146 Tibetan Literature

1988 fI A New Chronological Table of the Bon Religion. The bstan-rcis of Hor-bcun bsTan-'jin-blo-gros (1888-:-1975)." 1n Tibetan Stud­ies. 的忱eedings of the 4th Seminar of the International Associati011 cjTi~~ta:!:.Stu.dies，- Ed:.by Helga Uebach and Jampa 1. Panglung. Studia Tibetica Quellen zur tibetischen Lexicographie B-ánd 2. Munich: Kommission für zentralasiatischen Studien der Bayerischen Akademie der'材issenschaften.

1990 "A Bon po bs四n寸'tsis from 1804." 1n Indo-Tibetan Studies, pp. 151-169. Ed. by T. Skorupskí. Buddhica Britannica, Series Con­tinua 2.τ'ring: The 1nstitute of Buddhist Studies.

Nyi ma bstan 'dzin KTDG bKa' 'gyur bl'ten 'gyur gyi sde tshan sgrîgs tshul bsta7~ pa'i me 叩

spar ba'i rlung g.yab bon gyí pad 1110 l'gyas byed nyi 'od. 已ata-PitakaSeries 37, Part 11. New Delhi: 1nternational Academy of 1ndian Culture, 1965.

Orofino, Giacomella 1990 Sacl'ed 臼betan Teachings on Death and Liberation. Bridgeport: Prism

Press. Translation and revision of Insegna111enti tibetani su l1wrte e liberazione. Rome: Edizioni Mediterranee, 1985.

Rock, J. F. 1952 The Na-khi Nãga Cult and Related Cel'emonies, Part 1. Serie Orien­

tale Roma 4/1. Rome: 1stituto ltaliano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente.

Roerich, George 1931 Traíls to Inmost Asia. Five Years of Exploration 似的 the Roel'ich

Central Asian Expedition. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Schuh, Dieter 1976 Tibetische Handschr伊en und Blockdrucke. Teil 6. (G凹的11111elte V恰rke

des K01i-叩l'ul Blo-g1'OS mth缸'-yas). Verzeichnis der orientalischen\ Handschriften in Oeutschland Band X1, 6. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Ver1ag.

Snellgrove, D. 1. 1967 The Nine Ways of Bon. London Oriental Series 18. London: Ox­

ford University Press.

Smith, E. Gene 1970 1ntroduction to Kongt l'ul's Encyclopa.edia of Indo-Tibetan Culture,

pp. 1-87. Ed by Lokesh Chandra. Sata-Pitaka Series 50. New Delhi: 1nternational Academy of 1ndian Culture.

Chapter 8

Drawn from the Tibetan Treasury: The gTer ma Literature

Janet B. Gyatso

The rubric gter ma, or IfTreasure," cannot proper1y be character­ized as representing a genre of Tibetan literature. Texts classified as Treasure are of many different genres; in fact, the range of Trea­sure genres ahnost repeats that of Tibetan literature as a whole. Rather,the term Treasure refers figuratively to the place fr01n which such a text was drawn. Or lnore precisely, Treasure means that which was drawn fr01n such a place. The place is a treasure cache (s01netiInes distinguished in Tibetan as gter kha, which we may translate as Iftreasury"); the Treasure is the product extracted. This product is lnost notably text, but there are also a variety of lnate­rial objects (gter rdzas) which are purported to have been extracted from such treasuries as well.1 The following, however, will focus upon those Treasures which are textual.

Place in Tibetan Literature and Legitimating Strategies

The fact that the range of Treasure genres C01npetes in breadth with that of Tibetan literature as a whole alerts us to a critical fea­ture of the tradition that needs to be noted fr01n the outset. The various Treasure If cycles" (skor) that have been discovered by the Tibetan IfTreasure discoverers" (gterston) often constitute cOlnplete ritual and doctrinal systelns which in an hnportant sense stand on

148 Tibβtan Literatu l'e

their Qwn. Such cyc1es of related texts function in their religious lnilieu as authoritative sets of teachings which alnount to chal­lenging alternatives to existing textual systelnS.

Treasure discovery is still practiced in the twentieth century by contelnporary Tibetans in exile, such as Dillngo lnKhyen brtse Rin po che (1910戶1991)， and even in occupied Tibet, as seen in the 。utstanding Treasure career of lnKhan po 'Jigs med phun tshogs (b. 1933). The tradition seelns to have begun in Tibet in the tenth century C.E.2. The practitioners of this lnode of introducing texts have been prhnarily rNying lUß, pas and Bon pos; these two groups had lnuch over1ap in their Treasure activity.3 The newer (and, it will be noted, lnore po1itically powerful) gSar lna pa schools tend to doubt the Treasures' authenticity (Kapstein, 1989), although there have been discoverers there too (Slnith: 10). We need hardly note that Western scholars have a1so been dubious concerning Trea­sure claÍlns (Aris, 1989).

The two priInary lnodes of Treasure discovery are the unearth­ing of what is usually a fraglnentary text buried in the ground, statue, or lnonastery wall (sa gter); and the finding of such a text buried in one' s lnind (dgon.gs gter). In both cases, the discoverer daÍlns that the iteln found had previously been hidden in that very place at SOlne point in the past. This c!aÍln concerning the past is another critiC.al feature of the Treasure tradition, which strictly speaking distinguishes it frOln the other visionary lnodes of revealing text in Tibet such as "pure vision" (dag sn.an.g) and secret oral transmission (snyan brgyud) (though not infrequently these labels are used lOQsely to characterize Treasure as we11).

