FROM PLATO JOHN CHRYSOSTOl\1 uT BISHOP DANIEL 8econd Century Plutarch (50-120 A.D.) and Epictetus (50-138 A.D.) Back earth, ()n the of Hellenistic culture, we cannot by- pass two figures who were deeply responsive the classi- cal Hellenic tradition of namely, P!utarch ancl Epictetus. While the term does appear from the pen of the Apostolic Fatllers eyen once,J Tromp de Huiter writes that the use of the word «frequentissimus apud Plutarchum.»2 Hirzel sees the philanthropic character of Plutarch a general trait of his period. 3 Plutarch even became an historian of phi- larithropy.· w&rm understanding of humanity and a likeable moral optimism give character the IJi(Jes". Together with the Stoics he believes the philanthropy of the gods,6 emphasizing that the deity neitb.er nor bnt Still, be understood, Plutarch's deity is rather an im- persona! divine princip!e. 6 Exa!ted as he was tlle twin priesthoodof * 1.28 1. Heinrich Kraft, patrum apostolicorqm (Munich, 1963), 446. 2. S. Tromp de Ruiter, loc. cit., especialJy 295. 3. HirzeI, cit., ({lndem Plutarch PhiIanthrop war, war nur der Mann seiner der But the same writer adds as a his description the mores the imperial R.ome 27): Das des heIlenischen PhiIan thropen emp6rt sich gegen die rohen ... Gladiatoren und der R6mer.J> 4. lbid., 27. 5. Albin Lesky, cit., 824. 6. LeDeaut, loc. cit., 289. 7. 8. FeuilIeL, cit., 70, writes that the pagan HelIenistic conception of· the deity as the basis for the cult the ruler was far from heing unified. He sees two directions representee ... par Apulee 2 25,3) les orarles SyhilIins 11), accorde, un dieu la preeminence sur Ies autres; I'autre, qui s' exprime ... dans Plutarque et 67) ... dalls Maxime de Tyr (Phil. 'IOa) se rattache aa syllcretisme, fusionne Ies diverses Ull seul PI'incipe
Transcript
FROM PLATO JOHN CHRYSOSTOl\1
uT BISHOP DANIEL
8econd Century
Plutarch (50-120 A.D.) and Epictetus (50-138 A.D.)
Back earth, ()n the of Hellenistic culture, we cannot by-pass two figures who were deeply responsive the classi-cal Hellenic tradition of namely, P!utarch ancl Epictetus.
While the term does appear from the pen of the Apostolic Fatllers eyen once,J Tromp de Huiter writes that the use of the word «frequentissimus apud Plutarchum.»2
Hirzel sees the philanthropic character of Plutarch a general trait of his period. 3 Plutarch even became an historian of phi-larithropy.· w&rm understanding of humanity and a likeable moral optimism give character the IJi(Jes".
Together with the Stoics he believes the philanthropy of the gods,6 emphasizing that the deity neitb.er nor bnt
Still, be understood, Plutarch's deity is rather an im-persona! divine princip!e.6 Exa!ted as he was tlle twin priesthoodof
* 1.28 1. Heinrich Kraft, patrum apostolicorqm (Munich, 1963), 446. 2. S. Tromp de Ruiter, loc. cit., especialJy 295. 3. HirzeI, cit., ({lndem Plutarch PhiIanthrop war, war nur der
Mann seiner der But the same writer adds as a his description the mores the imperial R.ome 27): Das des heIlenischen PhiIan thropen emp6rt sich gegen die rohen ... Gladiatoren und der R6mer.J>
8. FeuilIeL, cit., 70, writes that the pagan HelIenistic conception of· the deity as the basis for the cult the ruler was far from heing unified. He sees two directions representee ... par Apulee 2 25,3) les orarles SyhilIins 11), accorde, un dieu la preeminence sur Ies autres; I'autre, qui s' exprime... dans Plutarque et 67) ... dalls Maxime de Tyr (Phil. 'IOa) se rattache aa syllcretisme, fusionne Ies diverses
Ull seul PI'incipe
461 Divine Philanthropy
Delphi,9 he just.ified his high position by appropriate words expressing his faith a deity.10 Nonetheless, he could also easily attach the same high-sounding epithet to a generous quality of winq or to a pleasant amusement. ll
Without penetrating to the final depths of the problems he cou-rageously confronted,12 Plutarch did, however, succeed putting (tthe stamp of his personality ... the vast mass of the tradition which he used.»13 G. Faggin calls our fact that Plutarch, both as a philosopher and as a Delphic priest, tried to comprehend the profound and pure joy that Overcomes the soul cultual adoration. 14
LeDeant has concluded that one can find Plutarclo.'s uses of philanthrnpia all the &hades of meaning previously attested the Hellenic literature, as well as the confirmation of 3.' ",ride cunency of the term toward the end of the Firat century.16
If we do not find the notion Epictetus' «Man-ualn, the lectures of his maturity,16 we do, however, find a few sin-cere expressions adorned with the word
the Gnomologium Epicteteum ofStobaeus we l'ead:' 7 the
context of praises tu his great masters, Socrates and Diogenes of Sinope, Epictetus recommp,nds: 4,6).18
9. Lesky, cit" 820, 10. «ou ... De comm. not. quoLed by Tromp de loc. cit., 296. 11. LeDeauL, loc. cii., 290. Tromp de RuiLer, loc. cit., 298, adduces
such examples: uma appeflantur' ..
