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Sergio Tasso Vasquez de AquinoCaptain, Brazilian NavyInternational Senior Fellow

90 11i 20 004

The International

Communist Movement:

Origins and Trends

The InternationalCommunist Movement:,

Origins and Trends

by

Accesion

-ForSergio Tasso Visquez de Aquino NTIS CRA&ICaptain, Brazilian Navy OTIC TABInternational Senior Fellow U..'u.e

Justification

By 2Y)4

Avalabl,,,y Ccz~es

1985Dist Avail and I rSpecial

Research and Publication Directorate -A-1National Defense UniversityFort Lesley J. McNairWashington, DC 20319-6000

Statement "A" per telecon George Maerz.National Defense University Press!NDU-NSS-RD. Ft. McNair, lqashington, DC20319-6000.

VHG 11/28/90

Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied withinare solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of theNational Defense University, the Department of Defense, the Inter-AmericanDefense College, or any other agency of either the US or Brazilian government.

Unless otherwise stated, NDU Press publications are not copyrighted andmay be quoted or reprinted without permission. Please give full publicationcredit.

Contents

Foreword - vii

Author's Preface - ix

1. Origins and Philosophical Basis of the Communist Movement.

2. The Principal Radiating Centers of Communism * 5

The Action of the USSR and Sovietism * 5The Action of the PRC and Maoism .The Action of Cuba and Castroism e 10Trotskyism and the Action of Other Extreme

Left Groups e 15

3. The International Communist Movement's Goal of WorldDomination - 17

The "Armed Way" . 17The "Peaceful" Methods a 20

4. A Global Panorama of the International Communist Movement- 27

A Survey of Communist Objectives andStrategies * 27

The International Policy of the USSR * 31The Sino-Soviet Conflict - 35The International Policy of the PRC * 3t

5. The Expansion of Soviet Naval Power and Its Implications • 39

The Historical Importance of the Mastery ofthe Sea * 39

The Dependence of the Western World onthe Sea ° 41

The Threat Posed by Growing Soviet NavalPower e 42

The I ssons for the Future * 44

6. Transfer of Power in the USSR and in the PRC . 47

Power and Succession in tne Totalitarian States • 47The PRC and the Succession of Mao Tse-tung • 48The USSR and the Succession of Leonid

Brezhnev • 52

7. Closing Observations - .57

The World We Live In - 57The Role of the Armed Forces in the Free World * 58Democracy: A Conscious Option and Its

Implications 6 61

The Author * L,5

Special Credits ov

vi

Foreword

Although some Westerners no longer view communism as aworldwide, monolithic movement, there is no proof that leaders of thecommunist states have surrendered their announced goal of worlddomination. The Soviets continue to expand geographically even as theycontinue to preach "peaceful coexistence." China, focusing on internaldevelopment, has not been is outwardly aggressive as the USSR, butChinese leaders still publicly adhere to Maoist principles calling for globalrevolution. Cuba has been particularly active in communistexpansionism, encouraging and supporting revolutions in Africa, LatinAmerica, and the Caribbean, both as its own agent and as a Soviet proxy.

In this report, Captain Sergio Tasso V~squez de Aquino, BrazilianNavy, offers his view of the objectives, strategies, and tactics of theInternational Communist Movement. He focuses on Moscow, Beijing,and Havana as the centers from which communist activities spread. Bydescribing the transfer of power within the Soviet Union and China,Captain Tasso reveals much about communist political systems. CaptainTasso also dis'usses the role of the Latin American military as the last lineof defense &Zain-,t communist expansion in Latin America. His is not adetached, acacemic study of communist actions and motives. Rather, it isa summary of the personal observations and beliefs of a thoughtful manwho hopes to preserve democracy and freedom for his nation andcontinent.

Frederick T. Kiley (Director, Research and PublicationNational Defense University

ii

Author's Preface

This paper contains information concerning the worldwide action ofcommunism that I, personally, have gathered in my day-to-day work overan extended period. As an International Research Fellow, my purpose inwriting this report is to present objectively to the National DefenseUniversity the result of my observations.

My intention is to analyze the action of the International CommunistMovement (ICM) according to its general guidelines on all continents. Asa basic orientation, ample historical consideration is given to aspects ofcommunism and socialism throughout the world. Likewise, considerationis given to the main characteristics of communist actions in the strugglefor power through "peaceful" or parliamentary means, or through armedaggression.

It is important to point out that the concepts and viewpointsexpressed are highly influenced by my previous experiences. Thus, theemphasis placed on the matters being analyzed will necessarily be inaccordance with the opinions and thoughts of a Navy officer, a militaryman, and a Brazilian citizen.

ix

The InternationalCommunist Movement:

Origins and Trends

Origins and Philosophical Basisof the Communist MovementThe struggle between individualism and totalitarianism has

manifested itself since the beginning of '..iman society, when the Statewas organized. An example of this can be found by looking at AncientGreece and city-states such as Athens. In that "cradle of democracy," onealso finds a land of tyrants. It was there and then that Plato, as far as weknow, appears as the first thinker to announce the idea of a socialistsociety in which all wealth, women, and children would belong to thecommonwealth as a whole. This expression is found in his book TheRepu blic.

After a long period of history, we reach Europe in the middle of the19th ce 'tury and the development of Marxism. Marxist theory was firstexpres, ed in the 1848 edition of the Communist Manifesto, written by KarlMarx and iriedrich Engels.

In order to understand the phenomenon of Marxism, one mustexamine the conditions out of which it emerged. In Europe, as a result ofthe great maritime discoveries, the mercantile idea had been implanted.According to mercantile theory, the wealth of nations would be expressedby an accumulation of precious metals or as a result of a positive balanceof payments in trade. Thus, some colonial nations, such as Portugal andSpain, would only concern themselves with piling up gold and silver fromthe mines of the New World. Other nations, possessing no colonies with awealth of precious metals-England, France, and the German states-began to develop early industries, the products of which weretransformed into hard currency. The result was the mercantilephenomenon of a positive balance of trade payments in these nations. Weare all aware of the route followed by Brazilian gold, for example, fromthe colony to Lisbon and from there almost directly to London. Thismercantile system served as the basis of the Industrial Revolution.

Mercantilism coincided with the consolidation of the large nationalstates. The period was also characterized by the widespread practice ofinterventionism. History, as we know it, is cyclical. Thus, thisinterventionist and mercantilist stage was followed by a classicaleconomic period. Its initial phase was that of the physiocrats, "laissez-faire," and "laissez-passer." In this phase it was believed that the invisiblehand of Divine Providence would dominate all activities and that,therefore, the state should not intervene. In other words, the sum ofgroup and individual successes would necessarily lead to overall well-being.

During the period in which the mercantile philosophy ruled, therewas a great class difference in countries that developed industrialstrength. I he holders of capital-emerging capitalists, landowners, andindustrialists-possessed the unquestionable authority ofdecisionmaking. The large mass of wage earners-the emergingproletariat, who replaced the guildsmen of medieval times-had verypoor living conditions. Such an environment provided for the birth ofKarl Marx's socialist thinking.

Karl Marx's contribution should have been, primarily, his economicinterpretation of history. In this he was a pioneer. But he also introducedthe concept of class struggle. He stated that throughout the history ofhumanity there had been unjust social relation3 in terms of oppressorsand oppressed, exploiters and exploited, free men and servants,employers and employed, nobles and plebeians. He condemned societydivided by classes and proposed the l-'rth of a classless state, where theproletariat would predominate. This " .: the idea of the "dictatorship ofthe proletariat," later to be developed more completely by Lenin.

Marx tried to characterize his ideas as scientific-the product of acomplicated and convoluted thought process, explaining all events, basedon a reversal of Hegel's idealism. Thus, h .ated that he possessed theanswer of "scientific socialism" while attributing to his predecessors-Proudhon, Fourier, Louis Blanc, and others-the concept of "utopiansocialism."

Marxist thinking is a cosmic or global vision, claiming to explain allphenomena of social and natural life. Thus, it is essentially dynamic: aprocess, which produces continuous change. A thesis-a givensituation-is opposed by an antithesis, and from the interaction of thesethere is an outcome-a synthesis. This, in turn, will be faced by a newantithesis, and so forth successively.

According to his principles, Marx defined a socialist society as one inwhich each person would contribute according to his capacity and wouldreceive according to his work. To him, this would be a necessary stagepreceding the great communist society, in which each would contributeaccording to his capacity and would receive according to his need. Thus,following his dialectic thinking, the final great synthesis would occur.

He proposed a permanent class struggle and said that first, theproletariat of each country should struggle to destroy its c. intry'sbourgeoisie. Later, worldwide, the colonized nations would rise againstthe imperialist nations, reducing them to rubble.

2

Marx admitted that the passage to socialism and onward to the"dictatorship of the proletariat" would not take place in a gentle manner.Instead it would take the form of revolution, inasmuch as the bourgeoisiewould not give up its privileges except through violence. He and his laterfollowers were sure of the inexorability of the evolution of this historicalprocess. It was a natural corollary of the previous stages: absolutemonarchy or power of the king, followed by constitutional monarchy orpower of the nobles as a force opposing the king, followed by bourgeoisdemocracy as produced by the American Revolution of 1776 and theFrench Revolution of 1789. The last and definitive stage, according to theMarxists, would be power of the simple people or proletariat.

Marx also said that his socialist revolution would take place amongthe most developed nations of Europe, that is, the industrialized nationsand those containing the conscious "labor force." The historical facts beliehim however, inasmuch as the modern, industrialized nat.ons of ourcontemporary world are providing their workers with rather stable,legitimate, and dignified societies within the capitalist system. Thesesocieties are led by the Christian inspiration of the dignity of man, soaptly taught by the true social doctrine of the Church. This doctrine canbe found in the "Rerum Novarum" (1891), "hnortale Dei" (1885), and"Libertas" (1888), the Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII, in which he proposes anunderstanding between capital and labor, not a class struggle. In thisdocument, he also proposes that the social function of private property inthe production of wealth is naturai and necessary. The document alsocontains an exact concept of freedoms, principles, and norms that shouldprevail in the constitution of states for the just realization of man as anintegral being on earth. The ideas established by"Rerum Novarum" wereupdated by the"Quadragesimo Anno" (Pio XI), "Mater et Magistra" (JohnXXIII), "Populorum Progresso" (Paul VI), and more recent Pontificaldeclarations. These ideas are all developed within the true concept ofdemocracy, derived from the affirmation of the instrinsic dignity of manand the search for common well-being. This emphasis is the greatcontribution of Christianity to the political life of men (as exemplified bysuch men as Saint Paul, Saint Augustine, and Saint Thomas Aquinas).

As an example of the great contradictions of applied Marxistthinking, it was in Tzarist Russia, a country still living in the medieval erawith a backward social and economic system and a weak and voicelesslabor force, that the first Marxist state was established. There, as in allother examples of communist takeover, the workers were not the leadersof the revolution. Instead, the leaders were children of the bourgeoisiewho, while denying their origins, became the spokesmen andprotagonists of violence and radical change. The Communist Party-the"vanguard of the proletariat"-according to Marxist practice rather than

3

theory, takes power and then, instead of eliminating classes, creates anew class, possessing all privileges and composed of the bureaucraticcadres of the party.

4

2The Principal Radiating Centers ofCommunism

The Action of the USSR and Sovietism

As previously noted, Russia at the end of the 19th century was stillliving in the Middle Ages. It had not obtained any benefits from the greatevents that marked the history of the rest of Europe, never experiencing,for example, the effects of the Renaissance. Russians had a historical fearof "encirclement" and an enormous distrust of Europe, resulting frompast invasions from the West. First came the Vikings, then the TeutonicKnights, then the Catholic Polish, later Charles XII from Sweden, andmore recently Napoleon Bonaparte. Finally, now as the USSR, 'IcRussians were victimized by the Nazi invasion of World War II.

The Russian encirc'ement complex and a living memory of the"scorched land" campaigns in defense of "Mother Russia," with theirheavy toll in human lives, determined Russia's isolation during a longperiod of its history. On the other hand, religious conditions dictated byRussia's Orthodox Church, with its Byzantine origin, added to thisdistrust of the West by making its people suspicious of the Latin worldand Western Europe as a whole. This psychological context plus Russianfatalism, the love of the land, and subservience to the landowners,partially explain the success of the Bolshevik revolution and theintroduction of Marxism in a country that Marx himself had considered"backward" and "barbaric." He believed it had not yet reached asufficiently developed stage to absorb the ideology of "scientificsocialism." Other factors contributing to the revolution were thewidespread corruption among the noblemen, the mistreatment of thecommon people, and Lenin's leadership. Lenin, thanks to his superiorparty organization and lightning strikes, succeeded in pushing asideKerensky and his Menshevist majority. The Bolsheviks' political takeoverof Russia in 1917 was the first striking example of their organizationalskills.

Within the Russian encirclement complex we also find the reasonwhy the Soviets, soon after World War II, took over the Eastern Europeannations that today form part of their empire. We could say that theirobjective was to obtain a defense perimeter to the west, beyond the Sovietborder. Those countries became buffer states, to act as an advanceddefense of Soviet territory against eventual attacks from Westernnations. In order to support this hypothesis and give authenticity to it,

one may point out what happened to the political uprisings in Hungary in1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968. These uprisings were cruelly crushedby the Soviet Union without regard to world opinion. The Soviets did noteven take into account the possibility of a breakdown of the CommunistMovement, which eventually did occur during the invasion of Prague byWarsaw Pact troops.

The importance of Hungary and Czechoslovakia lies in theirstrategik position between Russia's most dreaded European enemy,Germany, and the borders of the Soviet Union. The Soviets' fear of theGermans is such that one of their main objectives is to prevent Germanreunification. Even a resulting German communist state would not be inthe interest of the Soviet Union; the Soviet communists simply do notwant to see a new, powerful Germany.