Once discovered, lnany of the buried Treasure cyc1es came to be çOlnpiled into canons Qf their own. The ear1y Bon po Treasures were incorporated into the Bon po bKa' 'gyur and brTen 'gyu耳which together fi11 approxÍlnately 300 volulnes; in fact, Treasures lnake up near1y a11 of the fonner and lnuch of the latter parts of this co11ection.4 Per Kvaerne (1974: 39) estÍlnated that the Bon po canon was asselubled 凹. 1450, approximately 150 years after the cOlnpilation of the Tibetan Buddhist canon of the new schools, the bKa' 'gyur and bsTan 'gyur.5 The Buddhist Treasures were not cOlnpi1ed into a co11ection of their own unti1 the nineteenth cen­tury, when Kong sprul bLo gros lntha' yas edited the Rin chen gtel月mdzod (RT), a co11ection of cycles wh

單喝當是守門組

The gTe l' nta Literatu l'e 149

able nUlnber of Buddhist Treasures not included in the RT, such as the two well-known "historical" cycles, the Mafli bka' 'bum and the bKa' thang sde lnga, as we11 as S01ne of the esoteric sNying thig ('Heart-Sphere") Treasures, SOlne of which calne to be classified as Atiyoga tantras of the "key instruction class" (man. ngag sde) and included in the rNyin.g ma'i 1宮yud 'bum.6 Also not included were cycles that were not available to Kong sprul, as well as some that were not deelned worthy of inclusion.

The subject lnatter of the 在easure texts, as was already indi­cated concerning genre, is as broad as that of the rest of Tibetan literature. For the sake of SUlnlnary, the principal Treasure sub­jects lnay be distinguished into two lnain types: those that pur­port to recount history and/or hagiography; and those that present religious teachings and practices. In the case of history, the Trea­sure mode of textual generation performs the Ílnportant function of offering an arena to recount cOlnpeting versions of past events, i.e., versions that differ frOln orthodox or genera11y accepted ver戶sions. As would be expected, such Treasure histories are vulner­able to a charge of forgery; on the other hand, if the conceit of discovery is granted, then the purported age of the text and the status of its original author function to lend authenticity and le戶gitimacy to its narratives.

In the case of religious teachings, legitÍlnacy is claÍlned by char­acterizing the "core" of the cycle as a revelation. The Bon pO Trea­sures are often identified as teachings of血efounderofBon， gShenrab mi bo (see Kvaerne, in this volume). In the Buddhist case, Trea­sure revelations are placed explicitly on a par with the sütras and tantras of the more conventional Buddhist canon, and are said to be, in one sense or another, the "word of the Buddha." We sha11 see below that the very mode in which the Buddhist Treasures are transmitted is characterized as being in consonance with the mode in which the more we11-known and accepted teachings of the Bud­dha were translnitted. The Buddhist Treasures gain legitimacy in particula! by explicitly linking themselves with the texts and prac­tices of the "Old Tantras" said to have been translated from 8an­skrit, and compiled into what is ca11ed the rNying ma'i rgyud 'bum, itself å cha11enging alternative canon to the more conventional canop., the Buddhist bKa' 'gyur with its "New Tantras.何 Inmostcases, the Buddhist Treasu

150 Tibetan Literature

than cOlnpeting with the Old Tantras they cOlnplelnent them, and thus stand together with the Old canon as a joint challenge to the New canon. However, the Buddhist Treasures stilllnaintain an advantage over the canonical Old Tantras by virtue pf the posi­tion of their discoverer: since the Treasures are received in a 11 close translnission" (nye brgyud), their discoverer has greater proxÍlnity to (and by hnplication, lnastery of) the source ofhis teachings than does a lnaster of the Old Tantras, who has received the texts he is teaching from a "10ng transmission" (ring brgyud), i.e., a succes­sion of lnasters that stretches back into the distant past.

We have a1ready suggested at least three ways in which the re­ligious Treasure lays clahn to authenticity: the exalted status of its original expounder, such as the Buddha; the nature of its doctrines, practices and lnode of translnission, which are shnilar to the more well戶known and accepted doctrines, practices and mode of trans回lnission of canonicallnaterials; and the special powers of the Treasure' s discoverer. That the powers of the discoverer are of criti­cal concern in the Treasure tradition lnay be seen particularly in the biogr可hical， and sOlnetÍlnes autobiogr可hical， accounts of the individual discoverers' visionary quests for Treasure. In a series of artic1es focusing on such accounts from the Buddhist Treasure tradition (1986, 1993, and n.d.), I have shown that the personal struggle to develop the power to find a Treasure, the difficulty in deciphering the cryptic codes and "~ãkí削 language" in which the Treasure is originally revealed, and the discover凹'-to-be's many self-doubts are all necessitated by the nature of the Buddhist myth of the Treasul'es' previous concealment (see, e.g., Tulku Thondup Rinpoche). Interestingly, this myth lnakes two legimating lnoves at once: it harkens back to the authoritative past, and simulta­neously sheds positive light on the discoverer in the present.