, 12. Lesky, cit., 821. QllacquareIli, La concezione della Storia Padri di S. Agostino (Roma, 1955), 13, conLends that the classicalhisto-
rians, such as Herodo(us, Thucydides, Polybius and' Plutarc.h did recognize free creativity of men shaping history. Only Chrislianity has succeeded "a dare
valoLe veramente umano alla storia; con la Lesi della resurrezionedeIla carne.» 13. Lesky, op.cit.,' 819. 14. Gillseppe FaggIn, Porfirio: L"a Lettera Anebo; Lettera Marcella
The teacher of Nicopolis Epirus taught that the yirtues of philanthropy and nobility proceed from But, the whole, Epictetean philanthropy should be taken at its face value, at
as emotionless and purely intelJectual, since he prohibits any admix-ture of the emotions, which are to be stamped out as «contrary to nature,»2U
spite of this I'igidity of the Stoic framework, Epictetus is fa-mous for his accents of true Jove for mankind-so much so, that attempts have been made to detect Christian elements his legacy,21 Indeed, he proclaims that «all men have God for Father and are bro.thers by na-tul'e,»22 still, G. Germain rightly reminds UR that all this is said a pantheistic frame mind,23
Let me r.onclude witll a real pearl of Epictetus, who showed the unmistakable authenticity of his by enjoying the view of cJ'()wds of men:
j» 4-,4).24
St, Ignatius and pseudo-ClemeJit
Second bi1jhup of Antioch, a most powerful theologian and Church leader, Ignatius suffered a spectacular martyrdom Rome, under the reign of Trajan, around the year 110,26 Even though he prefers to use the . concepts of and Ignatius could not be suspected any lack philanthropic insight or disposition simply because he never
the word his extant lettel's.. C, Spicq, a special work argues for the closeness
of meaning between and already the context of the New Tes.tament. 27 If this semantic between the two
(Paris, 1051), 279. 27. Spicq, 22: eL sont deux formes de la-
revelaLion de divine)) (cf. Rom. 5:18). The same author writes his arLicle
Divine Philanthropy
terms real, then we coulq say that, practice, the use of Smyrn. Vlz8 is almost ldentical withthe philanthropic Church relief o.ganization for the needy.
. Once, however, we find the termchrestotes (benignitas) SmYrn. Vlz9 which the twin concept to Titus 3:4, and we see, moreover, that it theologically used as an attribute of the Father who raised the flesh of Christ.3 .
This particu1aruse Qf chrestotes was otherwise perfectly fit to signify, by extension, the of flesh and spirit, divinity and l1umanity
Christ, bothbefore ancj, after the which \\'as the central issue Ignatius' polemics with his Docetic opponents. 31
. . .
.' Thefirsi link between the neo-testamental and the later sub-apostolic use have fourid the pseudo-Clementine Epistle of them;ddle Second century.32
The meaning of the first instance, stiJl very . close to the oli:l hospitality.33
Afterwards, the author sharply contrasts and saying that is motivatedby the expectation of remuneration. 34
the same premise, accordingto the substitute of St. CJement, Eros also to as being selfish.36
Very strange anddaring,irideed, is the definition - much to the
"La Philanthropie HeJlenistique», especially 178, 3, est certain que identi-fication de la et de vient du Christianisme, notammentde Gal. 3:28.»