It is of interest to note that the guideline for action sponsored by theSoviet communists is called "massism," that is, the use of urban masses toimpose through pressure and power their own viewpoints. According tothis thinking, by guiding and inducting these masses the CommunistParty would always be the "vanguard of the urban workers." In otherwords, revolution would take place through the action of urban workersin response to political brain-washing by the communists.

A major emphasis is given to political action. Propaganda, agitation,and psycho-social warfare are part of it. Faithful to Lenin's teachings,which condemned the "infantilism of the left" of those extremerevoluntionary groups that had chosen the "armed route" for buildingsocialism, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) remains tothis day critical of the "adventurism" of guerrilla groups. This is,however, a position of convenience, intended to provide the USSR withan international image of respectability as a state and, by so doing,facilitate its worldwide subversive action.

Soviet interference in armed subversive movements has, in fact,been fully proven. The Soviets monitor, support, and finance subversion,particularly in Latin America through Cuban proxy. Officially, however,the orthodox communist parties, obedient to Moscow, condemn guerrillaaction in their own nations, trying to disengage themselves and theSoviet Union from the negative effects of these terrorist groups'misdeeds.

Another explanation for the USSR's apparent criticism of guerillawarfare is its concern with maintaining "peaceful coexistence," "detente,"and cooperation among the democratic and communist social systems.This political situation, which the Soviets created, greatly benefits their

6

search for world domination. The USSR, through its policy of"peacefulcoexistence" and "detente," instilled a pacific attitude in the Westernnations, leading them to disarmament and to the erroneous convictionthat a threat of confrontation with the communist bloc no longer exists,that the USSR is no longer interested in enslaving the world to its Redideology.

In truth, however, the Soviet spokesmen themselves make it veryclear that "peaceful coexistence" as they practice it will never precludeideological struggle, which would end only when communism has takenover the whole world. Along these lines, the 23rd Congress of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union said, "The Soviet Union's foreignpolicy has as its objective the development of favorable internationalconditions for the building of socialism and communism .... Under thepresent conditions, in which the aggressive forces of imperialism inciteinternational tension and develop warfare postures, the CommunistParty will continue to raise the vigilance of the Soviet people andstrengthen the defensive power of our Country, so that the ArmedForces of the Soviet Union should be always ready to firmly defend theconquests of socialism and respond thoroughly to any imperialistaggressor.* These words of yesterday are still appropriate today.

The USSR today-the inheritor of Tzarist Russia's expansionistvision-as a result of the correcting tendencies imposed by Stalin inopposition to Trotsky's international orientation, uses the Marxistideology primarily as a means of affirming national power and achievingthe nation's objectives as a great power. The "great Russia" is still seekingPan-Slavism under the Russian aegis. Confirmation of the USSR'shegemonistic tendencies can be found in at least six historical events. (1)in 1922, the establishment of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Rupublics,in which the Russian Federation imposed its own language, customs,ethics, and interests upon all the other fourteen Republics; (2) during andafter World War Ii, the annexation of the Baltic Republics by the USSRand the creation of the "community of Socialist States in Eastern Europe"by the force of the Red Army; (3) in 1953, the use of Soviet forces to quelluprisings in East Germany; (4) in 1956, the use of Soviet forces to end theanti-communist revolt in Hungary; (5) in 1968, the domination ofCzechoslovakia (this was later defined as "limited sovereignty" under theBrezhnev Doctrine-the license to employ the Armed Forces of the USSRin the defense of "socialist conquests"); and finally, (6) in 1980, the threatof intervention and use of national armed forces in Poland to crush"Solidarity," the Christian, democratic labor movement.

*From the Report of the CC of the CF on 8 April 1966.

7

The Action of the PRC and Maoism

During the 19th century and the early years of the 20th century,China was, for all practical purposes, a no-man's land. Japan and the greatnations of Western Europe possessed territorial enclaves in the country.After proclaiming the Republic in 1911, Dr. Sung Yat-sen set out to unifyChina. His immediate lieutenant, and also a relative, was Chiang Kai-shek. Confirming its growing interest in China, the USSR invited ChiangKai-shek to take a course in the Soviet Military Academy in 1923, wherehe remained for a few months. The USSR noticed China's growingantagonism toward Western powers as a result of their previousoccupation of Chinese territories (the "concessions"). The USSR tookadvantage of this antagonism and pretended a disinterested friendshiptoward the Chinese.

An important ever, ring these early years of the Chinese Republicwas the establishment of the Chinese Communist Party by Mao Tse-tung in July 1921. Mao's views were later to be transformed intoobligatory-and the only-reading in the schools, communities,factories, army quarters, farms, and libraries of China. In these worksMao established a new doctrine. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, asproposed in these writings, became the bible for Chinese communists andtheir followers throughout the world. The most famous of Mao's writingis the "Little Red Book."

In China's history there was always a latent antagonism towardJapan, periodically flaring up into confrontation. In 1931 Japan invadedManchuria, and war was formally declared in 1937. With the Japaneseinvasion of Chinese territory, a second United Front was establishedbetween the Nationalist Party (Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang) and theChinese Communist Party. The first United Front had been formed in1924 but had lasted only until 1927, followed by the first civil warbetween nationalists and communists. The secont United Front lasted theentire period of the war with Japan, 1937-1945.

At the end of the war, the communists took advantage of theweapons and logistic support provided by the Soviets stationed inManchuria. (The USSR had conquered Manchuria during its shortparticipation in the war against Japan.) Using this support, Mao Tse-tungcame out of isolation, started a successful offensive against thenationalist armies, and succeeded in expelling them from the continentalterritory. The beaten Kuomintang troops, led by Chiang Kai-shek,withdrew to the island of Formosa, or Taiwan. On 1 October 1949 thePeople's Republic of China (PRC) was proclaimed on the mainland by thevictorious communists, and the Chinese nation was divided into twoantagonistic states.

-1

Mao Tse-tung adapted his Marxist revolution to a predominantlyrural Chinese environment. Thus, contrary to the Soviet model, theMaoist revolution is characterized by its "armed route": the siege andconquest of the cities by rising peasant masses, guided by the CommunistParty. Once the process of national communization was sold to theChinese masses, the Chinese leader extended his revoluntionary theoryto the world, preaching the need for "armed insurgency" on the"planetary countryside." This countryside was composed of the poormasses in developing nations, as opposed to the "planetary cities"-thecapitalist, rich, and industrialized countries. In harmony with these ideas,Mao developed the concept of the "Three Worlds." The first wascomposed of the developed capitalist nations; the second was the"Community of Socialist States"; and the third was the mass of poor,developing countries, most of which lay south of the Equator.

In early 1956 the growing Chinese antagonism toward the USSR ledMao to redefine his Three Worlds. The first was now composed of thetwo superpowers, the USSR and the United States, which, according toMao, sought to divide the world between themselves to satisf , their owninterests of hegemony. The second world consisted of the developedsocialist and capitalist countries, and the third included poorer countriesstill in the development stage. China included itself among the developingcountries. Thus, the Chinese wished to assume the posture of championsof the Third World by stating that they, too, were under-developed. Theyalleged that their foreign policy was based on two principles: "the supportof the just cause of the peoples of the world in their struggle for freedomand independence" and the need "to denounce interference of greatpowers in the internal affairs of other nations." Such declarations arequite welcome among the nations of the Third World.

The PRC, in recruiting international support against the USSR,pledged obedience to Mao's "Five Principles." These had first beenproposed in 1955, when the movement of non-aligned nations wasestablished during the Bandung Conference. These principles are asfollows:

-Respect of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states.

-Non-aggression.

-Non-interference in the internal affairs of other states.

-Equality and mutual advantages in economic relations.

-Peaceful coexistence.

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The events following Khrushchev's speech before the 20th Congressof the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, together withKhrushchev's support of peaceful coexistence, caused the total breakbetween the USSR and the PRC. In his speech at the 20th Congress,Khrushchev had "demystified" Stalin and revealed the latter's heinouscrimes during his long administration. After 1956, Mao Tse-tungconsidered the USSR as his main enemy and the probable origin of anattack against China in the very near future. War against the capitalistworld would be postponed to a later stage.

Deprived of technical assistance and economic aid from the USSRand having to stress internal ideological control over the Chinese peoplein order to prepare them for war against "the enemy from the North,"Mao Tse-tung determined China's isolation. The most critical phase ofthis isolation was the "Great Cultural Revolution," from 1965 to 1969,during which many excesses were committed under the aegis of doctrinalpurity. Earlier, between 1958 and 1960, another frustrated movementhad taken place. It was called the "Great Leap Forward," following theSoviet model of rapid industrialization and characterized in China by"backyard smelters." During this period, Maoism turned itself todeveloping China into a great power. This attempt by China at "walkingon its own legs" led the Soviets to accuse the Chinese of being"chauvinistic" and "nationalistic."

With the excesses and terrors of the "Cultural Revolution" over,China opened up to the world after 1970. Its foreign policy focused ongaining admission to the United Nations, which finally took place in 1971,and generalized diplomatic recognition. Such recognition always tookplace under the condition that the other party would break its diplomaticrelations with Taiwan. Today more than a hundred nations have fullrelations with Peking, and China is now a member of the majority ofinternational organizations. The decisive action in this process wasPresident Nixon's visit to China in February 1972 (which followed theinitial steps taken in what became known as the "ping-pong diplomacy")and the re-establishment of dialogue between the United States and thePRC.

The Action of Cuba and Castroism

The third important center of the Communist Movement isCastroist Cuba. Many scholars who have studied internationalcommunism refuse to consider that Cuba ever may have been anindependent center of the Communist Movement. I think this ideadeserves to be discussed.

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From its beginning in 1959, the Cuban revolution declared itselfnationalistic, and it was revealed as communist only in 1961. We allremember the support given by the South American continent to FidelCastro. He had demolished "the corrupt dictatorship of FulgencioBatista," and he triumphantly toured the capitals of the Americas afterhis victory. He was received as a hero by the various governments andpeoples.

But gradually, as he settled himself more firmly in power byeliminating all possible domestic opposition through a regime of terror,Castro discarded his nationalist disguise and adopted positions that weremore and moie ii, line with those of the International CommunistMovement. In May 1961 Cuba was declared a Socialist Republic, and on 2December of the same year Fidel Castro stated publicly that he was aMarxist-Leninist and had been one all his life. The Bay of Pigs incident in1961, in which anti-communist Cubans failed in an attempt to reconquerthe island, served as a pretext for Castro to draw closer to the worldcenters of communism, the USSR and the PRC, and to establish his policyof "exporting revolution."

Cuba occupies a strategic position in the very heart of the Americas, afew miles from the coast of the United States. Therefore, the USSR andthe PRC, already in a state of open dissension, started to struggle overFidel Castro's loyalty. Initially, the USSR had the advantage. Perhaps thiswas due to the influence of Castro's brother Raul, former militant of theWorld Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY), a pro-Soviet front.Taking advantage of the early Soviet influence, Nikita Khrushchevdecided to implant offensive weapons in Cuba, directed against theUnited States. This was a rash decision, one he repented when he wasforced to withdraw the weapons in October 1962, ending the well-known"missile crisis."

The PRC perceived that Fidel Castro was irritated at not having beenconsidered a valid spokesman in the dispute between Washington andMoscow, even though he might be considered the main interested party.So the Chinese turned Castro's irritation with the USSR to its ownadvantage. The Chinese were also encouraged by the resemblance, indoctrinal terms, between the Maoist revolutionary model and the Cubanthesis of "exporting guerrilla warfare." However, Peking's influence wasbrief. The PRC was quite far away and had few possibilities for helpingCuba economically. Fidel Castro realigned himself progressively moreunder the aegis of Moscow. The economic linkage of Cuba to the USSR in1962, considerably accelerated as of 1968 with the daily injection ofmillions of dollars of Soviet resources, came to determine the course ofthe Castro regime's foreign policy as well as its international operations.

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Having chosen the "armed route" for building socialism, Castroprovided an indubitably charismatic leadership for the militant Marxistgroups of the Third World. The Cuban model, contrary to the Maoistemphasis on a general uprising of the peasants, stressed the effectivenessof guerrilla groups placed strategically inside target countries. Thesewould serve as catalysts for broader revolutionary movements. This wasin accordance with Regis Debray's theory of the "foci.*

The failure of "Che" Guevara in Bolivia in 1967 caused a newdirection in Cuban-inspired guerrilla warfare; it began to have an urbanfocus. Acting within the environment of the large cities, the extremistgroups easily obtained logistical facilities of all kinds. They could obtainfinancial resources through kidnappings and acts of "expropriation"against banks. Weapons, munitions, communications, and medicalsupplies could be obtained through armed action against militarybarracks, hospitals, and other facilities. At the same time, the actions ofthe security forces responsible for maintaining law and order becamemore difficult; the guerrillas could disappear quickly among the commoncitizens. The great theoretician of urban guerrilla warfare was theBrazilian Carlos Marighela, who wrote the Mininianual of the UrbanGuerrilla. This communist came under Castroist influence after havingrebelled against the "pacificist" orientation of the Brazilian CommunistParty, which had been obedient to the "detente" orientation of Moscow.

Cuba became, in fact, the third main center for the spread ofcommunism as a result of the charismatic personality of Fidel Castro andthe indubitable leadership he achieved among the subversive groups ofthe Third World. In spite of Cuba's suffocating economic dependence onMoscow, Castro, unlike the governmental heads of other Sovietsatellites, had his own ideas concerning the export of revolution to otherparts of the world. He took actions that openly contradicted Soviet ideas,particularly when the Soviet Union was emphasizing detente as the wayto achieve its goals in international relations.

In any case, Cuba had become linked to a power outside theAmericas. This fact, plus the proven interference by Havana in theinternal affairs of the American states, seriously threatening theirsurvival as independent states, clearly violated the principles defended bythe Charter of the Organization of the American States (OAS) and by theInter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (TATRA). In view of this,the Eighth Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of theContinent, held in Punta del Este in 1962, voted to exclude the

*At present, Regis Debray is a high official of the socialist government ofPresident Miterrand in France.