The Buddhist Treasure lnyth has come to center upon the ac­tivities of Padmasambhava, the eighth-century lndic lnaster cred­ited with introducing tantric Buddhism into Tibet, even though there were a nUlnber of earlier traditions regarding the concealings ofTreasures in Tibet, lnost notably those associated with the rDzogs chen teachings of VhnalaInitra, another Indian teacher in Tibet during the same period.8 But by the time of discoverer Nyang ral Nyi lna 'od ze

The gTer ma Literature 151

his ünage as a princely but lay tantric lnaster reflected well the style of the ~ery Tib~tans-th~lnS~lves oft~n lay teacl:ers ~~ t~le aristocratic class一who were developing what we lnight call the full-blown Treasure tradition. 9 Nonetheless, in this lnyth, Padlnasambhava is still but a lniddlelnan in the disselnination of Treasure, if a very central middlelnan. The Treasure is lnost basi­callv transmitted by a prhnordial buddha in a primordial pure land (rgyal ba'í dgongs brgyud). Sec∞onda叮ri句ith祖e t拍ant廿ric "knowledge holders" (令rí哲:g 'd伽zí仰nb枷r吋d伽a'州'i br.啥'gyud尚)， t趴he In­di旭an pa討tria盯rch祖so叫f t血he rNyi趴ng lna pa schoo叫1. Only t跆er此叫't吼ti泊arily is it taught in verbal fO r1n by PadlnaSalnbhava, in the eighth-century Tibetan court, "into the ears of persons" (gang zag snyan khung du brgyud) (Gyatso, 1986, 1993). Padlnasalnbhava then proceeds to prepare the Treasure teaching for buria1. He t~ans剖lni扯ts the teach­ing i趴nanelnpow荷e叮r宜'mwhich he specially cOIUlni旭ss剖ions certain disciples to rediscover it in a future incarnation at a specified thne巳， a cOlnlnissioning that is assured of fulfillment by virtue of a prophecy Padlnasambhava utters to that effect (bka' babs lung bstan). Then he appoints power戶ful protectors to conceal the Treasure from everyone else until the right discover凹 comes along at the right tiIne (mkha' 'gro gtad rgya). The point is that the wrong person lnust not discover the Trea目sure; if he or she does, death will be imlninent.10

Thus the crucial element in Buddhist Treasure discovery is that the discoverer lnust prove both to hhnself and to the world that he is indeed the previously comlnissioned individ ual. This is ac­complished in a variety of ways, one of which is through signs which delnonstrate the blessings of the exalted previous expound四ers of the Treasure, and another of which is by the discoverer's own spiritual accomplishments, which demonstrate that he or she already mastered the Treasure teachings while studying with Padmasambhava in a past lifetime.

The Discovery of the Buried: History and Implications

The roots of this complex and arcane process of textual translnis­sion lnay be recognized in the earlier and quite praglnatic Tibetan custom of burying politicallY sensitive itelns underground as a lneans of preventing their destruction. Tibetan histories state, for eXaInple, that because of repressive lneasures taken by anti-Bud­dhist lninisters after the death of the king Mes ag tshoms (ca. 750

152 Tibetan Literature

C.E.) certain Buddhist texts newly introduced in Tibet such as the Vajracchedikã Sütra were hidden underground, and later retrieved when the next Buddhist king, Khri srong lde btsan, took the throne (KG: 308戶309; BC: 882). But this and other such incidents are not considered to be instances of Treasure transmission.

In some accounts of early Treasure concealment in the Bon po tradition, the reason for hiding texts is also primarily pr前tícal.The two principallnolnents of Bon Treasure burial occur in the wake of the persecutions of Bon during the reigns of (1) the pre四historic Tibetan king Gri gum bTsan po, and (2) Khri srong lde btsan.ll That this praglnatíc view of the need for Treasure burial is still operative in the Bon po tradition may be seen froln a recent cOlnlnent by the contemporary Bon po master bsTan 'dzin rnaln dag, who characterized the conceahnent of texts and objects after the Chinese invasion of Tibet in the 1950s as a third Treasure con間ceahnent, on the same order as the previous two (private inter­view, 1989).

However, at SOlne yet undetennined lnoment in the develop間lnent of both the Buddhist and Bon po Treasure traditions, the reasons given for concealment becOlne grounded in the mantíc powers of the concealer: rather than trying to protect texts from present adverse conditions, the concealer of Treasure is concerned with the future, which he perceives will be difficult, with special teachings needed. The Treasures that he then hides are specifi­cal1y formu1ated to benefit the beings in that future moment. This future-detennined motive is especially characteristic of the Bud­dhist Treasure lnyth that stars Padmasambhava, although early Bon po sources refer to prophecies of the future as we11.12 In addi­tion to the motive for concea1ment, the mode of discovery a1so changes. Rather than digging up an object based on a simple memory or notation of the hiding p1ace, or indeed by accident, 的is the case in some accounts of early Bon Treasure discoveries,13

the act of discovery becomes dependent upon visionary inspira­tion, t血he memory of p伊as址t lives丸， and es叩pe仗ci凶a訕all妙ythec∞ompu叫1址ls討ione臥X圓e叮rt跆edbyt血hep伊r昀'0叩phecy.戶 T甘'h祖ec∞on肘1吐temporary Buddhi臼st叮T賢reasure tra­dition even goes so far a的s t切o disal10w the accidenta1 discoveries that are sometimes reported in the Bon po Treasure tradition (see Tu1ku Thondup Rinpoche: 103).