28. PG 5, 712J3C. 29. 5,
30. Raymon I.,aflamme writes his article "Nature de la benignite divine,» Etudes Theologiques (Quebec, 1963), 22-48, especially 34: "Benignite est un agape le prochain. est de ordre de I'intention, benignite est de ordre de execution."
Friederich AugustusSchilling his thesis Mysticism. tioch (Philadelphia, 1932), under]jned Ignatius' «deep indebtedness St. Paul's I'eligious thought» 7) fighting the «Christless Christianity-Judaism» 24), propheticaJly aroused, at times, a «Ietting truth surge poetry" 39).
31. ]{oster, cit., 1070, col. 2. 32. Concerning the cate the Epistle see J. Quasten, 1,54. 33. De Petri inter peregrin, epitome Hom. OG 2, 320C. 34. PG 2,
35. /)G 2,
464 Bishop Paniel
taste of psychology nowadays - according to which would be a bi-sexual virtue. 36 Its «female» constituent would be the disinter-ested mercifulness while the should constitute (male,» active part. 37 This ambiguous simile however,perfectly una,mbiguous as far as the semantic incorporation of agape the of philanthropiais concerned. That the assimi-lation between these two terms has been achieyed at least the mind of this unknown author, we can see by his placing of philan-thropia where the agape was usually found:
. the context of your enemies» theme, pseudo-Clement adroitly connects the concept of philanthropia witb. the theme of the imitation of God,since God philanthropos who does good both the just and tb.e unjust.39 Nonetheless, according the same divine philanthropia does aboiish the diYine justice. 40
We will have wait almost two centuries order find state-ments similar that of pseudo-Clement.
Pagan tradition.
As we haye choose the most prominent writers the . pagan side, we shaJl limit our study Numeriusof Apamea, Albinus, Marcus Aurelius, Celsus and Aelius Aristides.
The Platonist Numerius41 impressed Plotinus with his original theory of divine giving, which takes nothing from the giver. 42
Specifically from the of yiew of my researcb., Numerius is of some interec.t when he reaffirms, following this the Platonic tradi-
the goodness of the deity, which for him threefoId and
36. «masculofemina». PG 2, .322C. 37. PG 2, 321C;
38. PG 2, 321C. 39. PG 2, 321D. 40. PG 2,
41. do have decide here wheihe1' Kenneth S. Guih1'ie was 1'ight 01' wrong when he ado1'ned the Middle Plaionisi Numenius the of the Fathe1' of Neo.Platonism Numerius Apamea; Fat1u3r Neo-Platonism-Works,
iography , Message, .sources and Influence (Londoi1, 1917), 97.-98, but seems very plausible that he, indeed, was «the first expJicit champion of a return Plaio» (Ibid., 193).
42. Ibid., 192. 43. Liber Ibid., 27. is
465 Divine Philanthropy
fact, not once did he apply the epithet to the God-head, but, at least, he did attach it to his master Plato, \vhose phi1an-thropic mood he opposed to the s.everity of Pythagoras and the irony of Socrates. 44 One should not exaggerate the importance of this finding, but neitl1er should anyone exclude the eventual echo of this appealing term Numenius' l>eaders., especially such attentive readers and writers r.s were Clement of Alexandria, Origen and Eusebius of Caesarea, who explicitly quoted him. 46
Albinus florished under the Antonine dynasty.46 According to John G. Milhaven, Albinus' main direction of thought followed the pla-tonic pattern, namely that (die Idee des. Guten ist an sich die erste Gott-l1eit und der erste Nous., dessen Gedanke die Realitat der ander'en Ideen konstituieren.))47
one respect Albinus might be original ':vhen he propounded an infinite ascent of the mind its way of the trans-cendence. 48
For R. \iVitt, A1binus is. an orthodOx Platonist of the Second century,49 but Cary points out that his works contain an amalgam of Platonism with Peripatetic and Stoic elements; specifically eo-platonic doctrines are merely hinted at. G
"participation» of the Second and Third Divinity the essential goodness of the
4',. 1, 9 Ibid., 67. 45. Ibid., 214-215. 46. Jo]ln G. IVIiIJlQven, DeI' Aufstieg der Seele bei Albinus (Munich, 1962), 47. Ibid., 157.
Ibid., 158. Albinus could be taken as a forerunne1' of G1'egory of Nyssa's vision the sou\'s perpetua\ progress sanctity. cf. FI'om Glory Glory .. Texts from Gregory of Nyssa's Mystical writings, selected and with an Introduction by Jean Danielou, trans. and ed. Herbert Musurillo (New York, 1961), 46. The same t]leme of the mysticaJ ascent as tInending, never static, is found and, later on, Origen. cf. Henry CIJadwick, Ch.I'istian Thought and Classical TI'adition: Studies Justin, and Origen (Oxford, 1966), 169, n. 100.