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government of Cuba from the Inter-American Organization.* Venezuelaformally and officially denounced Cuba for training and guiding guerrillagroups that endangered the social and political structures of theVenezuelan nation. Such sponsorship constituted clear aggressionagainst a country of the South American continent.

Analysis of the abundant documentation concerning Cuba'sdisruptive action on the continent prompted the InvestigatingCommission named by the Permanent Council of the OAS to analyzeVenezuela's denunciation of the Castro regime. On 18 February 1964 theCommission stated,

The present government of Cuba, from its installation in 1959, hasbeen carrying out, sponsoring and directing, in various forms, a policyof intervention in the Continent, by means of propaganda,assignment of resources, trair, ng for sabotage and guerrillaoperations, and supply of arms, in order to support the movementswhich intend to subvert national institutions by force, in order toimplant Communist regimes.

In view of this, the Ninth Meeting of Consultation of Ministers ofForeign Affairs, held in Washington from 21 to 26 July 1964, resolved toapply sanctions to Castroist Cuba in the following terms. (Only Mexicodid not comply with the resolution).

a) To condemn the government of Castro as an aggressor andinterventionist in the internal affairs of other States, violating theirterritory and sovereignty;

b) To agree to suspend diplomatic, counsular, and trade relationswith the Castro regime;

c) To establish an economic blockade as sanction, in view of theCastroist intervention.

Continuing and increasing his nefarious and criminal actions againststates that did not follow the Red creed, Fidel Castro convened the FirstTricontinental Conference in Havana in January 1966. This conferenceresulted in the creation of the Latin American Solidarity Organization(OLAS), directed at instilling the germs of subversion and guerrillawarfare in the countries of the South American continent. However, theCuban leader had much more ambitious dreams. He created theSolidarity Organization of the Peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America(OSPAAAL) in order to export his revolutionary action throughout thedeveloping world, whose nations are mainly in those three continents.This exportation started right away through "Venceremos" and"Venceremitos" brigades, the "Students for a Democratic Society" in the

*Thus, the sanction was not applied against the Cuban nation as such.

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United States, and infiltration into the "Free Quebec" movement inCanada and the Irish Republican Army (IRA). The secret resolutions ofthe First Tricontinental were leaked to the West by brave Cuban patriots.These resolutions clearly indicate the will to promote violent destructionof democratic societies. The main target is youth, to be mobilized inaccordance with the values of Marxism or destroyed through violence,pornography, and drug addiction. One document suggests that leadersshould "resolutely support the campaign in favor of the drug addict,standing on the principle of respect of individual, . . . combining thepromotion of fear of atomic war with pacifism and demoralizing of youthby means of stimulating them to hallucinogenic substances."*

The interest of the USSR in attempting to give credibility to detentewhile also weakening the OAS and neutralizing the IATRA led it topressure Fidel Castro to moderate his verbal incontinence, his promisesand acts of revolution in Latin America, and his attacks on the UnitedStates. The Soviets hoped to induce the countries of the WesternHemisphere to ease economic sanctions against Cuba. This would freethe USSR from the heavy onus of sustaining Cuba's failing economy andwould promote the gradual reincorporation of the Castro regime into theinter-American system. In this way, Cuba might erode the defensiveunity of the American continents from the inside.

Thus, the total dependence of the Cuban economy on the USSReventually caused Castro's loss of autonomy. More and more he had toaccount for his revolutionary acts and subordinate them, in generalterms, to the dictates of the Soviets. This was dramatically emphasizedwhen an expeditionary force of approximately 40,000 Cubans was sent toAfrica as an arm of Soviet imperialism, guaranteeing the conquest of somany strategically located countries-Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia,the Republic of the Congo, and others-for the Soviet sphere ofinfluence.

On the other hand, Soviet aloofness toward guerrilla warfare hasbeen more for propaganda purposes than real ones. The CubanDirectorate General of Intelligence (DGI) and its "Department ofNational Liberation" are guided by Soviet specialists of the KGB and theGRU. One must not seek a sense of coherence-by Western standards-in Soviet actions. The Soviets' main objective is total political control overthe world. Their actions, however contradictory they may appear at agiven time, contribute to the achievement of long-term aims.

Secret Resolution of the First Tricontinental of Havana concerning the UnitedStates.

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Trotskyism and the Action ofOther Extreme Left Groups

At the present time, the great centers for the export of communismare somewhat hampered in their direct subversive action. Their stateinterests demand that they maintain certain postures that aredetrimental to the more conventional pro-Moscow and pro-Pekingcommunist parties throughout the world in order to assist in theresurgence of the Trotskyist phenomenon.

The Fourth International, created by Trotsky after he had lost thepower struggle in the USSR to Stalin, supports the theory of theinternational "permanent revolution." Outlawed in the USSR andwithout any connection to a national state, the Fourth Internationalenjoys a freedom of doctrine and action much broader than that ofcommunist parties that obey Moscow, Peking, or Havana. It has alwayssuffered from acute internal divisions, which weakened it by splitting itinto many varied groups, each one affirming that it is the faithfulinterpreter of Trotsky's thinking. On the other hand, its ranks have beenincreased by extremist revolutionaries who, disillusioned, deserted fromthe ranks of the traditional communist parties. The extremists felt thatthe traditional parties were "becoming bourgeois and renouncing therevolution, turning revisionist."

This growth of Trotskyist groups has been observed in LatinAmerica, where the appeal of the idealist-romantic is very strong amongthe younger revolutionaries. Trotskyist influence was strong in theformation of the Revolutionary People's Army (ERP) of Argentina. TheERP became the apex of the terrorist movement in South America. Thisgroup was set up as the core of the Revolutionary Coordination Board,which includes guerrilla groups of other countries, such as theTrupamaros in Uruguay, the MIR in Chile, the ELN in Bolivia, and theALN in Brazil. All these groups follow the orientation of the WorldCongress of Guerrillas, held in Colombia in April 1973, and they grow outof the close association of the Cuban DGI and the Soviet KGB throughthe Revolutionary Congress for Latin America (CRAL). It is clear that inspite of serious ideological differences the different communist groupsunite in their common goal of destroying peace, freedom, and democracyas we understand them.

Worldwide, the Trotskyists make use of available means to achievetheir goals. They manipulate the national liberation movements in theThird World, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), andtheir innumerable factions. Although in their initial stages these

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movements might have eminently nationalistic motivations, they soonfind themselves involved with the Marxist groups, who go on to directtheir actions. This is consistent with the Bolshevik and Menshevikconflict in the October Revolution, which provided the historical model.The same pattern applies to the anarchist ideological movements directedat the destruction of established democratic society. The "Chi-en-lit" ofCohn Benditt in France in 1968, for example, spread throughout theWestern world in the form of student nihilism. All of these movementscontribute to the communists' work toward their final goal of dominatingthe world.

All who promote disunity in society through the destruction of thefamily, the perversion of values, and the leading astray of youth-whoare the world's future-are assisting in the downfall of the West and theestablishment of the communist "new order" worldwide. HerbertMarcuse, the "New Left," and their followers are involved in this action.Destruction-that is the watchword of a madness that is sweeping theworld.

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3The International Communist Movement'sGoal of World DominationThe strategic actions of the communists, intended to gain political

power throughout the world, follow two basic routes: the "peaceful"route and the armed route.

Peaceful methods for gaining power are those used by the so-calledbroad or popular fronts, wherein communism is allied to the bourgeoisiethat it claims to detest. We have had examples in South America of thesepeaceful methods, some successful, others unsuccessful. Normally, theseare long-term actions accompanied by campaigns of psychologicalwa rfa re.

The armed route, which is characterized by terrorism and guerrillawarfare, exploits the so-called objective conditions for implantingcommunism: poverty, malnutrition, economic and social backwardness,dis .se, institutionalized injustice, and unemployment. These conditionspromote the political ferment that is favorable to the action of communistagents, who guide popular opinion toward dissatisfaction and revolt,which the Communist Party, as an organization, would then exploitthrough its most representative and charismatic leaders. Thecommunists unleash revolutionary violence to bring about radical changein political and social structures, always with the promise of earthlyMessianism or the solution of all problems.

The "Armed Way"

Armed revolution exploits the deficiencies- adverse factors-of thetarget countries, generating antagcnisms and pressures by exposing thegeneral public and selected elites to agitation and propaganda. In itsbroadest and most generalized form, armed revolution normally movesthrough two stages. In the first stage, called nationalistic and democratic,leaders seek to exploit the authentic nationalistic sentiments of thepopulation. The Egypt of Nasser is an example; revolution was carried outby exploiting nationalistic sentiments against the apathy and corruptionthat existed under King Farouk. The basis for the revolution was theEgyptian people's aspirations for development. Other examples are thenational liberation movements of the African peoples, such as the

4 nationalistic struggles in Algeria and Angola, and the movements toreject oligarchies that disregarded the basic needs of the people, includingBatista's Cuba, Somoza's Nicaragua, and Trujillo's Dominican Republic.

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I1

In the second stage of armed revolution, the communists become thehelmsmen of the nationalistic and democratic revolution. They infiltrateinto these positions thanks to their monolithic organization and partydiscipline. These leaders always know what they want and struggle toobtain it by any means. Then they declare the socialist goal of therevolution that, by then, is under their command.

The classic historical example is the Cuban revolution. Fidel Castrobegan his climb to the international stage on 26 July 1953 with theunsuccessful attack on the Moncada Barracks. Then on 25 November1956, with 82 followers, Castro sailed from Mexico aboard Granmatoward the Cuban coast to start the struggle against the regime ofFulgencio Batista. Skillfully, and until he had absolute control of power,Castro masked his affiliation with International Communism. He was sosuccessful that he obtained the support of many non-Marxists of theSouth American continent, who did not stint their expressions ofsympathy for the then-believed romanticism of Castro's intentions andactions. On 1 January 1959, Castro was the head of the new governmentinstalled in Cuba. Not until March 1961, after he had eliminated orremoved all the non-communist idealists who had participated in therevolution, did Castro declare Cuba to be a Socialist Republic.

In South America and in the history of the Latin American people,wars of insurrection- the uprisings of populations against establishedgovernments- have been common, followed by "pronouncement" ofoutstanding leaders or chiefs who had been in the opposition. But thesehave been struggles centered on the mere vying for political power,without ideological ferment. However, for some time now the situationhas changed, because of the organized and permanent ideologicalthreat-International Communism. Wars of insurrection become wars ofrevolution. The idealism of some, the nationalistic ardor of others, thewill of still others to fight and to affirm by force or by valor their right tolead their people-these are always subject to exploitation by the hiddenenemies, crafty and sinister in their designs to eliminate national powersin order to affirm the universal power of communism.

Even if circumstances do not yet favor broad or generalizedrevolution or preparation for it, the communists can use other forms ofrevolutionary warfare. These include sabotage, guerrilla warfare, andterrorism, violence intended to undermine the national will, instill fearand terror in the population, and hamper the peaceful and orderly effortof the people to attain their objectives. Random individuals and groups ofpeople, as well as ideological opponents of the communists, are killed.Other targets for destruction include electric power plants, watertreatment plants, ports that are vital for transportation of goods, andcommunications facilities.

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The indiscriminate slaughter of innocent people causes panic in thepopulation and makes the people doubt the effectiveness of the forces oflaw and order. The assassination of national leaders greatly reducesfuture opposition to communist actions. These leaders are capable ofinfluencing public opinion; they stand up, by the example of their lives,words, and deeds, against the communist avalanche.

This type of warfare consists of violent action, action of doom in therural environment and in the urban environment. Armed guerrillas seekto establish chaos or else "liberated areas" where the target nation'ssovereignty and police power are not exercised. Financial and logisticalresources are provided by expropriations, extortions, and kidnappings.The guerrila actions have major propaganda repercussions.

All actions contribute to social unrest and disturbance and thegradual, continual erosion of the bases of society. In order to weaken thelegitimately constituted power, the guerrillas take advantage of terrorand of human beings' natural instinct for survival. Through successiveepisodes of violence, there is systematic prepartion for the destruction ofthe nation state and the unfolding of generalized revolution and chaos. Atthe end, as a natural result, those who are strongest because they are themost effective in using violence rise to power: the communists rule.

The violence follows the Soviet, Maoist, and Cuban models,according to the sources of inspiration and support. The terrorists andguerrillas, who boast of a love of humanity while they delight in killingand mutilation, are trained in Moscow, Prague, Havana, Peking, andNorth Korea. Their action spreads throughout all continents andcountries; it is more intensive in those countries which cannot or do notknow how to defend themselves. Whether developed or developing, nocountry is free from the guerrilla. Terrorist fury does not respect bordersand is united in a coordinated manner throughout the world:Palestinians, Castroist Latin Americans, extremist Japanese, Trotskyists,and anarchists of all latitudes and longitudes. For instance, the 1972massacre at the Lod Airport, Israel, was carried out by Japanese guerrillasin compliance with the interests of Palestinian guerrillas.

An international awareness of terrorism and internationalcoordination against it has become necessary. Each country must applyeffective measures against armed subversion. Nations most successful inthis struggle against terrorism are those that realize it requires all theirsecurity forces. Frequently, violence has generated anti-revolutionaryviolence. But would the extremist lunatics understand any otherarguments than those of force? Is it right for democracies to do nothingand let themselves be surrounded, dominated, and destroyed by thoseskilled in terror and violence?

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Questions like these lie at the core of the subject of human rights.Will human rights have to be unilateral? Must one condemn the highlypublicized but frequently unproven excesses of the forces in chargewithou l saying a word about revolutionary violence and its innocentvictims? These are basic moral questions of our times. There is anotherquestion, the answer to which might be vital for the survival ofdemocracy: Is the ordinary legislation of free countries sufficient andeffective for confronting the challenge of universal, Marxist-inspiredterror?

The "Peaceful" Methods

Let us now touch upon another important aspect of communistactions, one that is most important at present. This aspect is psychologicalwarfare and infiltration in the psycho-social field. It is very effective andalmost never completely perceived, either by the people who suffer itsdeleterious effects or by the people's leaders. In this field the Marxists aremasters.