It is also the Bu

The gTer ma Literature 153

1可 recedents. The Buddhist Treasure tradition thereby claims that 出e lnode of Treasure translnission is u1timate1y to be traced to Indian Buddhisln. Indeed, at an early point Buddhisln had a1ready allowed the preaching of authentic 句uddha-word" by individua1s other than the Buddha, based either upon the Buddha' s inspira­tion or on those individuals' own realizations (MacQueen). T甘h祖e

Tibetan Buddhi站st expounders of Treasure theory can even ci扯te state­lnent扭s i恤n th祖e sütrα仰s tha批t th祖e bodhisa叫tt切va wi山11 hear Dha盯nnings from t吭he sk犯 wal1s， and trees (NC: 511; Du句omRi叩oche:743). Buddhist legends concerning visionary receipt of scripture often cited as precedents by the Treasure proponents are Maitreya' s revelation of Buddhist philosophíca1 texts to the fourth-century Asaúga, and Nãgãrjuna's retrieval of the Prajñãpãralnitã sütras froma 關:ga reahn under the ocean. A1so noted was the Buddha' s prophecy in the thirteenth chapter o~ th: Pratyutp~~.nasa~n~~~i Sütra that this text wil1 "go into a cave in the ground" and 500 years later, in degenerate tÏlnes, a few beings who have studied with former buddhas and who have "brought wholesome potentialties to lnaturity and planted seeds" will propagate the sütra again (Harrison: 96-108; YM: 223-224; GT, vol. 2: 448). Further, well known to the Treasure tradition is the rNying ma pa account of the Indian translnission of the Old Tantras of the 1\在ahãyoga bKa' brgyad class, which in~olves their concealment a~d 1a!~r rev~la­tion frOln the caitya at Sïtavana (NC: 111自112; Dudjom Rinpoche: 482-483). In fact, as early as the thirteenth century, the Treasure apo1ogist Guru Chos dbang is finding ana10gues to Treasure con­cealment/reveahnent in virtual1y the entire history of the Bud­dhist scripturesr fro1n the trans1nisSion of versions of the Vinayar to that of certain sütras, all classes of the Old Tantras, and even the textual translnission of severa1 Mahãyãna sãstras (GC: 89-95).

Never mentioned by the Treasure tradition to my knowledge is its close affinitv to accounts of text concea1ment and reve1ation in Chinese Ling-pao Taoisln. For exmnp1e, the third- to fourth-cen­tury "Grotto Passage" tel1s that Ce1estia1 0旺icials， out of cOlnpas­Sion for the suffering beings in a degenerate ager granted special books written in a ce1estial script which came to be hi社idden i恤naC臼as怯ke划e討tinMoun

154 Tibetan Literature

influence as well. Further, the doctrinal and lueditative teachings of tlmrDzogs cheIL whichmany Buddhist and Bon Po Treasures propagate, have certain connections with Chinese Ch' an, even if thet叭10 are not to be equated (Kanua其 1988: 86-106; Kvaerne, 1983). 1n parti叫ar，伽 presence of Ch'an passages in the Blon 戶。 bk紹，thong(Tuccir1958;1JeYama)suggests that Treasure may have of­fered a convenientmeans to reintroduce chran teachings in Tibet­Such a theory is also huplied by Bu ston Rin chen grub, the four­teenth-century scholar and historian who would have been criti­cal of the Treasure tradition and its teachings; he states that when Hva shang Mahãyãna was sent back to China after his loss in de­bate to the 1ndian luaster Kaluala白la， his books were "hidde11. as treasure" (BC: 890) .

If the Buddhist Treasure tradition itself locates its source in 1n­dia, and the historian of religio11. can recognize influences from China as well, the phenolue11.ologist of religion will notice the in­digenous Tibetan elelnents operative in Treasure. ，材e have already noted above that the practice of burying objects in the ground has early Tibetan roots. The significance of retrieving a text out of the Tibetan earth (or mind) should also not be lost 0 11. us. This is Dar­ticularly evident in the Buddhist case, where 1ndic origin was a ?ritical criterion for a textFs inclusion inthe bkaFFgyur and bsTan 'gyurr the Buddhist canon with which Treasure competes-If we bracket, for a moment, the Treasure tradition' s own construction of lndian precedent, we luay note the thorough-going Tibetanness of the eidos of TreasureF i.e-r the essentially Tibetan character, or thrust, of a Treasure' s claÎlu to fame and hupo加nce at the mo­lnent itis being presented into the Tibetan world. A Treasure is a text that has not been propagated in 1ndia; it was concealed dur­ing the period of the Tibetan nationrs apogee of military might and golden age of Buddhist practice; it was formulated specifi­cally for this particular moment in Tibetan history;its prophecies in fact describe this moment pointedly;and now this particular Tibetan master has revealed it to Tibet at the proper time.

Whether drawn out of the Tibetan ground or a Tibetan luind,

the Treasure stands as a Tibetaηrod uct, in this impo伽ntsens已independentofBuddhist and other traditions ofTibetFs neighbors­This independence is repeated on tlmsmaller scale, too, within the dynamics of Tib仗;s internal

ThegTerm日 Literature 155

hi1nself is an autonOluous, luaverick figure, typically declaring his independence frol~_ received tr~~ition and stud~; 削:her， the dis­cove~er focuses on his own luind, his own visions, his own lnemory of a previous life as ~admasalubhava'~ disciple, hi,s O~l~ pre~es­tinecl revelation that he propagates to his own circle of disciples. This recourse to the independent master facilitated by the Trea­sure tradition underlines the creativity that is thereby luade pos­sible. The Treasure itself describes a new vision, and a new systeln of meditation or ritual. The fact that innovation is luade possible bv Treasure lueans that vita1ity, flexibility, and responsiveness to n~w situations and needs are lnaintai11.ed in Tibetan religion.

Content and Genres

Here we can only sketch out some of the general features of an enonnous landscape. Futher, this overview is liInited to Buddhist Treasure; a full study of the Bon Treasure 1iterature, especially when the Bon po canon becOlues lnore readily available, will surely add lnuch to our understanding of the Treasure tradition.