49. R. Witt. Albinus and History of Middle-Platonism (Cambridge, 1937), 124.
50. Oxford Classical Dictionary, ed. Cary, al. (Oxford, 1964), 28. Niels Hyldahl gave a rather fair presentation of the genera] situation his book
und ChI·istentum .. InterpI'etation der Einleilung zum Dialog Justins (Kopenhagen, 291: "Der mittJere Platonismus wilJ weder Mystik noch Gno-stizismus, sondern Denken sein. Seine rationa]e Tlleologie war wahrlich niC]lt reisvolJ. .. Denke1' wie Justin, Tatian (Orat. 5, 1 f.) und Klemens kQnnen sich bei weitem mit (Albinos und Attikos) messen.»
2 30
466 Bishop Daniel
chapter of his dedicated to vir-tues, the concept of philanthropia found only once, combined with
and again opposed to 51
Marcus Aurelius was praised by posterity mOre as a philosopher than as a wise !'Uler. 62 dramatic breach with mere rhetoric, order to follow the Stoic philosophy had the ring of a conversion. Ever since, his life has been the noblest commentary the precepts of Zeno. 63 Ju-
RusticuS introduced his friend an.d to the teaching Epicte-tus. 64 Stoicism, indeed, was the most popular school of philosophy his time. 66
the Meditations the concept of philanthropy found only once, but a decisive fragment dealing with the thorny problem of theodicy. The philosopher purple questioning the good and phil-anthropic order imposed by the gods, which
devout men have to die and never again to come into being. 66 Before this mystery MarCU8 Aurelius humbly bows calm resignation: «If indeed it 80, be certain of this that, if it ought to have been other-wise, the gods would have made it so.»67 Nonethelers, his philosophi-cal reticence dares to express itself by asking tragically, and still with restraint; «if indeed it not so.»66 This clause, however, does not break the submissive tone of his conclusion that (CWe should not be debating thus with the godS.»6D
spite of all Stoicself-mastery and all imperial pride, here breathes an air of natural sadness, as if coming from a deep-seated doubt the philanthropy of his gods, which there life eternal for men, not for' good ones. 60
51. Appendix continens Indices. Cura et studio Caroli Friderici Hermanni (Leipzig, 1875), 186.
52. - The Emperor Marcus Antoninus, ed. witl1 trans]ation and com-
mentary by S. J-,. Farquharson (2 vo]s.; Oxford, 1944), 53. Ibid., 265. 54. Ibid., 260. 55. Verbeke, cit., 428. 56. 5 Farquharson, cit., 238. 57. Ibid., 239. 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid. 60. If have spotted hel'e the weakness of the Stoic panacea, namely, the
ethical teaching of {which is, according J. Festugiere, Epicurus, 87,
461 Divine PJliianthropy
was. a Platonis.t pagan inteIIectual,61 the first cons.picuous Iiterary antagonis.t of the Church, writing the days Marcus. Aure-Iius.. G2 Origen, his. oId age, compos.ed an answer to CeISUS. 63
Even though one cannot find the extant fragments the use of we s.ee therein sucll clos.e notions. as-
or
shaII try indicate, in the conclusion of this chapter, the portance CeIs-us the «cold war» as- waged between pagan culture and the Chris-tian cult.
The best repres-entative the Second Sophis-tic, Aelius Aristi-des-, was- rather an artist 67 and s-howman than his-torian politicaI theo-rist. 68 However admirable the period was-, it did not produce first-rate Iiteratul'e. 69 His Rome evaluated as stiII the greatest Iiter-ary achievement existence. 7O With gross but skiIIful aduIation, Aris-tides extoIIed the oId theory that Rome has a mixture of democracy, aris-tocracy and monarchy71 and forcing the tone official optimis-m,
rooted Timaeus 90 d-e and Laws 903 b-d), yet, have reason to doubt Marcus Aurelius' sincfJri.ty aspiring to be a Stoic Sage. And according to his creed "the Sage did not :::eek to ignore the world order or to escape from the meshes of Destiny... it was precisely because he understood this order and submitted to it that he enjoyed an immutable peace."