Psychological warfare can be defined as a body of tactical andstrategic actions, predominantly psychological in nature, which maycomplement military operations. Its purpose is to destroy the morale ofthe population, weaken the people's will to fight, and achieve a spiritualimbalance among civilian and military leaders. It has to be confronted bypsychological activities destined to strengthen the cultural and moralpatterns of the population and mobilize public opinion in support of thegovernment and the traditional national objectives. Vishinski, theMinister of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, said at the UnitedNations in 1954, "We shall not defeat the West by means of the atombomb; we shall defeat it with something the West does not understand:our heads, our ideas, our doctrines." Thus, it is a war over minds, in whichideas have to be opposed to ideas.

We are living, and have been for some time, in the midst of apsychological war. It is an undeclared war, but it is at least as effective astraditional warfare. In this war the communists are conquering positionsthroughout the world without firing a single shot. This is due to adisarmament of the spirit, a confused and misunderstood detente causedby "Scandinavization" and "Finlandization" of the free world.

"Scandinavization" is characterized by people's preference for peaceat any price. Communists, manipulating the mass media and innocent,eminent "true believers," create the non-warlike spirit in the populationsof the target countries. While the disarmament campaigns opened

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fissures in the West's defense, the communist states continued armingthemselves. The spirit of unilateral disarmament, prefabricated by thecommunists and initiated in Scandinavia, spread throughout Europe andreached the United States and all other free countries.

"Finlandization" is an even more critical stage in the weakening ofdefenses against the Soviet threat. It is characterized by the awareness ofmilitary inferiority and attempts to survive through diplomatic docilityvis-a-vis the stronger opponent. This process is given its name because ofthe drama lived by noble Finland. Findland's existence as an independentcountry practically depends on Soviet consent. Bordering the SovietUnion, it has already bravely fought and been defeated. In the aftermath,Finland had to make political concessions, having already made territorialconcessions, in order to survive as an independent nation.

The actions carried out by the communists in the psychological fieldcan be divided into two broad lines: the one followed in the countriesunder their domination and the one applied in the free world. Man is bornwith the longing for iiberty, and the communists, who study psychologyand sociology and apply their concepts politically, know it better .iananyone else. Thus, they endeavor to keep their populations isolated fromthe influence of the Western World, which they consider evil. Thisexplains the "iron curtain" and the "bamboo curtain" and the Berlin wall.It explains the efforts of the USSR to create a new branch of InternationalLaw, the so-called Law of Communications. The law the Soviets ,.oposewould authorize states to destroy communications satellites in theunderstanding that they are "defending their populations from eviloutside influences."

Simarily, the Soviet bloc will not accept the free circulation of menand ideas, a basic demand of Western nations at the European Conferenceon Security and Cooperation.* The fear of the truth reaching their peoplemade the communist states take permanent actions to control allsegments of their populations. An example concerning students is theSoviet Union's "Komsomol." Komsomol appears similar to boy-scoutingin the Western world, but its real function is ideological conditioning ofyouth. For younger children, the "Pioneers" plays the same role. Bothorganizations are instruments of the Communist Party of the SovietUnion (CPSU). Thus, the children are indoctrinated almost from infancyin the dogma of socialism. Certain advantages, such as access to auniversity education, are offered only to those young people who belongto Komsomol. Gradually, through these organizations, the Soviet stateassumes parental authority, taking it away from the family.

*This conference brings together all the countries of Europe, the United States,

and Canada.

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With regard to China, we well remember the ideological fanaticismthat followed the general dissemination of Mao Tse-tung's thoughts.People believed in the miraculous powers of the "Little Red Book"; bysimply owning it or knowing its concepts by heart, one could solve alldaily problems, from the most commonplace to those of medicine,engineering, hydraulics, etc. One belief instilled in the Chinese masses-abelief that seems ridiculous to the West-is that Mao possessed greatswimming prowess. He supposedly had crossed the Yellow River where itwas many kilometers wide in an impossible time of some few minutes.The Chinese piously believe it, and each year, commemorating theanniversary of this "historic" swim, millions dive into the river to repeatthe feat of their highest leader. This is ideological fanaticism, exacerbatedby the cult of personality. Similar personality cults are observed in NorthKorea, with regard to Kim Il Sung, and in Albania, with regard to EnverHoxa.

Another form of conditioning, almost a mass hypnosis, is achieved byCastro in his long speeches in Cuba. He addresses the people of hiscountry for hours and hours, overwhelming them with propaganda andwith dogmatic and ideological concepts.

Let us analyze, on the other hand, the action of the CommunistMovement outside the areas already under communist control. Here weobserve the employment of the mass media for ideological andpropaganda purposes. Nikita Krushchev, when Secretary-General of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union, said, "The press, radio, literature,painting, music, cinema, theater, are powerful weapons of our Party." Heforgot to mention television, the misuse of which is perverting the values,the culture, and even the moral basis of Western society and its mostvaluable part-youth.

The effects of the communist offensive carried out by the massmedia can be ascertained mainly in the slackening of morals and customs.Drug abuse, pornography, licentiousness, violence, and the generationgap are encouraged by the mass media. The mass media themselvesapparently are not communist organizations. For instance, thepornographic centers of the world are not in the Soviet Union; on thecontrary, the communists wish to keep their society puritan. The centersfor porno films, porno books, and porno photos are in Western Europeand the United States. But the organized interest underlying thecampaign to destroy the values of the Western world is that of thecommunists. They exploit those criminal and irresponsible groups that,aiming only at profit, delight in eroding the basis of our society. Thecommunists are always there to stimulate cupidity and vice, making iteasier for themselves to besiege the citadel of the civilized world.

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The same applies to the illegal drug trade, which is universallydirected at the young in order to corrupt them, weaken them, and destroytheir creative and resistant capabilities. The Soviet Union itself accusedthe People's Republic of China of growing and trading in opium-evenamong American troops in Vietnam. This drug trade was one of China'sgreat sources of income to finance ideological dissemination. The secretdocuments of the First Tricontinental Conference, held in Havana in1966, read in part as follows: "Resolutely support the campaign in favor ofdrug addicts, based on the principle of respect for individual rights. Tomaintain the cadres of the Communist Party completely separate fromthe channels of drug traffic, in order that this source of income may notbe linked to the revolutionary action of the Communist Party, in spite ofthe fact that we must combine the promotion of fear of atomic war withpacifism and demoralization of youth by encouraging the consumption ofhallucinogenics."

Another aspect of the weakening of Western culture is the strugglebetween the generations and the revolt against authority. The media,under communist manipulation, publicize and encourage the absence ofdialogue and the frequent confrontation between the younger and theolder, between sons and fathers, between students and teachers, betweensuperiors and subordinates, and so forth. It is the class struggle taken intothe family, the school, and all the other basic social institutions wherepeople are prepared for life and for citizenship. Youth, by and of itself, hasbecome a privileged and flattered social category. The immature youngcan be enticed and involved to serve the communists' purposes.

Music can also be an efficient vehicle for subversion. Therefore, theCommunist Movement organizes annual music festivals in Havana andEast Berlin at which protest songs are sung. Watchwords and slogans arerepeated and promoted by "engaged" singers, musicians, radio speakers,composers, and television personalties from all countries of the world.These are appeals to unilateral pacifism and challenges to the authorities;they express dissatisfaction and popular revolt, the slackening ofcustoms, and other trends undermining the strength of the free world.

The communist infiltration of the press, radio, television, and cinemais aimed at pointing out and exploiting negative aspects of the targetcountry (whether real or fabricated by the communists) to generateantagonisms and pressures. This infiltration, in order to be moreeffective, is carried on in media that are considered democratic and whoseowners may even be conservative. But in key posts, where news isselected and editorials and scripts are written, are communist agents.Taking advantage of the vanity and fashions of the brave and crazyWestern world, which promotes leftism to the status of "in," the

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communists take over. They give access solely to those who follow theirown ideological primer, which is presented as "intelligent, progressive,and up-to-date." The democratic journalists of the mass media see theiremployment threatened, their access barred; they are labeled "backward,not up-to-date, and fascist." The same is true in publishing: communistauthors, even if their works lack literary value, are publicized, and theirwork is frequently published and translated into many languages. Theirsucces is guaranteed by the machinery of the communist party theyserve.

This communist infiltration takes place in all of the countries of thefree world, whose thinking has long been conditioned to believe in"Western decay." Few people among either the elites or thegovernments-those who are responsible for the security, well-being,and future of our peoples-perceive what is going on.

Political cinema is another weapon of inestimable value, which theInternational Communist Movement has used for a long time. Manyrenowned directors and producers in the world of cinema arecommunists, and their work is promoted precisely because they arecommunists. The publicity machinery of the Communist Movementgives them the backing lacked by directors and producers who are notengaged. Thus, films are made attacking the established powers,condemning unproven politically motivated tortures, encouragingpacifism in the Western world, and rendering homage to anti-heroes whodo not possess the basic virtues of our societies. No longer a mereamusement, the cinema, like television, has become a political andpropaganda weapon of great usefulness and effect.

The communists also exploit racial clashes. They gave quite a lot ofsupport to the "Black Panthers" during the most critical phase of black-white tension in the United States. They also attempted to gain decisiveinfluence in post-colonial Africa by sponsoring events such as the"WorldDays of Solidarity against Colonialism, Neocolonialism, andImperialism." These "Days" were held under the auspices of the WorldFederation of Democratic Youth, a communist-front organization.

Students are yet another important target for communist action.Various student movements bind students together around ideas andgoals presented by the communists. Communists infiltrate schools anduniversities, take power in the politicized directorates, and mobilizefrustrated professors and student leaders who are intellectually capablebut spiritually immature and rebellious. Schools and universities changefrom academic, educational centers to ghettos of agitation and socialunrest. Well aware that their own leadership historically has risen from

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the bourgeoisie-Marx was a bourgeois who revolted against and wishedto destroy a society that offered him no opportunities-communistagents seek to catechize the student youth, the cultural elite of eachnation. These agents seek to unite the students with the workers and thepeasants, with the goal of seizing political power and destroying society.

The serious issue of the "progressive" religious movement remains.This is perhaps the greatest challenge that the governments of LatinAmerica must confront. The communists have studied history, and theyknow that whenever religion has been confronted it has gained greatervigor. For example, many early Christians died for their faith during thepersecutions by Imperial Rome, but with their generous blood theywatered the roots of the triumphant Church. Therefore, thecommunists, rather than imprisoning, persecuting, torturing, andassassinating prelates, priests, and religious persons, have attempted to"destroy the Church from inside." This course of action was suggested by"Li Wei Han" and was recommended by Maoists for use in Cuba. Thecommunists aim to infiltrate fanatical followers and skillful communistsamong the laymen and clergy in order that-like "wolves in sheep'sclothing"-they should cause confusion among the believers. They causedoctrinal confusion, detracting from the salvationist and pastoral essenceof the religious messages, and involve the Church in political and socialstruggles with poorly disguised Marxist ideological shadings.

The so-called "Seminfor" of the KGB prepares selected communistyouth and directs them to seminaries of all religions. The communists'actions are adapted to the characteristics of the dominant religion in anarea. In Latin America, the main target for infiltration is the CatholicChurch. In Northern Europe and the United States, there is infiltration inProtestant dominations through the World Council of Churches; in theFar East, Buddhism is the target.

The great cradle of International Communism during the 1970s wasthe Christian Peace Conference. The mentors of this conference wereProtestant dignitaries of Europe who were sympathetic to the Redideology and the most eminent leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church.The communists allowed the existence of the Russian Orthodox Churchon the condition that it become an instrument of the Soviet state.Metropolitan Nikodin of Leningrad chaired the Christian PeaceConference. The Conference became notable by conducting a worldcampaign against the United States', urging the "pacification" of Vietnamand always trying to denigrate the Western nations.

The alliance the communists want to form between religion andMarxism is impossible and unacceptable to those who truly profess a

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religion. Yet this communist effort is one of the greatest challenges to thegovernments of the West. It must be understood that, in addition to beingextremely sensitive, the matter covers a broad spectrum: from thecommunist who disguises himself as a militant layman or priest to theman of good intentions who is moved by bold and true ideas of socialjustice but despairs at not finding political and economic support for theneedy from those who bear the greatest responsibility.

How can we deal with this serious problem? I believe the solution willhave to come from within the churches themselves, from both theofficials and the faithful, separating the chaff from the wheat. The statecannot intervene in the working of the Church. State intervention mightcause a confrontation between the Church and the state, from which thecommunists would have the most to gain. The Church has to be faithfulto its divine mandate by drawing a dividing line. On one side of the line arefollowers interested in the dignity of all human beings while incommunion with God through their immortal souls; on the other side areagents of the atheistic, materialistic ideology who are infiltrated amongthem.

One final target of communist infiltration is the military. Becausethe communists suffered serious setbacks in countries such as Brazil(1964), Uruguay (1970-71), and Chile (1973), where their final victorywas prevented by constitutional and popularly supported military action,they took a critical look at their efforts. They concluded that they must"militarily defend the conquests of revolution." To do this they mustobtain the support of part of the military establishment in each targetcountry. Thus, the old doctrine of the revolutionary period-to fight andannihilate the bourgeois armed forces-was followed by a new one-toattempt to gain the sympathy and cooperation of a significant part of thearmed forces in the target countries. Thus involved, the military wouldaid the revolutionary cause. Once the communists had gained power, thebourgeois officers, who had betrayed their oath by becoming useful"fellow travelers" of the communists, would be eliminated because theywere not trustworthy. This strategy is consistent with actions directed at"unionizing" the military, which have so damaged the morale, thediscipline, and the combat spirit of so many armies of the West.

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4A Global Panorama of the InternationalCommunist Movement

A Survey of Communist Objectives and Strategies

To begin this chapter, I will present a brief summary of the mainobjectives and principal strategies of the communist centers of power, asa broad indication of their action.