As already indicated, we luay luake a basic distinction between two major types of Treasure subject luatter: (1) the Ifhistorical," which in the Buddhist case concerns the introduction of BuddhislU to Tibet during the Yar lung dynasty, and (2) religious doctrine and practice.

Again, the first type exemplifies the Treasure tradition' s focus upon primarily Tibetan luatters. Tibetologists have long recognized that despite certain genuine ancient passages preserved therein, the Treasure narratives are greatly overlaid with myth and fan­ta耶 and are not to be considered as providing historical informa­tion (Vostrikov). Nonetheless, the Treasure accounts of the events of the Yar lung dynasty are critical for our understanding of the way that period was retrospectively romanticized and glorified in Tibetans' views of their country' s past, as well as the iIuplications of that period for the place of BuddhislU in Tibetan society alto­gether. The Treasures 0旺er SOlue of the luost detailed stories of the seventh-century King Srong btsan sgam po, who builds many Buddhist temples to subdue the wild indigenous 11 demoness" of Tibet, and whose two wives from Nepal and China bring statues of the Buddha; of King Khri srong lde btsan, who invites the 1n­dian Buddhist philosopher Sãntarak♀ita and the tantric luaster Padmasalubhava, and builds bSam yas Monastery; of Padlna-

156 叮betan Litcratu l'c

salnbhava, who introduces tantric Buddhisln in Tibet, and brin2"s under s咖ni站S

int切o protectors 0叫fBuddhi加S剖ln叫1刀; of t'趴heT首ïbe討tan teache叮r叭'Vi拖磁a剖irocana祖a， whoIS lnS咖llnen岫t岫叫a叫1 in the int叫uction of rDzogs chen i口'ibet; of the great debatebetweeMhe IndianImster kamalaala and the Chi­nese master Hva Shang;and ofmany othermattersat the heart of the founding of Buddhisln in Tibet.1S

The Buddhist Treasures that present these storiesr along with much other materialF date primarily from the twelfth to the four­teenth centuries. The M仰í bka' 'bum is one of the few Buddhist Treasures that does not dea1with padmasamblwa and tlmpL iodof間1rimnzldebtsanrbutrather with tl叫lagiography and

purported teach111gs of srong btsan sgam Po , It also presents ádhanas for Avalokite趴Tara as well as several lndic Buddhist ca

nonical texts connected to the cult 0叫fAva叫lokit扭es卸va缸ra (Macdonald; Aris丸F 阱9快:糾2; Kap圳n，捌; Blonde叫 1捌). The bKa'圳t1枷}sde 1切ng伊σTreasure has five books: t趴he rGyal po (Kings吋)， bTsl切un mo (Queens吋)r Blonpo(Ministers)FLopmp (Translators andpandits)rand Lhu'dye (Gods and Ghosts)F and was discovered in stages by O gyan gling pa in the latter third of the fourteenth century

(Blondeaur1971:42).These texts focus on the events surrounding Padmasambhava, but contain many other legends as well as pas-ages with historical valuer along with such diverse materials as

an elaborate and lengthy de叫ptionofthetmmies ofthegyi­lung kings in the rGyul por and the chFanmaterials in the Blonpor already mentioned戶 As for the Treasures devoted solely to the hagiogr叩hy of PMInasambhavar they have been analysed by Blondeau (1980), who found t吭ha討t the Treasure traditions of 空Padmasamb】hava'旭S lif，跆epo叮r咐tTr肥?挖easure renditions of hi旭s life speak of hi旭S"wO凹mb birth." The liest of the 1賢I丑全rea臼asu凹盯r跎叫.它e hagiographies of Padmasalnbhava is the 2angs ghng771Zy discovered by NYang ralNyima 'od zer(ZL);the two best known are the shel bmg771OF discovered by O rgyan gling pa (1329-1367)(translatedby Toussai110r and thegserphrengr diS O ered by Sangs rgyas gling pa (1340, 1367)r which both contain a separate chapter of prophecies of Treasure discoverers. Another m句or IJhistorical" Treasure is the hagiography of Pad 1711avars Tibetan consort ye shes mtsho rgyalr discovered by STag shaln rdo rje in

The gTCl' ma Literatu l'e 157

The second type of subject lnatter, that which presents religious teachings, sádhanas, and rituals, constitutes the content of the ma-

jority of Treasure cydes-Once againr let us note that since most Tre~sures are purported to have been preached by Padma-salnbhava, these cycles too contain "historical" passages concern­

ing the Yar lung period as well. But the bulk of the cycle is de­v~ted to teachings and practices.

With the exception of several hagiographies of padmasambhava, biographies of the Treasure discoverers, and texts relating to the structure of the collection, the one hundred plus volumes of the

RT are comprised of these sádhana/ritual cyc1es. The RT's editor, Kong sprul, has arranged much of the Treasures in this collection according to the nature of the central visua1ized figure of the sãdh.ana/ritual. And since lnost of the Treasure cycles include sev­eral sections which focus upon different figures, Kong sprul saw fit to break these cyc1es up and insert the parts into their appropri­ate volumes so as to fit into the general structure according to which he arranged the collectíon as a whole. Thus the Rig 'dzin 'dus pa section of the famed Treasure cycle Klong chen snying thig wil1 be found in volume 14 of the RT along with sections of other Trea­sure cycles that focus on a visualizatíon of the interior guru in "peaceful form" as a nirmã1}akáya; the Bla sgrub thig le'i rgya can section of that same cycle ís in volume 17 along with other Trea-sures presentíng gurusádhanas; and the rDzogs chen sectíons of the cycle are in volume 89, in the rDzogs chen portion of the RT.