However, Leon Shestov's Athens and Jerusalem, 307-309, can find an inspired repudiation of any worsJlip of tJle philosopJlical «eternal truths,» as being an idolatrous worsJlip of impersonal Necessity. «One cannot persuade the eterna! trutJls, one cannot move them to pity.»
61. Robert Bader, Der des Kelsos (Stuttgart, 1940), 4. 62. Amos Berry Hulen, H'10rlr the lnter-
(Scotdale, Pa., 1933), 36. 63. Bader, cit., 5. 64. Celsi, ed., Otto Glockner 1924), 8. 65. Ibid., 22. 66. Ibid., 9. 67. FI'iedrich Walter Lenz, (Berlin, 1964), 237. R.
Dodds, Greeks an.d gave the shadowy side of the portrait by wl'iting \vith his blackest ink: «...another interesting neurotic, Aelius Aristides.»
68. Aelius Aristides, Rome, translated with notes and introduction by Saul Levin (Glencoe, Illinois), 1950), 8.
69. Ibid., 5. 70. Ibid. 71. Chap. 90. James Oliver, Ruling Power: Study Roman Em-
pire Second Cenlul'y alter Christ Through Aelius tides (Philade!phia, 1953), 989. The same \vriter remarks cit., 894, "Un-
468 Bishop Daniel
sees Kthe whole wo1'ld, as a holiday.»72 The cause of this unive1'sal Qappiness wou!d be, acco1'ding to A1'istides, the impa1'tia! gene1'osity ( of the Romans to aII. 73
The concept of used again, a!ways refe1'-1'ing to the mi!d 01' humane aspect of the Roman impe1'ial l'egime. 74
Theo!ogicaIly, ascribed to a!most a!! the deities A1'istides has praised his «hymns.» Thus, Athena
as weIl as Asc!epius. 77 Acco1'ding to Fried-rich Walte1' Lenz the two «hymns» dedicated to Zeus and to Sa1'apis a1'e the most successfuJ revealing the specific religiosity of the Second century, as well as the inne1' deve!opment of this rare man. 78
Fo1' A1'istides Zeus a self-C1'eated god,79 fathe1' of all and bene-factor of aII,'G but, st1'angely enough, he neve1' acc]aimed as th,·opos. Sa1'apis, the other hand, add1'essed not as the
... but also as «the most a"vesome one» StiJJ, the term most f1'equent]y to be found his o1'a-
the Emperor, whe1'ein the 1'ule1' g]o1'ified as «divine and phiJan-thropic,»82 whose 1'heto1'icaIIy accompanied by aIl othe1' traditiona] virtues, such as
Of cOUl'se, he cou]d not for-
like Polybius, Aristides is never the defensive his admiration of Rome, and he repudiates the Polybian expectation of the eventual decay of the Roman govern-ment.»
?2. Levin, cit., 29. ?3. Chap. 98, J. Oliver, cit., 990; cf. Levin, loc. cit. ?4. Oliver, r:it., 986 and chap. 66, 98? ?S. Aristides I'ecensione, ed. Guilielmi Dindorfii, (Leipzig, 1829), 20. ?6. lbid., 51. ?? lbid., 68. ?8. F. W. Lr.nz, cit., 234. ?9. Dindorfii, cit., 2. 80. lbid., 10. 81. lbid., 93. Anton his book Der des Ailios Aris-
teides (Stuttgart, 1935), 90, interpl'ets lattel' epithet as foJlows: «Viel1eicht an diese Vol'Stellung auch die Tatsache an,dass Smyrna Sarapis und Isis
get to I'equire from an idea1 emperor versati1ity a1so. 81 Final1y, occurs twice Aristides' rhetoric exercises as the profes-
siona1 virtue of judges.88
t7'end: ]ustin, Theophilus
For his own times, Justin was a prominent phi1osophy and a set'ious pioneer theo1ogy.80 Hamman gives him credit for being the fist inte11ectual figure ab1e to acquire tlle «droit de cite» for Christian thought. OO More fami1iar ,vith t1le Bib1e than with Demosc thenes 01' Isocl'ates, his sty1e rather 1acl<:ing correctness. 91 But" a,s he sincere1y be1ieved that a11 good pagan p1li1osophers were i11umined by the same Logos,92 he 'vvas therefore appreciative enoug1l to use their 1exica1 heritage. 93 There is a1so, among othel's, the age-1ong term
which he 1inked - as a professiona1 «phi1osopller» - ,vith the tlleme of the of GOd. 94
spite of a subordinationist flavor his triado10gy· and the cosmological limitations his Christo1ogy, J ustin nonethe1ess had an «idee de genie» mal<:ing Platonism and Philonism serve the truth' Christianity.95 He fe]t not fervent love toward the prophets 'vvho were but toward a11 men, regardless of their race, if tlley receive - t,hrough Christ - a nevv circUIncision, whichwi11 make eac1l them a friend God. 91
am not the 1east astonished that such a man was first among the Apologists to quote expJicit1y the legomenon
87. 102. Marrou def'ined the "civilisation hellenico-romaine com· me une civilisation de la his Le Pedagogue, introduction, 7-97, especially 67, n. 1.