The USSR:

1. Main objectives -Achieve world hegemony by eliminatingnational powers and constituting a WorldUnion of Socialist Republics under the controlthe the Russian Federation.

-Destroy "bourgeois democracy" and capitalism.

-Eradicate religion among mankind.

-Ensure the inviolability of the socialist system byputting it once more under strict Soviet control.

2. Strategies -Strengthen the Soviet bloc (especially militarily)and weaken the non-communist countries atevery level through propaganda and agitation,psychological warfare, economic sabotage, terrorism,guerrilla warfare, diplomatic action, and themanipulation of "detente" or "peaceful coexistence"and the Western pacifist movements.

a. Global actions -Efforts to control the oceans and strategic coastalareas.

-Infiltration in the main religions (religiousmovements).

-Efforts to control the student movement, aiming atcontrol over youth.

-Efforts to control the labor movement (urban andrural).

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-Exploitation of "pacifism" in order to weaken the West

militarily.

-Infiltration in the "bourgeois" armed forces.

b. Actions in Europe -Maintenance of the territorial "status quo"(division between Western and Eastern Europe).

-Encouragement of disunity in the NorthAtlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and theEuropean Economic Community (EEC).

-Support of pacifist and ecological ("green")groups.

-Hastening of the American military retreatfrom the continent (American neo-isolationism).

c. Actions in Asia -Establishment of a "sanitary cordon" aroundChina to isolate its support to Vietnam.

-Influencing of oil-producing countries bysupplying weaponry to the aligned Arab states.

-Step-by-step geopolitical approach tothe Indian Ocean (invasion of Afghanistanand pressures against the integrity ofIran and Pakistan).

-Encouragement of a diminished Americanpresence.

d. Actions in Africa -Influencing of the Arab countriesin the north, oil producers, and countriesstrategically positioned regarding theMediterranean.

-Exploitation of anti-racism, anti-colonialism,and anti-imperialism as means of removingwhite Western influence.

-Efforts toward political-military influence(with the help of the Cuban ExpeditionaryForce) over the black states that occupy

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important geographical positions in thefocal areas of Western maritime trafficin the Atlantic and Indian Oceans andthe Red Sea.

-Manipulation of the struggles for independence(Namibia, former Spanish Sahara).

e. Actions in -Exploitation of the liberalism of the targetAnglo-Saxon societies and the pacifist and anti-nuclearAmerica movements.

-Efforts to neutralize and isolate the UnitedStates.

-Efforts to acquire supremacy in conventionalweapons and parity or superiority in nuclearones regarding the United States.

f. Actions in Latin -Agitation and subversion, taking advantageAmerica of the favorable conditions found in the area.

-International campaigns against theanti-communist governments.

-Psychological warfare with comprehensive useof the mass media.

-Infiltration of the armed forces.

-Economic efforts aiming at the creation ofdependencies.

-Exploitation of nationalistic feelings to amplifyhistoric international tensions and to isolate theUnited States.

The PRC:

1. Main objectives -Spread the Maoist doctrine of peasantrevolution.

-Maintain national independence vis-a-vis theSoviet threat; search for diplomatic links withall countries.

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-Develop the nation in order to "transform thePeople's Republic of China into a world powerby the end of the 20th century."

2. Strategies -Oppose the USSR in all areas and in allinternational fora.

-Occupy an advantageous position as "pointeron a scale" in the conflict between the Westernworld and the USSR, moving as a pendulum inaccordance with the Chinese interests.

-Acquire ever-growing influence among theThird World and non-aligned countries.

a. Actions in Europe -Strengthening of NATO and the EEC inorder to keep open a "second front" againstthe USSR.

b. Actions in -Efforts to gain political, economic,Anglo-Saxon technological, and military support.America

c. Actions in Asia -Influencing of neighboring countries in orderto prevent the achievement of an AsianSecurity and Cooperation Treaty sponsoredby Moscow.

-Reception of economic and technologicalsupport from Japan.

-Overall opposition, including use of militaryforce, to the Vietnamese takeover of SoutheastAsia.

-Support of Chinese-oriented terrorism andguerrilla warfare in those areas of immediateinterest to China.

d. Actions in Africa -Exploitation of anti-white racism and effortstoward political and economic influence.

e. Actions in the -Exploitation of theses dear to developingThird World, nations in order to acquire leadership over themin general (Mao's "Five Principles").

-Support of Chinese-oriented revolutionaryactions.

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The International Policy of the USSR

The Soviet Union, after the 1917 revolution, tried to isolate itselffrom the world, both for fear of attack from democractic nations and inorder to strengthen itself internally. However, Lenin had to open thecountry to foreign cap-ital through his "New Economic Policy." It wasnecessary to try to develop the Soviet Union and keep alive theaspirations of progress that the Marxist theoreticians envisaged for therevolution.

At the end of World War II, the understandings of Yalta and Potsdamdivided Europe into two areas of influence. After that great conflict, theSoviet Union arose as one of the victorious powers and its policy began tohave worldwide repercussions. The scene was set for the USSR's assaulton the globe.

General Patton's troops would have reached Berlin before theSoviets, but he received orders to hold back to allow the Red Army toenter the German capital first. The price for that delay was great: EasternEuropean countries fell under communist rule following the Sovietmilitary occupation. In the words of Sir Winston Churchill, an "IronCurtain" had fallen over those unlucky nations. The Cold War followed,to include the 1962 Cuban missile episode, when the USSR tried to installmissile launchers in Cuba that threatened the United States, but, facedwith a strong reaction by President Kennedy's government, had toretreat.

After the tensions of the Cold War came the period of "peacefulcoexistence" or "detente," which may have ended in December 1979when the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. "Peaceful coexistence" tookpractical form in 1956 under Nikita Khrushchev, although Lenin hadsuggested it long before. It attained full blossom under Leonid Brezhnev,who wanted even more comprehensive cooperation-so-called-between the different social systems.

Actually, "peaceful coexistence" was nothing more than an effectivestrategy for further communist conquest without the risks of facing thefoe directly. The communists always have made it clear that peacefulcoexistence between East and West could never be considered asideological coexistence: the revolutionary forces would continue theirdestructive work at every level until the final victory of communism. Thegoal of this new strategy was to weaken Western defenses and makecommunist victory easier. Peaceful coexistence fit into the pattern of"Scandinavization" and "Finlandization" of the free world, according tothe following simple and efficient scheme: "external encirclement plusinternal demoralization equals progressive surrender."

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So the democratic states started to lower their guard, weakeningthemselves unilaterally, forgetting their values, and allowing theircollective will to be undermined. The result was a worldwide expansion ofcommunism, leading to the crisis of our time. But the suffering andstruggle of so many nations and the ever-growing aggression of theenemies ^f democracy and human dignity at last awoke the West's sleepyconsciences. Nowadays, we can see a reaction against the spirit ofsurrender. The will to live and fight for their ideals is becoming strongerand stronger among the Western nations. For the first time in manyyears, the Soviet Union is acting defensively; it has lost the initiative thatit had owned since the end of World War II.

Nevertheless, the Soviet Union maintains the following bases for itsglobal policy:

-The inviolability of the socialist system, or the maintenance ofthe status quo of dependence by the nations subject to theMuscovite yoke.

-The preservation or restoration of unity within theInternational Communist Movement. This is to beaccomplished by either the realignment of the PRC in theSoviet bloc or the expulsion of the PRC from the CommunistMovement, and by crushing in its early stages any centrifugaltendency within the socialist community.

-The "peaceful coexistence" or "detente" by which the USSRaims to gain political, economic, and ideological advantages inits relationship with the free world. Through propaganda,agitation, and political-diplomatic actions, the Soviets areinducing the West to disarm and become a less fearsome foe tothe ever-growing Soviet military might.

The time of Leonid Brezhnev's government, especially as the Sovietswere inspired by the resolutions of the 24th Congress of the CommunistParty of the Soviet Union, was the golden era of"detente,"a masterpieceof the Soviets' indirect strategy to gain world hegemony. Pretending tohave repudiated the attitudes of the Cold War, which they blamed on theWestern world, the Soviet leadership started to speak of peace andfriendship. As a result, many summit meetings followed; Brezhnev metwith Presidents Nixon and Ford and many other Western dignitaries.From this period arose the European Conference on Security andCooperation, the Mutual (the West wanted it to be "Balanced") Reductionof Forces in Central Europe Conference, and the Strategic ArmsLimitation Talks. The communists exploited all these initiatives for

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propaganda purposes, always portraying the Soviet Union as thechampion of peace. In truth, however, the Soviet Union was merely-andis always-working to fulfill its hegemonistic designs.

Because of the true Soviet intentions, the European Conference onSecurity and Cooperation, a Soviet initiative, reached a stalemate. TheSoviet Union received the Western concession regarding the territorialstatus quo in Europe, a formal acknowledgement of the division ofGermany and the Soviet right of rule over the nations of Eastern Europe.After this, the Soviets refused to approve the free circulation of men andideas demanded by the Western nations. Similarly, in the Reduction ofForces talks Moscow wants one-to-one reductions in Central Europe,perpetuating the present Soviet advantage in quantitative and qualitativeterms. In the Strategic Arms talks the Soviets wished for and obtained thepromise of nuclear parity with the United States. When reached, thatparity will put the USSR in a position of strength regarding its onlystrong foe. (Russia is already superior to the United States inconventional means).

In economic terms, the USSR's actions follow well-definedprinciples:

-Regarding the developing countries, the Soviets promise aidthat, once accepted, becomes a vehicle of ideological infiltrationand subversion and allows the Soviets to control the flow ofessential raw materials to the developed capitalist countries inaccordance with the political interests of the USSR.

-Regarding the developed capitalist countries, the Soviets workto obtain capital and know-how, mainly from the United States,the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan, taking advantageof Westerners' blind motivations for profit to help the USSRcloje the gap between its military and economic power.Through encouragement of labor strikes and social agitation bymeans of the labor movement and communist and aligr..iparties, the Soviets try to ruin the Western economygenerate crisis in order to aid, in the long run, the takeov.power by the Reds. The communists herald every problemthe West as proof of the inevitable "crisis of capitalism."

-Regarding the oil-producing countries, especially those of theArab world, the Soviets work to induce a policy of higher pricesand restricted supplies to the Western world, so as to provokemajor crises within the developing nations and hard times forthe rich ones.

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In the political-diplomatic field, the Soviet Union seeks to break theunity of Western alliances and treaties of defense; the destruction ofNATO is the main objective. They also seek to neutralize US allies andestablish "ballot dictatorship" within the United Nations by influencingthe votes of the more recently independent nations. These nations,almost without perceiving it, follow Soviet policies in many importantaspects of current international affairs. The USSR also seeks to acquireadvanced bases and strategic positions in the "warm seas of the South"for Soviet naval forces.

The greatest Soviet assualt on the West takes place in the psycho-social field. In their efforts to destroy the will of all free people, theSoviets use all the techniques of psychological and "indirect" warfarediscussed earlier. They subvert cultural and moral values; they seek tocorrupt and destroy youth; they infiltrate the church to use religion fortheir own purposes; they infiltrate the military so they can secure theirconquests more easily; they infiltrate labor movements, peacemovements, youth movements-anywhere that they can encourageconflict and disunity, the Soviets are at work.

To all those actions, the Soviet state, under the direction of theCPSU, adds comprehensive work of direct subversion and espionage,including disinformation. Among the most effective Soviet campaigns ofdisinformation are those intended to create a negative image worldwideof states effectively opposing the communist avalanche. They try toisolate states like Chile and stimulate a wave of international antipathytoward them, hoping to make it easier for communist and allied groupseventually to overthrow them. All of this work is always directed by GRUand KGB specialists disguised under legal titles in every diplomatic andcommercial mission of the USSR abroad and carried out by the fifthcolumns of the local communist parties obedient to Moscow. Forexample, in March 1971, Mexico unveiled and denounced a plot, in whichmembers of the Soviet Embassy took part, aimed at starting a civil warand overthrowing the Mexican government; it was proved that Mexicancommunist guerrillas had been trained in North Korea in accordance withSoviet principles. Besides many other, including some very recent,expulsions of Soviet "diplomats" because of actions of subversion andespionage, it's worthwhile mentioning that, also in 1971, Great Britainexpelled 105 so-called Soviet diplomats because of their proved espionageactivities.

Regarding the communist parties in power, the Soviet Uniondemands total submission. We've seen, in the cases of Hungary in 1956and Czechoslovakia in 1968, that any attempt by countries within theMuscovite empire to liberalize or search for their own brands of socialism

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result in military invasion. The Soviets react in accordance with what hasbecome known as "Brezhnev's Doctrine of Limited Sovereignty." Thus,nations that fall to Soviet imperialism no longer have any right to assumetheir own identities.

Nevertheless, some notable attempts at independence have beenmade within the Soviet world. The first was in Marshal Tito's Yugoslavia,beginning in 1948, still in the time of the Kominform. Tito built his ownmodel of socialism, breaking away from the Draconian Soviet control andindependently establishing links between Yugoslavia and the rest of theworld. The separation of Albania from Soviet domination followed in1962. Albania benefited from the Sino-Soviet schism and rid itself ofSoviet control by forming ties with Peking. In recent years, when thePRC moved toward better relations with the Western world, Enver Hoxa,the all-powerful ruler of Tirana, split with his former allies. So Albanianowadays boasts of being a unique example of non-revisionist, purecommunism. Ceausescu's Romania exercises a great deal of autonomy onforeign matters, although it has kept Stalinian control over its internalaffairs. Of the tragic attempts at independence, one can cite heroicPoland, brave fighter against Russian domination throughout historyand still struggling for freedom against the oppressive foreign regime andits internal followers.

The Sino-Soviet Conflict

The most significant schism in the Communist Movement, asalready mentioned, came about after the 20th Congress of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956. In a famous speech at the20th Congress, Nikita Khrushchev revealed Stalin's atrocities against theSoviet people during his rule from 1925 to 1953. This revelation led to theend of "personality worship" in the Soviet Union. At the same time, theSoviet leadership adopted "peaceful coexistence" as a means of promotingcommunist advances in the international arena. The PRC rejected thisnew Soviet strategy. Red China stood by the thesis that armed action wasabsolutely necessary to achieve power. They began to call the Sovietsrevisionists and social-imperialists.