The maín organízíng prínciple of the RT is the group of the three "inner tantras" of the Old canon: the 1\在ahãyoga， Anuyoga, and Atiyoga. 百le predomínance of the first group, the Mahãyoga, in Treasure cycles may be seen from the fact that 扯 occupies volumes 3 to 85 of the RT. The Anuyoga is represented by but a few cycles in volumes 85 and 86, and the Atíyoga occupies volumes 86 to 91. 17

The deitíes of the Mahãyoga are organized in the RT under the three headings of guru, yi dam (the practitíoner's principal deitYi Skt. i~tadevatã)， and御的nï. These headings are further broken down into such standard categories as the external/ internal dyad, and the fourfold peacefu叫11/e砍xt扭ens祖si廿ve/powe叮r如1ν/wra百at也hfu叫1址1 typology of d血ei沮tie臼s. The gurusãdhanas are exceedingly numerous, occupying fourteen volulnes of the RT. The yi da

158 Tibetan Literature

brgyad. The ~ákinís， comprising five Volulnes of the RT, include a variety of felnale deities. The Atiyoga Treasures also 的e SOlne 叫the salne deitíes ín their practice仙ut there is more eln的asís in these cycles on lneditative techniques that focus on tl叭叭1fe 一the lnind. A large varíety of tech吶ues are introduced in the Trea­sures tor recognizing that naturer and separate texts that focus on such practices are again organized taxoñomical1v,

When one examines an ir e啥go叫ri跆es丸， one finds t血ha批t i扯t too is divided into sections, but now at this closer level the organizing principle is no 10均已r deity, an ratlh1er is literary genre.This genre-based organization is never SPictly determinedrbutthe idealpatternrHone may saymcon­S帥 h what I have called a Hcore textf aMits ，H勻，旭Ssubs剖idi阻ar叮司3γyc∞olnment切aria叫1 and ritual texts (Gyat扭so， 1991). The core text lnay be couched as a tantra or other sort of "root text" (müla; rtsa ba), and it is lnost likely 切 represent the revealed FIreasur已vision or philosophical teaching itself. As such, it will be anonv­lnous, or couched as the words of Padlnasambhava, or a budd缸，OE-deity.Itis alsorecognizablebytheorthographicaideviceofth已gter shad-a ~ separating each line ínstead ~f the standard 1 used in other forms of Tibetan literature. However, s01netimes the gter shd is used improperly to mark the subsidiary commentaries and associated rituals as well.

The authorship of the s的sídiary texts is often explicitly attrib­uted to the d1scovererr or even to a disciple;thus Inany of the texts included in the RTare strictly speakingnot revealed Treasures but rather merelybaseduponthem.The principal subsidiary texts are either descriptions of how to perform the empowerment ritual whereby disciples are initiated into the practices of the root text and/or its associated deity, or are sãdhan的 descríbíng how to iden­tify oneselfas the deity invisualizationmeditation (see Cozort in this volume). But then again, sometimes the revealed core text ís itself an elnpowennent or sádhana.

Tlmmanyothers-bsidiarygenrespresentthemanyothertypes of rituals and liturgies associated with the core reveÍation, t切ot趴hepo叫ln肘圳1吐t that a typology of Tre 削re genres wíll be a typology of叮叮T草Tí可1.betaIn 1rituals.SOIne of these rituals are placed close to their core texts inthe RTr but others havebeen gathered in the last portion of the Mahayoga sectionr in volumes64th

The gTer ma Literature 159

of the genres/rituals included here: construction of malJ-向las;lnanufacture of ritual hats and costulneS; ge01nantical analysis of a place for its spiritual properties (sa dpyad); rituals to appease the hUlnan and non-hUlnan 11 owners" of a place in which one intends to practice (sa chog); lnethods to ascertain the disposition of the large being that constitutes the entirety of a place (sa bdag lto 'phye); invocation of blessings (byin 'bebs); general lneritorious rituals performed between lnore c01nplex rituals (chos spyod); additional rituals to cOlnpensate for ritual transgressions (bskang bzhags); tech~ niques for eating bits of paper inscribed with therapeutic lnantra letters (za yig snga.gs 'bum); construction of offering cakes (gt仰'ma);lnass offering目feast liturgies (tshogs mchod); consecratíon of icons (rab gnas); rites for the dead; burnt juniper offerings (bsang); con­struction of thread-crosses (mdos); uses of effigies (glud); crop cul­tivation; weather control; turning back of annies; protective de­vices against weapons; curing of physiological and psychological disease; extending of lifespan (tshe sgrub). Surveying this litera­ture, one realizes how lnuch a Treasure revelation is a starting point for the colorful tantric dralnaturgy for which Tíbetan religion is so well known. Each discoverer introduces new styles, Í1nages, and techníques; lnany have been accolnplished choreographers, paint回ers, sculptors, costume desígners.