88. Aristides, 11, ed. "V. Schmid (Leipzig, 1926), 16. 89. La passe de ed. Adalbert Hamman
(Paris, 1958), 22. 90. 20. 91. 21. 92. Jbid., 24; cf. Philo, 203. 93. cf. tht index drafted by Louis Pautign)' (ed.), Justin, Apologies, texte
thropia» the N'ew Testament, namely Titus 3:4.88 God iS said to be because He spared Philanth,'opia
also a gift from the Father - thl'ough the Crucified One - together with piety, justice, faith and hope,100
Henry Chadwick a interference the fact that the New Testament \vriters did not philosophize, thus keeping the gos-pel independent of al1 the intricacies of the First century metaphysical structure.101 When the contribution of Justin, he greets
him a daring thinker, who among the eal'ly Christian theologians, «the most optimistic about the harmony of Christianity and Greek losophy.»)lo2
Theophi1us Antioch, though less acquainted ",ith the Greek paideia than Justin,103 seems, the of Gustaye Bardy, a weightier witness growing Orthodoxy, simply by the fact that he was vested with the dignity of a bishop.104
his Apology philanth,'opia appears only once, but an impor-tant passage which emphasizes the mystery of free as the way to deification.10S
Behind the latin version of St. Irenaeus' phrase, «misericors Do- et amans humanum genus)) hae,.es. 18, 6-7), the editor
F. Sagnard saw the quotation of the philanthropic verse of Titus 3-4.106 The context that the economy salyation.
attention has been, especially, attracted by the phrase: Under
trans. Jean Sender (Paris, 1948), 11. 104. Ibid. "J. 105. Ibid., 164. 106. Irenaeus, ContI'e les Livre ed. F. Sagnard (Pal'is, 1952),
324-25. Behind the twice used «miSfricorde» in Irenaeus' 60, one, at !east, may have bern or chI'estotes, Irenee de Lyon, dP. nouve]]e tl'aduction de armenien par L. Froi-devaux (Paris, 1959), 125.
107. Bruno Reynders, gI'ecs: Lexique lexle gI'ec el s'lj- de «Adpersus de II'enee (Louvain, 1954), 32.
Divine Philanthropy
the all-embracing notion of the divine here seems very much akin to the divine philanthropy, since it has been found the clearly soteriological context of Irenaeus' doctrine of reca-pitulation, which according to Gustaf oriented toward the victorious
While the scene of Second century theologizing, Marcionite and Valentinian doctrine developed, as it seems, the direction hostility towaI'd the Creat01' and the Creation109 (and the Creation is the basic presupposition a dynamic culture), Christian thought, especially Justin, dared tackle the problem of the relation-ship between the new cult and the old culture. Justin feels confi-dent as to claim tllat Christianity the primeval philosophy newly re-discovered.110
spite of this ambiguous identification of Christianity "vith the aboriginal philosophy, which would make the intermediary Greek losophy completely fact there was going the slow process of the Christianization of certain Hellenistic notions.1l2
the side of the pagan thinkers it has become clear that they must uphold the inherited Helleno-Roman culture as inseparable
108. Gustaf Wingren, Man and IncaI'natwn: Study in Biblical Theol-ogy of lrenaeus (Phj}adelphia, 1959), 193.
109. R. Grant., Gnosticism and Early Christianity (New York, 1959), 137. 110. Niels Hyldal1l, cit., 234: "Das Christentum ist... die wiedergefundellEl
UrpI1ilosophie." 111. lbid. 112. lbid., 251. Martin Werner, of Dogma (Boston,
1965), 24-25, argues that the Early Catholicism, as opposed to the eschatolo-gically aroused Apostolic age, is the product of de-esc!1atologizing and of Hellen-ization. He proposes his theory of "Consistent-Eschatology" as the key to the com-prehension of Primitive Christianjty (27). Werner's theory of "Consistent-Escha-tology" is serjously criticized by Oscar Cullmann Christ and Time: Primitive ChI'istian Conception of Time and HistoIY (London, 1962), 87. W. Turner
PatteI'n of Truth (London, 1954), 23-27, also criticizes Werner's exaggerati ns.