The division between the USSR and the PRC was essentially anideological difference, but it soon widened enough to put the twocommunist giants in opposition, each backing different and conflictingnational objectives. Adding to the' ideological difference was a disputeover territories dating back to the time of the Tzars. Since 1969, therehave been reports of armed incidents on the USSR-China border,especially in the region of the Amur and Ussuri Rivers and betweenSoviet Kazakhistan and Chinese Sinkiang. According to Mao Tse-tung,China and the USSR will still be enemies after 10,000 years.

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The International Policy of the PRC

China has shifted its international policy since the early 1970s,placing more emphasis on the "Five Principles": respect of sovereigntyand national integrity; non-aggression; non-intervention in internalaffair of other nations; equality and mutual benefits in economicrelations; and peaceful coexistence in the relations between states. Theseprinciples seem to represent a framework of moderation compared withformer times when China preached armed revolution throughout theworld.

The cause of such a specious change in orientation is found in thePRC's belief that it needed to obtain international backing and supportagainst an eventual attack from the USSR. And the Chinese believed theycould obtain that support only by creating for themselves an image of"international responsibility and respectability." Acting under the newstrategy, China began to court the nations of the Third World bysupporting theses dear to the developing nations, such as the territorialsea limit of 200 miles, the establishment of a new and fairer internationaleconomic order, and equality among states. In addition, China declaresitself to be a developing country of the Third World. China has activelyand continuously approached nations in an effort to establish betterinternational relations, inviting and receiving official visits from African,Asian, and American heads of state.

Notwithstanding the new direction in China's international policy,Chinese-inspired guerrillas are still active, mainly in Asian regions of vitalinterest to Peking, such as Thailand and the Philippines, but also in LatinAmerica. The Chinese-oriented communist parties, independent of andopposed to those following the Soviet pattern, continue to fostersubversion and agitation all over the world.

Peking is also engaged in seeking decisive influence over the Chinesecommunities abroad. Members of these communities are normallywealthy persons more aligned with the Republic of China (Tawian) andthe Confucionist principles that have always ruled Chinese society thanwith the PRC and Maoist principles. The PRC continues to support theright of blood (lies Sanguin is), by which every Chinese child born abroad is aChinese citizen. But the PRC encourages those Chinese living abroad notto come back to the homeland, urging them instead to become goodcitizen's of the countries in which they have settled. This action can beexplained by Peking's wish to gain international respectability. And thereis always the possibility of establishing "fifth columns" among theChinese abroad, especially in such Asian regions as Singapore and HongKong where the Chinese are the overwhelming majority of thepopulation.

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And there is always the possibility of establishing "fifth columns" amongthe Chinese abroad, especially in such Asian regions as Singapore andHong Kong where the Chinese are the overwhelming majority of thepopulation.

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4

5The Expansion of Soviet Naval Powerand Its Implications

The Historical Importance of the Mastery of the Sea

During the recorded history of mankind, the great powers of eachperiod have been those nations that mastered the seas. Their merchantmarines navigated to every corner of the known world, and their navalpower was sufficient to protect their international trade, the well-beingof their citizens, and their national independence. These were the nationsof Crete and Phoenicia in the earliest times and of Greece, Carthage, andRome in the classical era. The great navigators of the Middle Ages werefirst the Vikings, followed by the sailors and merchantmen of Genoa,Amalfi, and Venice; the Germans of the Hanseatic League; the Flemish ofBruges; and the English.

The Turkish conquest of Constantinople in 1453 blocked theprosperous medieval trade route to the Orient. Until then, traders hadpassed through the Mediterrean Sea to carry on the valuable commerce inthe spices of the East. With the Mediterranean route blocked, trademoved to the oceans. Portugal and Spain then asserted themselves asmaritime powers and masters of the world. The kingdom of Castillaemerged as the greatest sea power, although the British, French, andFlemish also went to sea, seeking other lands to conquer. Then, after thedestruction of the "Invincible Armada" of Philip II in 1588, England aroseas the leading maritime and naval power under Elizabeth I.

The English rule of the seas lasted nearly three-and-a-half centuries,into the 1930s. During that period, Great Britain was the world's leadingnation. There were challenges from the Dutch in the 17th and 18thcenturies, and from the French in the 19th century, but always withoutsuccess. The maritime powers, particularly Great Britain, built theirgreat colonial empires largely to obtain the raw materials that madepossible the Industrial Revolution; this in turn produced their nationalwealth and economic development.

In the beginning, the sea, was viewed only as a means ofcommunication between the continents and a route of trade betweendistant lands. But as national antagonisms erupted, two conflictingtheories arose regarding sovereignty and the sea. The DutchmanGrotius, in the book Mare Liberium, argued for the "freedom of seas." Histheory is still evoked in our days by the leading sea powers, even in the

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United Nations International Conference on Sea Law. Opposed to thatpoint of view was the Briton John Selden. In his book Mare Clausmen, heproclaimed the rule of the King over the seas around the island (ofBritain). This position is adopted nowadays by those countries of lessermaritime and naval power, which declare their rights over more or lessbroad strips (from 12 to 200 miles wide) of territorial sea.

In 1702, the Dutchman Bynkershoek, in his book Dominio Mars,declared that "no kind of navigation is sufficient to assure the possession(of the sea), as well as no possession is sufficient to grant sovereignty." Heconcluded that "the control of the land over the seas ends where thepower of weapons ends." At that time, the range of guns was restricted tothree miles, so the first limit to territorial sea, and the only one to havebeen unanimously acknowledged up to now, was established: a strip 3miles wide along the coast. Recently, the United Nations Conference onSea Law tended toward a new agreement on the matter: 12 miles ofterritorial sea plus 188 miles of exclusive exploitation by the coastai state.

Heirs of the British naval tradition, the United States began to assertitself as a great maritime power and build its own empire near the end ofthe 19th century with the victory over Spain in the war of 1898. The mostpowerful influence behind the building of the US empire was the conceptof "manifest destiny." Originally applied to US expansion on the NorthAmerican continent, some Americans began to extend the concept toenvision worldwide expansion to fulfill the nation's "yearning forgreatness." The former isolationist tendency of America was overcome,contributing to US involvement in the two major wars of the 20thcentury. The rejection of isolationism also made possible ever-growingeconomic, political, and military objectives worldwide. As a consequence,the United States rose to the highest place among the nations of the globeand to the position of the dominant naval and maritime power in theworld.

Until recently, the USSR, and Tzarist Russia in earlier days, played a3econdary role as far as global naval power is concerned. The country'sstrategy always had been land-based and its navy merely supported thearmy as a means of transportation and local defense. The unfavorablegeography of the country, surrounded by great expanses of icy seas,forced the USSR to divide its naval forces into a European fleet,comprising the flotillas of the Barents, Baltic, and Black Seas, and anAsiatic Fleet, stationed in the Far East and the Pacific Ocean. But thegenius'of Peter the Great led him to perceive, even in those early times,that the greatness he wished for his country would have to be attainedthrough the world's oceans. Therefore, he introduced the goal ofreaching the "warm seas to the South,"which was passed on to the USSR.

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In addition to inheriting a desire for warm-water ports, Moscow'sstrategists must have learned a leson from the Russian naval disaster ofTsushima in 1905. In that battle, the Russian imperial fleet, after sailinghalf-way around the world-from the Baltic Sea through the sealanesaround Europe, Africa, and most of Asia-was crushed by the Japanesefleet. More recently, during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962, the USSRhad to retreat because it lacked adequate naval forces. This last eventmust have strongly influenced the USSR's decision to create the powerfulSoviet Navy of today, which is able to challenge the American mastery ofthe seas.

The Dependence of the Western World on the Sea

Unlike the communist nations, which, with the exception of Cuba,form a continuous continental mass, the countries of the free world livefrom and because of the oceans. Someone very properly compared theWestern bloc to an archipelago, with the constituting parts linked by thesea. The raw materials essential to Western industry flow essentially bysea. The same is true of the finished products so necessary for thedevelopment of the "Third World." More than 90 percent (by volume) ofoverall international trade moves by ship.

The petroleum trade illustrates the dependence of the Westernworld on maritime traffic. The main producers of oil are the UnitedStates, the USSR, the countries of the Near and Middle East (SaudiArabia, Iran, Kuwait, Libya, and Iraq), Venezuela, and Nigeria. Mexicoand the PRC are close to entering this group). Notwithstanding its highlevel of production, the United States has to import large quantities ofcrude oil, not only because of its huge domestic consumption, but also tomaintain its strategic reserves. Western Europe imports about 80 percentof its oil needs in spite of the deposits in the North Sea, and Japan imports100 percent of its needs. On the other hand, the communist bloc,including China, is self-sufficient as far as oil is concerned. There arereports, however, that because of ever-growing domestic consumptionthe USSR will have to obtain new oil supply sources. This could explainthe Soviet advance into Afghanistan, toward the Persian Gulf.

The main oil exporting countries are in the Middle East, especiallyaround the Persian Gulf, and the exported oil is carried by sea, along vital"routes of maritime traffic. The first route follows the African coastthrough the Indian Ocean and the' South Atlantic, via the Cape of GoodHope, then divides into two lanes, one running west to the coast of SouthAmerica and the other running through the North Atlantic to NorthAmerica and Europe. The second major route leads through the IndianOcean, the Strait of Malacca, and the China Sea to Japan.

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Since the time of Lenin, the Soviets have clearly perceived theimportance of raw materials for the Western world. They know that abreak in the flow of raw materials will cause economic chaos and socialcrisis in the industrialized countries. This is why they have stimulatedArab countries to make oil a political weapon. The Soviets seek to breakdown the will of the West and thus further their own goal of worlddomination. As an example of how the Soviets' strategy succeeds, Japan-economically powerful but fundamentally dependent on imported rawmaterials such as iron ore and oil-has had to surrender to the Soviet-inspired political demands of the Arabs in order to avoid the risk ofeconomic stagnation. Japan is not the only nation to feel such pressures.Almost all of the developed capitalist nations of the world suffered fromeconomic recession during the critical 1973-1977 period, almostexclusively because of "energy blackmail." On the other hand, the non-oil-producing developing countries fell behind in their loan repaymentsmainly because of major increases in oil prices in 1973 and 1979, leading tohigher rates of interest in the international market, which in turnincreased indebtedness.

The Threat Posed by Growing Soviet Naval Power

The growth of Soviet maritime and naval power can be traced back to1956 and the inspiration of Nikita Khrushchev, who understood fromhistory that the great powers of the world were those that dominated thesea. In modern days, of course, the concept is n-, absolute. But it isnecessary to assure a degree of maritime control compatible with nationalinterests, denying any foe the control of maritime areas consideredessential for national security.

The architect of the renaissance of the Soviet Navy has been AdmiralSergei Gorshkov, naval commandant for 27 years now. His are thefollowing statements: "The red banner navigates in every sea of theworld," and "the Soviet naval forces are ready to beat any enemyanywhere." This "Soviet Mahan" sought to change the Soviet Navy'smission from that of strategic defense to a more offensive role in everytheater of operations, according to Soviet needs. With his talent, prestige,and power of persuasion he won the debate within the highest echelon inthe Kremlin over whether to increase Soviet naval power, and he hasdirected the building of a Soviet Navy capable of performing the broadermission he argued for.

According to Gorshkov's philosophy, nuclear and conventionalsubmarines continue to be the backbone of the Soviet fleet but modernsurface vessels, built using the most refined techniques of navalarchitecture and shipbuilding, gain importance. Among these new ships

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are guided missile cruisers and destroyers, helicopter-carriers of theMOSKVA class, patrol boats of the KOMAR and OSA classes, and morerecently, the aircraft carriers KIEV and MINSK. The incorporation ofthese carriers into the fleet marked a notable turning point in the Sovietconcepts of employing naval forces. Jane's Fighting Ships and theInternational Institute for Strategic Studies (a British defense journal anda British institution, respectively, both devoted to analyzing the strategicenvironment and military-naval issues) have long considered the SovietUnion as the leading naval power of our day in number of warships andnumber of sea-launched strategic and tactical missiles. Thank God thecurrent US administration is giving attention to the recently neglectedUS Navy and striving to allocate resources needed to assure its strengthand its effectiveness as guarantor of the freedom of the democratic world.

The mobility of the Soviet Navy still is restrained by the geographyof the country, since three of the main areas of naval operations-theBarents, Baltic, and Black Seas-are rather isolated from the open ocean.Another restraint on mobility is the lack of adequate and sufficient meansof mobile logistics support. For these reasons, the Kremlin has launchedpolitical-diplomatic efforts intended to minimize such restraints.

The most remarkable consequence of the "Six-Day War" betweenthe Arabs and Israelis in 1967 was the establishment of the Soviet fleet'saccess to the Mediterranean Sea. Until then, the Mediterranean had beenthe mare nostrum of NATO and the US 6th Fleet. In succeeding steps,Soviet naval forces reached the Indian Ocean in 1968, the Caribbean Seaand the western coast of Africa in 1969, and Southeast Asia in I. 70. Theyhave arrived with the intention of staying, filling up the void of powercaused by the reduced mission of the Royal Navy and its withdrawal fromEast of Suez, and by the diminishing American presence in those areas.

The search for advanced bases in Africa and Asia proceeds in parallelwith actions that favor the take-over of government by Moscow-orientedfactions in strategically positioned countries. The courtship of Africanand Asian friendships has won the Soviets facilities allowing their Navyto operate in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans.