Several genres that are to be found at some point in the Trea­sure cycle are a function of the special features that distinguish Treasure froln other forms of tantric literature. Most itnportant is the prophecy (lung bstan) text, in whichPadlnasambhava predicts the future discoverer and the lnolnent in history when the Trea­sure wiU be revealed. This text (or passage elnbedded in another text) is the centrallegünating device of the Treasure; it proves, or attelnpts to prove, that the cycle was not authored by the discov­erer but rather was fonnulated by PadlnaSa1nbhava in the past. It also proves that the discoverer is in fact the person who was des­ignated by Padlnasalnbhava for the revelation of this Treasure. A related, distinctive Treasure genre is the certificate (byang bu; see Gyatso, n.d.), a curious lnini-Treasure discovered prior to the Treasure proper, which lnay also include prophecies as well as explicit directions on how to find the rest

160 Tibetan Literatu l'e

Another hnportant legithnating genre within the religious Trea~ sure is the history of the cycle (Solnetimes cal1ed 10 1古yus) which lnay or lnay not be part of the visionary core. 1 have identified two main typesr one which recounts the transmission ofthe cycle from its origin in a buddha~land up to its conceahnent by Padlna間satnbhava, and the other which narrates the events of the discov~ ery(Gyatsor1993) , The account of the transmission of the cycle is often i11corporated i11to the corer and functions to legitimate in lnuch the salne way as the prophecy and certificate just discussed.

The secondr the account of the discovery}is of particular inter­est, sínce it too is lneant to legithnate, or to 11 engender confidence" (11ges shes bSkyes Pu)in the Treasurer but it does so on entirely dif­ferent grounds than do the references to padmasambhava and his buddha predecessors. Here the reader is presented with an indi­vidualistic account of the discovererrs trials and struggles in realizing the revelatory vision. The text recounting this visionary procemis oftenauthoredbythe discoverer, Insomeinstances itG 于tailed enough to constitute 伽 discover的 au扮iography， or vvmSionary autobiographyr', in that what is of concern is the discoverer's visionary career and developlnent as a whole, as wel1 as the events fo l1owing the clhnactic revelatory episode, such as his decision to teach and publish the Treasure.Reading these ac­countsr we can observe quite concretely that the Treasure argUE ment for legitimation is notbased solely upon the inmcatioiof the Treasure lnyth and the discoverer' s purported role in the burial of the Treasure centuries earlier.Rathez> there is an equalr if not greaterr emphasis placed upon a show of honesty and an admis­sion of inadequacies and erro耳 as if such candor and display of self-doubt would alsor ironically}engender confidence in the dis­coverer. The Treasure tradition understands the discoverer ulti­Imtely t? ,become ahighlyrealized meditationmaster capable of "owníng" and "controlling" the powerful and esoteric teachings that 恥 Tmsure premh he is not simply Padmasambhavih lnaihnan or delivery boy, as one representative of the Treasure tra­dition recently put it. 18 The painting of the visions, dreams, and personal qualities in the discovererrs autobiography gives us a picture of an idiosyncratic personality on the way to such mas­tery, and a sense of the importance of the

The gTe l' ma Literatu l'e 161

Notes

1. GC lists four main types of material objects that are hidden and then redis­covered as Treasure (81個82)， which include wish-fulfi1ling jewels and auspi­cious skull-cu):s, bu~ als_o _~uch items as entire val1eys that-~re hidden so a; to be discovered later by followers of Padmasambh~va in order to escape en emies; concealed supplies of water; condensed substances to be mixe'"d in怕bui1ding mate:i~ls for the construction of temples; hidden forests for build­ing in tim~s ?~ s~o~tage; weal!h.to ~uy_ food for hungry Dharma practitio­ners;magicaltechniques to subdue barbarians;and bodily exercises to im" I:rove health (~1-~2). ~t also di~~-':l~s_~s the various sorts of icons and ímages that are cor:ce~~ed as Tr~asure (87-88). A rare glimpse of Treasure-discovered icons, ritual objects, and scripts may be had fronl an excel1ent collection of col?: ~~~otographs published by Tulku Thondup Rinpoche (between pp. 144 and 145).

2., A.cc~rd~，:g to ~ratz， .!~e ~~sco~erer Khyung po dpal dge belongs to the end of th~ tenth century. The first Bon po discovery-of 1世easure， by the three Nepalese HOcdrym', (karmay}1972:xxxiv)is dated in one traditional Bon po ~~1!012010gica~.table t~ 9~3 C~E. ， although Kvaerne (1974: 38) shows that the first B~~p~o ~d!s~overi:s by th:se and_ other figures 'cannot l~ave taken place before 10~? ~?te too tl:~~!::ot~er， e.arlier Bon p? chronological table recently p~~lishe.d.by Ky~e~ne. (1990) gives dates as much as 240 ye;rs later than thos~ of the table published in Kvaerne (1971) which has b~en fo l1owed in most Wes~er~ ~tu~es of Bon prior to 1990. !n any case, the history of the develop­m~nt. of the Treas,ure movel1~ent needs more research. 1n particular, the 缸，tailed a~c?unt~ ~~ ~ertai~ individual Treasure cycles, espe~ially tho~e in the sNying thigya bzhi (e.g., OZ), merit close stud手 Some of the most lengthy and acce~sible ~eneral surveys of the lives of tl1e Buddhist discoverer; a;e the ?::>d~ct.~ of the nine!een,th and twentieth centuries, for example GT, NO, TG, lVC Earlier sources for the lives of the discoverers include the sixteenth-cen­tury ~e， OL, a!:d Y!v1; _the ~eventeenth-century SB; and the eighteenth-cen­tury ST, as well as the brief "prophetic" summaries of the disc~verers' lives it; ~e earlier ~:easur~ h~~i?~~Taphies of Padmasambhava, such as chapter 92 O~， 0 rgyan g1ing l~/，S Shel br~g l1!a_ (T?ussaint: 376-389). Among thé' many other sources useful for a study of the lineages of the Bu

162 Tibetan Literature

and Per K vaerne. A promising, heretofore unexamined source concerning Bon Treasure is gTer gyi kha byang by sGa ston Tshul khrims rgyal mtshan (fourteenth century), a manuscript in 45 folios, reportedly being translated current1y by Tenzin Wangyal and Ramon Pratz.