Th. G Chifflot writes Approches d'une tMologie de l'histoire (Paris, 1960), 19, tl1at Albert Schweitzer and Martjn Werner:
ont eu rai80n d' instister sur le fait que le salut chretien est au temps, et sur esp3rance eschatologique des premiers chretiens. Mais ont pas
que cette esperance ... est desormais, depuis Paques, fondee sur la foi a evenement du passe. Des lors, la prolongation des "derniers JQurs" n'en
change aucunement le caractere,
472 Bishop Daniel
from their pagan cult, since Justin claimed tllat they are separable.1l3
Here there ls an important correction to the basically valid sight of V. Weidle1l4 that find Marrou's statement; «Le Christia-nisisme ne cree pa.s les civilisations... les penetre, les assUme... et les modele conformement a sa perspective.nllS Thus, the ne,vly revealed divine cult would not be so much culture-producing as culture-orient-ing. Tllis aspect the disparity between cult and culture will be even more obvious with the deeper incrustation Christianity by classical culture, as took place the works Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and, later the Cappadocian Fathers.
the other hand, the intolel'ant attitude that Tatian took
rejecting Greek cnlture en bloC1l6 was facile oversimplification resulting the reduction of Christianity to a more authentic allegedly
possessed by the Barbarians contradistinction to the of the Greeks. 1l7 Such a «cutting-off» solution as is found Tatian's
(42, 1;35, 1;29) is ironicaIly enough, inspired by the best Greek tradition of Cynicism.1l8 Justin, the by refusing the simplis-t.ic exclusivism of tlle Cynics' evaluation of ,vhat is false 01' true
was able to concelve of Christianity as an entirely new
genus, superior to the Gentiles and the Jews. 120 Irenaeus, turn, appealed to reason and solid argument. 121
Chadwick argues that the «church rejected the Gnostics because they used reason too little, rathel' than because they used it too much.n122
If Justin rejects all pagan invitations to a religious syncretism,123
113. Chadwicl{, ap. cit., 30. 114. See above, 57. 115 Marrou. 66. The difference and tension between cult and culturc
was emphasized by Prince Nicholas S. Troubetzkoy his article "The ToweI' Babel and the Confusion Tongues,» VI'emennik. Russian (Berlin, 1923), 107-124, especially 120-21,
rejected as an inauthenlic adtIJteration ... any theology pure I'evelation teaching salvatioll by an arbitrary predestination the elect and the total depravity the lost, possessing criteria of rational judgment.»
123. Ibid., 13.
473 Divine Philanthropy
he nonethe1ess, wiJling to acknow1edge that the higher philosophi-cal tl'uths about God were not acquired thl'ough any diabo1ica1 agency, but that they came either through copying the writing's of Moses through divine1y given reason. 124
The main characteristic of the Church the Second century, according to Robert Grant, variety thinking,l25 «except the uniformit"jr the solid arity of Christianit,Y fig'hting the 11eathen wor1d.»126
Ce1sus rejects pl'imari1"j' the apo1ogists' doctrine of Chl'ist as the tl'ue LogoS.127 He thinks that the ancient divine Logos to be found ex-clusive1y the great inteJlectua1 achievements of the Greek genius, and not this nevv-fang1ed He revel'ses Justin's arg'u-ments and asserts that Noah's f100d bOl'rowed from the mytl1 of Deu-calion,12D and frontHlly attaclcs t11e idea of tl1e passibJe, man-befl'iending God of the OJd and New Testaments/3D by insisting tl1at God does not love man any mOl'e t11an do]phinS,l31 and that he impersona1, any-way.132 doubt Ce1sus writes with an conscience, since he a po1ytheist who knows 11e ought not to be one. 133
The issue at stake was, then, to see and to pl'ove action whether the divine power behind the officia] cu1t the gods of the EmpiI'e, 01' the cult of the Church. The pel'secutions dl'amatizecl the choice between the pagan pantheon as the fina1 point of stabiJit"jr
a wor]d of apparent1y sense]ess change, the one hand, and the Christian God, t]le initiat01' of significant change history, the other hand.134
Ce1sus fumed \Nith an angry zeal persecute t1le Christians,135
13'1. Chad'vvick, cit., 28. 132. lbid. 133. lbid. '134. R. Norris, 0/1. cit., 39. 135. Henri Jregoire. Les PeI'secutions RomaiII (Bl'ussels, 1964),
185.