Within its indirect strategic framework, the USSR is inciting actionsamong the populations of the important islands of Madagascar, theSeychelles, and the Comoros, as well as in other locations on the Africancontinent. Soviet success would make it difficult for Western navies tooperate in the important sealanes to and from the Middle East. TheSoviets already dominate the Strait of Bab el Mandeb and the sea routesto and from the Red Sea through their association with Ethiopia andSouth Yemen After the reopening of the Suez Canal, it was possible for

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Soviet naval units to pass from the Mediterranean, where they count afleet of 90 vessels, to the Indian Ocean whenever needed.

The Lessons for the Future

The dependence of the Western world on maritime traffic is avulnerability that the Soviets are expected to exploit in case of East-Westconflict. In accordance with Admiral Gorshkov's teaching, the USSR hasbeen steadily preparing its forces and the necessary bases and s.ipportinfrastructure.

Soviet maritime and naval has power come to be an unquestionableand threatening reality. The Soviets engage in oceanographic researchworldwide, their merchant marine is among the largest in the world andgrowing continuously, and they have the largest fishing fleet in theworld. As a result, the USSR enjoys the prestige typical for a greatmaritime power, as demonstrated during the United Nations Conferenceon the Law of the Sea. In that forum, the USSR supports the freenavigation of the seas, the internationalization of the ocean floor andresources of the seas, the restriction of territorial waters to 12 miles, andmuch to her convenience, the unrestricted right of passage throughinternational straits.

In its search for advanced bases, the USSR already is occupyingprivileged positions in Antarctica and around the Artic and PacificOceans. By means of intensive political-ideological campaigns, it isgaining sympathy and support in Asia and Africa. And it has gainedinfluence in America by establishing the satellites of Cuba and Nicaragua.

One can foresee in the escalation of the Soviet assualt on A frica thatthe Soviets may establish permanent bases in the territories of thoseAfrican countries that favor Moscow. As far as Asia is concerned, theSoviets will probably continue to insi ;t that India provide some bases inits territory, and if the US military pr.ence on Taiwan is reduced, theSoviets will seek bases there in the fi mework of a common actionagainst the PRC. Additionally, the Soviets -:1! continue to strive for theinternationalization of the Strait of Malacca. In Europe, they willperiodically exert pressure to gain some degree of control over strategicmaritime areas such as those under the jurisdiction of Norway, Iceland,Malta,,Cyprus, and Portugal.

Under Admiral Sergei Gorshkov, the dream of Peter The Great hascome true: the Soviet Navy has reached "the warm seas to the South."Even more than that, Soviet ships navigate routinely in the

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Mediterranean, the Caribbean, the China Sea, the Sea of Japan, theIndian and Atlantic Oceans, the icy-cold seas of the Artic and Antarctic-in all seas of the world. They display precise planning and operation incommand, control, and communication exercises involving hundreds ofunits separated by thousands of miles. The Soviet Navy is a skilled andpowerful combat force, serving the political-ideological designs of theKremlin.,

Admiral Gorshkov alcared to Pravda on 29 July 1974 that"the SovietArmed Forces don't have an aggresive intention, neither intend to crushthe fair interests of other people." Later he said the "Soviet Navy strictlyrespects the dispositions of International I 'ritime Law: its mission islimited to guarantee the Soviet interests and defend their coast."Nevertheless, the leadership of the free world knows that the Soviet goalis expansion toward global hegemony. That has been the essence ofcommunism, as proved by history.

The naval commandants in the West know that it is absolutely vitalto keep open the sealanes and maintain the logistic flow essential for thesurvival and progress of the democratic world. They also know that theirtask demands skilled and materially capable naval forces, within theprinciple of collective security, adopted in a free and sovereign way by theWestern nations.

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6The Transfer of Power inthe USSR and the PRC

Power and Succession in the Totalitarian States

In the totalitarian states, power is never transferred in the natural,smooth way that it is in democracies. On the contrary, the transfer ofpower comes to be the climax of an often long process of palace strugglesand machinations and is commonly the cause of bloody dispute. Politicalpromotion normally is made within the party apparatus, rewardingpatient obedience and fidelity to the party's dogma and faithful dedicationto its chief or secretary-general, who is in control of the politicaldecisionmaking mechanism. In this way, the communist party establishesa line of succession as in monarchies, with the heirs chosen by the holderof power from among those he himself trusts.

I believe the reference to monarchic systems is appropriate becausethe chief of the political apparatus in a communist regime is almighty andcan be put aside only by death (as occurs in the majority of cases) or by astruggle among internal factions of the party. Besides, the "new class,"composed of the bureaucrats of the political apparatus from which therulers of the communist states are chosen, enjoy the same privileges andspecial treatment as the noblemen of royal systems, keeping themselvesas a caste apart from the people and exploiting the people to support anexistence of joy and riches.

Another characteristic of the communist-controlled societies is thatthe armed forces normally play a secondary role in the politicalmechanism. This role of the military conforms to the principle stated byMao Tse-tung, which is part of the dogma of the Chinese-orientedcommunists: "the party commands the rifles." Although specificallystated by Mao, this principle also applies in the USSR. Since the early daysof the Soviet Red Army, the "political commissars" have been thedecisionmakers and have been in a position superior to that of the seniormilitary officers. Being educated within the ideology of the communistparty, the military soon learn the golden rule of fidelity to the party. Themilitary leaders are viewed with suspicion and placed under carefulobservation to avoid the possibility'of a political take-over by the military.It's interesting to note how the USSR ostracized its great military heroesof World War II as soon as possible. The higher ranks of the armed forceshave had marginal participation in the main decisionmaking political

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echelons. The services have not been represented in a way proportionateto their strength and their importance for the expansion of Soviet power.

The PRC and the Succession of Mao Tse-tung

Frequently, the people that occupy the lower levels actbetter than the leadership. The leaders are not so good asthe simple workers because they are separated from themasses and lack political experience. (Mao Tse-tung, 29May 1976)

The Chinese people have confidence in the teaching ofPresident Mao and in the future. After his death t. zre willbe many zig-zags but we are sure that 90% of the peoplewant to build socialism. There could be a 'coup d' etat' inChina, but it won't last long because we shall fight it to thevery end. (Chinese Textile Laborer, June 1976)

The two thoughts above reveal important aspects of the Chinesecommunist society. The first is the Maoist concept of permanentrevolution, with the elites learning from the masses. The second is thepeople's concern about the existence of a segment of the population-even within the party-opposed to the "construction of socialism." Theseare the so-called "revisionists, capitalists, and bourgeoisie." ManyChinese also feared that there would be a struggle over succession of the"Old Helmsman."

From the foundation of the Communist Party of China (CPC) untilthe mid-1970s, communism in China had had but one leader, Mao Tse-tung. Two factions formed around the old leader after the series of eventsthat included the Sino-Soviet conflict, the opening of China to the worldafter the Great Cultural Revolution, China's admittance to the UnitedNations, and reconciliation with the United States. The first faction wascommanded by Chou En-lai, the architect of the opening of China to theworld and the supporter of the Five Principles at the Conference ofBandung in 1955, which gave rise to the movement of non-alignedcountries. He was also responsible for ne reconciliation of China wi.hthe countries of the developing world in rder to lead them against the"hegemony of the two superpowers." Being a pragmatist, Chou, whowanted to transform China into a great power before the end of thecentury, knew that China needed capital and technology from the West.Those members of the Chinese leadership that followed Chou's ideascame to be known as the moderates.

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The second faction believed that China should "walk on her ownlegs," keeping itself closed to foreign ideas and thus immune to the"corruption of revolutionary purity." These were the radicals, followersof the doctrine of Permanent Revolution and supporters of periodicpurges to expel "revisionism and bourgeois capitalist deviation" from thestate and party apparatus. The radical group, whose headquarters was inShanghai, had the personal support of Mao.

These two groups-the moderates and radicals-and the powerfulPeople's Liberation Army were the conflicting parties in the fight overMao's succession. During Mao's lifetime, two heirs had been nominated:Lui Chao-chi and Lin Piao. Lui Chao-chi was a veteran of the foundationof the Communist Party of China and was President of the Republic. Buthe fell in disgrace during the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution, leavingvacant the position of Chief of State. This position was abolished later bythe Constitution of January 1975 and was only recently re-established.Lin Piao was an army marshal, a creator of the People's Liberation Army,and an "intimate fellow of arms" of Mao. But after disagreeing with Maoand planning a coup d'etat, Lin Piao died under mysterious circumstances inSeptember 1971. The plane in which he had allegedly tried to flee to theUSSR was shot down over Manchuria, according to the official Chinesereport.

As a consequence of the disease that would kill him on 8 January1976, Chou En-lai had to be hospitalized for over a year and relieved of hisfunctions as Premier. Chou chose as his substitute Teng Hsiao-ping, aleader of the CPC who had risen to a high level within the party but hadbeen ostracized during the Cultural Revolution for "bourgeois-capitalistdeviation." An interesting feature of Chinese communism is the belief inthe "recovery" of those people who deviate from the communist ideals.Those who deviate are not executed but are sent to "re-educationprograms," contrary to the Soviet practice of communism. Thus, TengHsiao-ping eventually came back to the first level of power in China.Teng's return followed the acceptance of Chou En-lai's thesis that Chinamust reconcile with the Western world to assure progress towardbecoming a world power in competition with the hegemonistic intentionsof the USSR. Chou outlined the theory of the "Four Modernizations"-inagriculture, industry, the armed forces, and science and technology--as abasis for the program to achieve Chinese national goals. The movementtoward reconciliation with the West and the rise in status of teachers andstudents, who no longer were forced to stay on the farms for certainperiods in order "to learn from the peasants," deeply disgusted theradicals. In response, the radicals started campaigns against Teng,without actually naming him, through the universities' wall papers, thedazibao. These campaigns were backed by Mao himself.

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When Chou En-lai died, Teng Hsiao-ping lost his great protector.Teng then gradually lost all his power and position as a result of anationwide campaign by critics that labeled him as a"traitor and followerof capitalism." Thus, one more ideological campaign arose in the Chinesesociety. This one was connected with those against Lin Piao and againstConfucius, whose teaching is still deeply rooted in the Chinese collectivesoul in spite of almost half a century of communist rule.

As a somewhat surprising solution to the moderate-radical conflict,Hua Kuo-feng was rasied to the position of Prime Minister. Hua wasunknown to the Western world. He seemed to enjoy Mao's confidenceeven though his actions in office had, from the very beginning, a flavor ofmoderation. In the long run he proved to be a compromise solution,between moderate and radical, until the final solution of the Chinesepower problem could be reached

Another factor in the conflict over power was the People's LiberationArmy, whose role would be decisive in the event of any open struggle.The army had had the burden of reestablishing order after the chaos ofthe Cultural Revolution and after other laborers' upheavals in China. It'sworthwhile to restate that Mao Tse-tung had always wanted tosubordinate the army to the party because he knew the importance ofarmed forces. In Mao's own words, "power comes from the barrel ofrifles," but "the party should command the rifles." Such a subordinationhad been affirmed by the Constitution approved by the Fourth People'sNational Congress held in January 1975 after a broad national campaign.

The focus of the moderates' opposition was the group known as the"radicals of Shanghai." They were commanded by Madame ChiangChing, Mao's wife and leader of the Cultural Revolution in culture andarts. Madame Chiang also directed Wang Hung-wen and Chang Chun-chiao in their campaign aganist Lin Chao-chi and Teng Hsiao-ping. WangHung-wen was a former textile laborman and the youngest of theChinese leaders, then around 40 years old. The radicals had preparedthemselves with determination to succeed Mao.

On 6 April 1976 there was violence in Celestial Peace Square (TienAn Men) in Peking between the moderates and the radicals. Thecommotion then spread to the provinces, prompting oaths of solidarityand loyalty to President Mao from all military chiefs. The scene was setfor the eruption of violent struggles after Mao's death, which wasexpected at any moment. The national television network had beenshowing Mao's precarious state of . alth more and more often, and thepersonality cult surrounding Mao had been discouraged. Thus, theChinese people were prepared for the death of the "Old Helmsman."

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Finally, when Mao died on 9 September 1976, serious questionsremained to be answered about the future of China. The officialmourning vigil lasted 8 days, with the remains of the old leader kept in amourning chamber. The length of the vigil may have been to allow thesituation to stabilize, or to permit a transitional period in which Mao'sheirs could strengthen their position.

Once the hierarchic list of the new political apparatus was published,the partition of power between moderates and radicals was evident:

-Hua Kuo-feng, First Deputy Chairman of the Party and PrimeMinister (moderate).

-Wang Hung-wen, Second Deputy Chairman of the Party andCommandant of the People's Militia (radical).

-Yeh Chien-ying, Marshal, Defense Minister, andrepresentative of the People's Liberation Army in the tophierarchy (sympathetic to the moderates).

-Chang Chin-chiao, member of the Politburo, First DeputyPrime Minister and Political Commissar of the armed forces(radical).

As time went by, however, the power of Teng Hsiao-ping, one of thechosen Deputy Prime Ministers, steadily increased. At the same time, thestruggle between moderates and radicals escalated. Finally, the support ofthe moderates by the People's Liberation Army was decisive, causing theShanghai radicals to be ousted from their public positions andsubsequently tried and ostracized. Teng Hsiao-ping then ascended to theleadership of China. Hua Kuo-peng, deprived of his tasks in governmentone by one, had fulfilled his role as a transitional leader.

The years of rule by Teng and the moderates have witnessed theever-growing reconciliation of China with the Western world. This hasbeen accomplished despite periodical freezing of relations with the UnitedStates because of the special position conceded by Washington to Tawain,and despite China's continuing mistrust and antagonism vis-a-vis theUSSR. China and the USSR have occasionally taken actions tendingtoward Sino-Soviet reconciliation. The credibility of these actions seemsto have increased with Andropov's rise to power in the USSR. China hasmoderated its revolutionary action abroad, except in those areas ofimmediate strategic interest, such as Southeast Asia. This moderationhas also promoted Sino-US reconciliation.

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Teng Hsiao-ping is committed to obtaining from abroad, especiallyfrom the capitalist world, the means with which to transform China intoa global power within the principles of the Four Modernizations. He hasnot changed his position even though he was ostracised from the Partytwice, indicted as opportunist and revisionist by his enemies-"it doesn'tmatter the color of the cat, as long as it chases the rats."