3. An important study of an ear1y example of the cross-pollination between the Buddhist and Bon po Treasure traditions is Blondeau, 1984. See also Blondeau, 1971, 1985, 1987, and especially 1988 concerning the inclusion of Bon po materials in the RT. The fact that there have been numerous discover­ers who have revealed both Bon and Buddhist Treasures is wel1 known. See Tulku Thondup Rinpoche, Appendix 1, assessing the relationship from a Buddhist standpoint.

4. Note that the spel1ing of the second section of the canon differs from that of the Buddhist bsTan 'gyur (Kvaerne, 1974: 23).

5. If we are to fo l1ow the bstan rtsis of Tshul khrims rgyal mtshan (Kvaerne, 1990) the date of the editing of this canon would be after 1475, the death date of Shes rab rgyal mtshan according to this source. See also Kvaerne, in this volume.

6. Concerning the rNying ma'i rgyud 'bum, see n. 7. Regarding the sNying thig literature, see n. 8.

7. See Gyatso, 1981: 233-250 for a descriptive analysis of the Grub thob thugs tig Treasure of 'Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse'i dbang po (1820-1892), noting the many assertions, in the colophons of the various texts of that cycle, of association with one or another of the Old Tantras. The rNying ma'i brgyud 'bum is current1y available in several editions which differ substantial1y in content and order. It is usually said to have been compiled first by the fiι teen吭-century Ra位la Gling pa, but there is evidence of its existence in some fonn prior to him, at least as ear1y as the time of 'Gro ba mgon po Nam mkha' dpal, son of Nyang ral Nyi ma 'od zer (1136-1204). Franz-Karl Ehrhard is currently preparing a detailed historical study of the rNying ma'i rgyud 'bum.

8. Vimalamitra's Tibetan studenì, Nyang ban Ting 'dzin bzang po, was said to have concealed these teachings after the master went to China. The dis­coverer was gNas brtan lDang ma lhun rgyal (eleventh century), who pro­ceeded to transmit the material to lCe btsun Seng ge dbang phyug, one of the first accomplished Tibetan Buddhist yogis, and to others. This sequence of events narrated in the colophon of RR: 100.696-698. Anothe耳 more detailed account is to be found in DZ: 163-169 et seq. See also Roeric

The gTer ma Literature 163

the life of :~d~ms~mbha:va is t~le Zangs gling 711a (ZL). Regarding the devel­opment of the hagiographies of Padnlasambhava, see Blondeau;-1980.

10. The great majority of Treasure discoverers were men, as far as we know. One fel?ale d!s:o~.::e.:~~s)o ~1~0 sMa~l nlD (thirteenth centurYi see Dudjom Rinpoche, ;01: 1:?71~!74). In this article 1 have primarily usecÍ the male pro­noun to refer to the discoverers.

11. For an extend~~ n~rati:ve ofboth these incidents see Karma)月 1972， which is a translat~on，~!. the_~egs ?shad 111dzod,an_early twentieth-century history of the Bon po tradition that draws extensively on s叫1 early Bon pO sources as the twelfth-century(?) 的rags byang and fourteenth-century(?) Srid 惜yud. See Karma~'s comm~nts (xxxiii) suggesting "the possibility that later Bon po his­torians have made two p~rsecutions out of what was in fact only one?' Note that n? T:ea~ure~ are said to have been discovered after the first persecution abated; the first Bon po Treasure discovery is that of the Nepale;e 11 ãcãryas."

~2. Mo.s! of the ~isc?veries re~o~ntedin Legs bshad 111dzod (Karmay, 1972) are ~rame~ ,?y prophec.ies qu?ted f!om t~le Srid rgyud. The sò-callecÍ rGyaZ' rabs bO l1 gyi 'byung gnas is another relatively early Bón po account that als~ refers to the appointing of Treasure pr叫ectors and the making of prayers for the future discovery (Das: 的 and 50). The Treasure tradition as a whole is la­belled in that text as "the manner in which the Bon teachings increased due to the force of [previous] prayers" (Das: 56).

13. The ~~ost famo~s is the di~covery by the "three ãcãryas" (Karma其 1972:116 seq.) ?~t _~'lOte that even this account is preceeded by the claün that it happened "[t]hrough the power of the prayers of Dran-pa-Nam-mkha'." The Treasure discovery by the three hunters (Karma其 1972: 124) also appears to be understood to have been accidental, and lHa dgon finds TreasÛrês based upon an oral tradition originating with his great-grandfather' s assertion that texts were hidden in that place (Karmay, 1972: 125). But see n. 12 above. It is interesting to note that whereas Karma耳 discussing the Bon po Treasure tra­dition, suggests that those discoveries made by unlettered ~en or that were accidental argues for their authenticity (1972: xxxvi-xxxvii), the Buddhist Trea­sure tradition in its fully developed form would not regard such an acciden­tal event as an authentic discovery of Treasure for preclse

164 Tibetan Litemtu1'e

18. mKhan po tshe dbang, speaking of 'Jigs med gling pa i11 the i11troductio11 to an empowerment ritual to the Yum bka' give11 by the fourth rDo grub chen Rin po che in New York City in July 1989.

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