474 Boshop Daniel
since fo1' him Ch1'istianity was not me1'ely a 1'eligious 1'evolution with p1'ofound social and political consequence, but essentially a movement hostile to all che1'ished cultu1'al values.136
Indeed, afte1' the outb1'eak of mob-violence against the Ch1'istian communities of Lyon and Gaul, Ma1'cus Au1'elius 1'eplied that the law must take its cou1'se 1'ega1'd to subduing the 1'eligious disobe-dience of the Ch1'istians. 137 His pe1'secution 177-180 is cha1'acte1'ized by Hen1'i G1'egoi1'e as «la p1'emie1'e... qu' puisse qualifie1' de gene1'ale.»13B This pitiless could have been made by the Empe1'o1'-Philosophe1'
the name of a total cultnal commitment as he saw it the given Festugie1'e has noticed that Ma1'cus Au1'elius was a kind of mystic, dedicated to upholding the Stoic cosmic 1'eligion.140 The Stoic Empe1'o1' sensed that Cll1'istians by accepting thei1' Ch1'ist as the
Son God 1'ejected the claim to divinity put fo1'wa1'd behalf the «vi1'tue» e.nd «fo1'tune» of Caesa1'.14l Cha1'les No1'ris Coch1'ane saw
the co1'e of the clash between the two 1'eligions the fact that the Ch1'istians dissociated themselves «f1'om the 110pes and fea1's embodied
the Augustan
Niels uldahl pointed out that Justin's means «cultu1'e» 01' «civilization,»143 and think that stands fo1' «cult», which is a highe1' sac1'amental level of life .144 This «myste1'ial», cultual o1'ientation Justin's use of the Middle Platonic te1'minology explains the infusion of a new Ch1'istian content into it. 145 Aelius A1'is-tides, f1'om the opposite camp, bea1's witness to a cnltual meaning the
136. Chadwick, cit., 25. 137. Farquharson, cit., 267. 138. Gregoire, cit., 247 Farquharson, ibid., the contrary, thought
tllat it was a local perseclltion. Gabriel Germain, cit., 157, finds a reason for being cruel the imperial purple itself. For the Christian Emperors, as well. This explanation seems to m," unfair both toward the pagan and the Christian Emperors of Rome, w110 were not persecutors.
139. G. Germain, loc. cit., argues that for Marcus Aurelius Christians seemed to be against the universal Reason he worshipped.
140. Festugiere, Epicurus, 88. 141. Char]es Norris Cochrane, Christianity and Culture (New York,
pagan ritual meal the temple of Sarapis,146 and, general, to a tality of the culture.
Neither should we overlook the opposition between the aristo-cratic stamp of the pagan cult, embodied, at its best, the «chapels» of the traditional «sects» of philosophers and tlle mystery sodalities, open to the happy few,147 and the Cllristian cu1t, incarnate the Church, which according to Justin, the primeval philosophy now accessible to al1.148 Amos Berry Hulen concluded, rightl)' m)' view, that Celsus' contempt for the common people disqualified him for judgments of a purely religious character, which are entirely independent of formal education.140
autllo1'ity the Second centUl')', Robert Grant, gives tlle appl'opriate over-all conclusion wllen he says that «the speculations of the Alexandrians before Clement had little influence elsewhere, and indeed we see at its best not Egypt witll tlle philos-ophers, but at Rome, at Smyrna and Scilli, witll the martyrs.»160
be continued)
146. Anton cit., 95: "Das Sarapismahl selbst ist ohne Zweifel eine sakrale Begehung Michael 1. Rostovlzeff his Mentality
Hellenistic Wol,ld and tlU3 Alter-.Life, Ingersoll for the Academic Year 1937-1938 at Harvard University, argues that "the of Sarapis was a state
Its Egyptian counterpart, the religion of Osiris, was never a mystery cult. ...The Oriental religions were lransformed mystery religions by Greeks ...
ity and Ancient P11ilosophy according' to St. Justin's Apologies,» Studia Theolo- 167-68. 149, Hulen, cit" 37, 150. Grant, Second-century Christianity, 17.
