as intermediaries. In case the discussion faltered, we had prepared a set of thematic proposals. As a third component, breaks and a joint lunch would provide space for informal discussions.

Internal part - resumé

The first get-together of the rooftop-farmers at Jadal has left a generally positive impression on us. People from different camps got to know each other, exchanged themselves on technical prob-lems within the scope of rooftop farming and gained insights on the farm techniques, which GTC had implemented in the cultural centre. Moreover, it surprised us that also women were actively involved in the discussions. Almost everyone in the group, independently of gender and age, took the opportunity to speak up and participate in the discussion. Nevertheless, the male-dominated aura often undermined the female participation in the discussion. Another challenge we saw the get-together confronted with, was the urge for self-representation by the rooftop farmers themsel-ves. Most of the invited persons were rather focused on presenting their own rooftop farms and merely looked at their own pictures in the exhibition, which hindered an exchange about problems on eye level between the camp inhabitants.Regarding the appearance of the NGO GTC, we got the impression, that a few camp inhabitants considered them as part of the GIZ, and therefore projected wrong expectations in the meeting or might have even been hindered to speak openly about issues. It became clear once again that external agents such as the members of the present NGO, despite the opposing classification, are still perceived as potential donors, which makes an open discussion difficult.

With regard to the formats chosen, it can be said that although there was a lively discussion, it was hardly possible to follow it through the whisper translations due to the speed at which it took place, so that some parts of the discussion remained concealed from us. It also happened frequently that the discussion was interrupted to put us in the picture or because participants ad-dressed us directly. This inevitably led to a fragmentation of the conversation. It also became clear that although we deliberately did not put ourselves at the centre of the discussion, a certain focus

239

and expectation was nevertheless projected onto us. Finally, the unanswered question remains as to how much of the participants‘ commitment was caused by the desire to fulfil our presumed expectations as hosts.

What we took for our further research regarding the content of the discussion, was the gene-ral interest in income-generating models (such as implemented by Karama in Dheisheh Camp). Furthermore, participants from Husn Camp valued GTC for being on site in their project in Jerash Camp, as they criticised the lack of expert input into their project in Husn Camp (only little techni-cal support, not enough workshops). Very interesting for us was the lively debate about rooftop farming in publicly accessible spaces. We jointly talked about challenges that are faced when moving the farm from the private rooftop to a public or institutional space. Most of the participants saw vandalism as one of the major issues, even though positive examples such as the green house in the WPC in Husn Camp were also mentioned.

However, at the end of the internal part a number of open questions remained: Did the need for a network among rooftop farmers, which we assumed, turn out to be a misconception? A network could broaden the horizon and enhance the exchange of ideas and problems, but is there really an interest in creating one? After the get-together, only GTC approached us and asked for con-tact data from the participants, since they liked the idea of continuing to organise a row of future events. However, at the time of writing, three months later, no further meeting has taken place. Even if it remains a feeling, which is hard to prove, it seems as if the emergence of such a network requires more (also financial) incentives. Finally, the question remains to what extent our own pre-sence, as external urban designers and architects, has created expectations for this meeting (e.g. possible funding), which ultimately remained unfulfilled. It should also be considered that even if the intrinsic interest in such a networking-event is not sufficient, participation can also be seen as part of a gesture of hospitality considered a necessity.

Public part - process and objectives

The idea of the second, public part, where we invited people via a public facebook event of Jadal, was to bring the idea of rooftop farming into a broader discourse. By organising guest lectures, the intention was to give an overview of current developments and different approaches within the scope of rooftop farming in Palestinian refugee camps, to outline their potentials and to show their relevance by embedding them into the context of climate change adaptation as well as intro-ducing permaculture as a holistic agricultural approach.

In this part, we stepped back to the role of moderators and only introduced the guest lectures as well as the exhibition and guided the discussions. Firstly, the CBO manager from Husn Camp introduced his rooftop farming project and was followed by Elham A. Abaddi, permaculture expert and farmer, who was invited to show what urban agriculture can learn from permacultural appro-aches. The intention of the second input was also to give the camp inhabitants the opportunity to learn and discuss about new dynamics and trends in the (urban) agricultural sector.The lectures were held in Arabic with English translation to address the largest possible target group.

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Public part – resumé

With approximately 40 participants, the public part turned out to be very popular. The visitors were mainly expatriates who were interested in the topic of rooftop farming and were especially curious about the practices we found inside Palestinian refugee camps as they are not yet pub-licly known. Very interesting concerning our research was that problems and challenges, which had been discussed in the private part, were barely mentioned by the project manager while his presentation of the rooftop farms in Husn Camp. The large number of international expats proba-bly had a crucial influence on the just positive presentation of the project. The problem of hiding problems out of fear, but also due to strategic considerations vis-à-vis possible donors, became visible. It was also remarkable that not a single participant of the internal round remained until the end of the lectures. The early departure of our guests raises the question whether such formats and the context of an event mostly attended by expatriates are the right approach for an exchange on eye-level. Overall, it can be summarised that the guest lectures produced interesting insights and discussions but missed their goal to include the invited participants of the internal part.

190191

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fig. 190 - 198: Further impressions of the get-together in Amman (own photographs)

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