Although the radicals have been defeated, one cannot say withcertainty that the power struggle in China has come to an end. And ifsomeday the "Shanghai group" returns to prominence on the domesticfront, China's positions regarding the world would change, perhapsreturning to isolationism and ideological-revolutionary fervor. Thepower struggle could begin anew on the occasion of Teng's death. And wemust not forget that he is an old man.

The USSR and the F ssion of Leonid Brezhnev

The process of succession in the USSR has been characterized bydramatic episodes and intense struggles. When Lenin died, Stalin came topower after having eliminated his most powerful rivals. Among theserivals we can count Bukharin, executed in 1938 after being accused of"rightist deviation," and Trotsky, accused by Stalin of "leftist deviation,"who was to be reached by the murderous Muscovite arm in 1940 while inexile in Mexico.

The new and implacable Red Tzar assumed complete powe: over theUSSR through a regime of terror. Hie directed a ,eries of purges thateliminated not only his possible competitors but millions of Sovietcitizens. The Soviets despaired of opposing his iron rule. Thus, Stalinconsolidated his domain and ruled for 28 years, leaving his personal markon the history of the USSR and the world.

Vhen Stalin died in 1953, the Soviets stood in amazement at thepov r gap left by the disappearance of the almighty lord of their destiny.Georgi Malenkov emerged at the top of the political apparatus. He was avery small figure, however, when compared to his predecessor. Soon hewas overthrown by Nikita Khrushchev, one of his chosen aids but a manwhose ambition demanded complete power for himself.

Khrushchev was later the victim of a treason similar to his ownagainst Malenkov. One of his favored followers, Lenoid Brezhnev, whomhe had promoted within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union(CPSU), finally overthrew Khrushchev. Brezhnev took advantage ofKhrushchev's fall in disgrace following the Cuban missile crisis and the

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enormous domestic dissatisfaction with his disastrous agricultural policy,which had led the Soviet people to famine.

In the beginning of his rule, Brezhnev had to pay allegiance to thosegroups that had helped him reach power. To do so, the "Troika" wasestablished. Brezhnev had political control as Secretary-General of theCPSU but had to share power with Aleksei Kosygin, Premier and head ofthe administrative apparatus, and Nikolai Podgorny, Chief of State.

In the USSR, however, he who controls the CPSU has the real power.As time went by, Brezhnev ousted Podgorny from office and becamePresident of the USSR. In addition, Kosygin was progressively forced tosubordinate his actions to Brezhnev's will. By these methods, a new RedTzar had taken over the Soviet Union, bringing about the return of theworship of personality and an overwhelming government presence in thelife of the Soviet people. Brezhnev also took remarkable actions in theinternational arena, always striving to affirm and fulfill the objectives ofcommunism and Soviet expansionism.

The death of such an impressive figure, who totally dominatedSoviet life, seemed likely to provoke a very serious crisis. Brezhnev hadkept the scheme of succession indefinite, perhaps fearing that an heirchosen in advance would have no patience to wait, as he had not hadpatience under Khrushchev. Ill and almost disabled during his last years,Brezhnev never designated his heir, leaving international analysts andobservers to speculate about who would be the next Soviet leader. Thehypotheses followed, one by one: Pelshe? Kirilenko? Ustinov?Chernenko? Suslov? Some of the heirs apparent were to die even beforeBrezhnev, and the mystery continued. The scene was set for anothertremendous struggle for power after Brezhnev's death, in accordancewith the Soviet tradition.

Brezhnev finally died on 10 November 1982, and much to thesurprise of the whole world, Yuri Andropov was nominated as Secretary-General of the CPSU on 13 November in a smooth, almost normalprocess. The one to nominate Andropov was Konstantin Kirilenko, untilthen his strongest rival. Some time afterwards, following in the steps ofBrezhnev, Andropov also assumed the Presidency of the USSR.

How could the smooth and surprising transition be explained? Manyconflicting analyses have been offered, so I can risk presenting mypersonal opinion. I believe that the selection of Andropov represented acompromise solution in which the security apparatus-namely, the KGBand the armed forces-had the last word. Andropov's selection and thespeed with which he was chosen and acclaimed lord of all the USSR can be

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explained by the Soviet leadership's fear of a prolonged void of power.The Soviets wanted to prevent the wounds of internal struggles at a timewhen they felt threatened by US initiative in the international field.

I believe that Andropov's personal record was also decisive fcr hisnomination. Going back to 1956, he was the Soviet Ambassador inBudapest when the Red Army crushed the Hungarian revolution that,with the support of the national armed forces, fought to return thatcountry to the world of free societies. Andropov's participation in thatevent was active and efficient for Soviet interests. Afterwards, he washead of the KGB and the entire Soviet state system of security for a verylong period. He left that post only to substitute for the late Mikhail Suslovas the ideologue of the CPSU.

Because of his past work, Andropov had been in touch with Westernsociety and the foreign world. He spoke several languages and wasconsidered to have a better cultural background then his predecessors.So, better than his predecessors and rivals, he would be able to follow,understand, and influence international events, always according to theSoviet objectives. At the same time, he was a functionary dedicated to theparty and a specialist on intelligence, thoroughly acquainted with themethods and processes of Soviet action and every secret of the giganticSoviet state security apparatus. An additional factor that carries greatweight in a closed and controlled society such as the Soviet Union is thatAndropov, as former head of the KGB, possessed the completebiographical records of the principal Soviet citizens, including all hiseventual competitors for power. These personal characteristics and theinternational circumstances at the moment prompted the choice ofAndropov to succeed Leonid Brezhnev.

Yuri Andropov, however, wasn't young or in good health. He was apractical choice because of his former experiences, fidelity to the party,and ruthlessness in defending the Soviet ideals; but he was a transitionalsolution. Nevertheless, having been raised under Soviet communism, ofwhich he made himself a faithful follower and guardian, Yuri Andropovwould work tirelessly with all his talents to achieve the goal of universaldomination that has been Moscow's dream ever since 1917. He appearedto be an intellectualized bureaucrat, as have most of the recent partyleaders, but his mind and his heart were directed toward revolution.

After assuming power, Andropov had to face the challenge ofAmerica's decision to rearm and defend the free world whenever it ismenaced. At the same time, he had to deal with the demands of Sovietcitizens outside the cadres of the Party-the overwhelming majority ofthe population-for a better standard of living. Having perceived the

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important role played by China in international affairs, Andropov tried toapproach Peking utilizing clever and persuasive language. He alsomaintained the constant build-up of the impressive Soviet arsenal, andshowed his intransigence in discussions regarding intermediate rangemissiles in Europe.

More than an individual, Yuri Andropov was a representative of asystem that deliberately opposes the West's efforts, with all theimperfections of democracy, toward improving life in society andaffirming the dignity of the human being. And so it will be, as long as thecommunist regime rules in the USSR or elsewhere. Any new leader willbe the product of a world view that admits but one solution to allproblems. Very little, if anything, will substantially change.

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7

Closing Observations

The World We Live In

The situation in today's world is one of crisis-broad, generalized,and multifaceted. Political crisis is caused by the clash betweendemocratic and totalitarian philosophies as the free world tries to hinderthe USSR in its search for global political control.

Economic crisis, caused by the unequal distribution of wealth,opportunities, and property within and among nations, divides those whohave too much from those who have nothing. Of this crisis, the mostcrucial aspect is the developing nations' struggle for a"New InternationalEconomic Order," more equal and fairer to all. While these nations workto improve their condition, powerful and important sectors of theindustralized and developed countries try every possible way to maintainthe status quo. Another important part of the economic crisis is theenergy problem, pitting the oil-producing countries against oil-importingcountries that have been terribly wounded by the pricing policies ofOPEC.

Psycho-social crisis, which in philosophical terms could be consideredmoral crisis, is manifested in the steady erosion of the values and basicfoundations of human society. It affects the relations between men andtheir Creator and between men and their neighbors. The family andother fundamental social institutions, such as Church and school, areattacked and forced to change, mostly in a negative way, by the powerfulmass media. The media are manipulated either by ideological interests orby the search for profit without social responsibility.

These crises provoke violence and appeals to military solutions.Thus, we live in a world of conflict within nations and international warsof a regional nature that always threaten to spread. There is a markedideological division between the opposing democratic-capitalist andtotalitarian-socialist systems. There is an ever-growing economicdivision between the rich, developed nations and the poor, developingones. Conflicts of interest among nations within one or the other groupprovoke additional divisions.

In short, when we look at the whole world we can identify the East-West conflict, the developed world-developing world conflict, and themisunderstandings within all these groups of nations. In addition, theever-present energy crisis challenges the majority of nations. But even in

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such a disturbed panorama, one can recognize the positive actions of menof good will. They state again and again their pursuit of harmony andpeace, not through submission and subjugation but by affirming respectfor the dignity of human beings and for the sovereignty of national states.

The Role of the Armed Forces in the Free World

The mission of the armed forces in defending the sovereignty andterritorial integrity of each nation is well known. I would like, however, torefer to some other features of military action in Latin America, Brazil inparticular, in order to demonstrate better what the military are actuallydoing. I do so because large numbers of people in the developed countries,under the effect of well orchestrated propaganda campaigns supported bythe communists, believe that all Latin American military are reactionary,isolated from their people, and only interested in enjoying power as asource of personal and general privileges.

In Latin America, communist action has taken many forms. Theseinclude exploitation of historical antagonisms that divide nations;psychological warfare focused on unavoidable social deficiences ofdeveloping economies; and armed movements, guerrilla warfare, andterrorism in the urban and rural environments. The armed movementsaim at the violent seizure of power or the formation of "broad" or"popular" fronts with the bourgeois parties in order to guaranteecommunist victory through parliamentary or"peaceful" means. Each oneof us has had the chance to diagnose the existence of communist action inour own countries. And we have suffered from its evil consequences inone way or another. We are definitely fighting an undeclared war againstthe international communist avalanche.

In such a context, the role to be played by the n,- onal armed forces,as legitimate heirs of the brave men who established and maintained ourfreedom and national sovereignty, is increased in importance. Fromgeneration to generation, in the military schools, in the barracks, on thebases and ships, the values and beliefs are transmitted: the belief in thefuture; the spirit of sacrifice and renunciation of oneself for the benefit ofthe country; the spirit of austerity; the values of morality and soundcompanionship; the need for hierarchy and discipline. As a consequence,in recent Latin American events, the armed forces often have acted as thelast stronghold for the defense of democratic principles against thecommunist assault; and they have succeeded. If the armed forces had notresponded to the call of their threatened peoples and come to their rescue,many countries would have fallen to communism. This is why thecommunists, knowing well the commitment and organization of their

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foe, are always engaged in slanderous campaigns against the LatinAmerican armed forces. At the same time, the communists strive toinfiltrate their agents into the very core of the military institution tofoster division and disharmony.

The basic constitutional mission of a nation's military is to guaranteenational security. The actuation of the armed forces, however, goesbeyond the mere concern for security. The military are also decisivelycommitted to the process of national development, complementing theactions of government and private enterprises. Thus, the uniformedservices are pioneers in the areas of teaching and instruction; oftechnology and research; of industrialization; of construction of strategicrailways and roads; of taming and occupying the hinterland byestablishing the military colonies that will give birth to regularsettlements, villages, and small towns; of transporting people and goodsto the distant regions where private enterprise has not yet reached. Thearmed forces deliver medical, dental, and hospital services. They providethe notions of adequate hygiene and nutrition, and the means to fulfillthem. They also deliver education for the illiterate, agricultural andlivestock-raising techniques, and simple industrial procedures compatiblewith the various regions where they accomplish their mission. The armedservices are the presence of the Fatherland among all the people, in everypart of each of our countries. By performing all these tasks, they take thebanners from the hands of the communists. Through example andpresence, the military are struggling to win the war in which the enemiesof democracy are engaged-that is, the war to conquer the hearts andminds of the people.

One must never forget the long tradition of military importance inthe life of the Iberian peoples, and the decisive action of Portugese andSpanish sailors and soldiers in the great cycles of discovery, conquest, andcolonization of the New World. Later, throughout the history of the freenations of Latin America, the military have had remarkable politicalinfluence. The majority of liberators were military, and as a naturalprocess, they came to be the first heads of state in the newly sovereigncountries. In this way, a tradition of military participation in politics wascreated. As institutions based on hierarchy and discipline, thoroughlycommitted to national sovereignty and integrity, the armed forces werein the ideal position to play the role of "moderating power." They lookedafter order and progress and intervened in political disturbances when itwas necessary to assure that internal divisions and chaos would notpersist.

The American Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789had great influence on Latin America, expressing the republican ideals

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and calling for liberty, equality, and fraternity. The Latin Americansembraced these ideas, and one by one, civilian governments began to beinstalled, supported by idealistic and liberal constitutions. However, thecontradictory and wary character of the people soon provoked asuccession of struggles and divisions. Originally used only as a means todefeat chaos and assure union, military intervention in politics becamemore and more frequent. It's true that, in many cases, power corrupts;and many military chiefs transformed themselves into caudillos,usurping the rights of the people and seeking power only for personalgain.

The Latin American people's arduous search for development andfairer, more participative forms of government continued in spite of themany obstacles and setbacks. More recently, communist action-efficientand effective-began to conquer land and the spirits of men in LatinAmerica. Taking advantage of young political institutions, still in theformative stage, the agents of revolution started to succeed in theirominous action. Everywhere, they sought to instill mistrust andsubversion. In some places, they infiltrated the government; in otherplaces, they gained total power.

In order to accomplish their basic mission and respond to the appealof their threatened peoples, the armed forces once more had to intervene.They took over political control of nations that would otherwise havefallen under communist rule. With time, the military return to theirnormal activities, giving management of the public affairs back topoliticians. But it is a somewhat slow process, because the existingcommunist threat has to be controlled and the new political leadershiphas to be prepared. If the military retreat too soon, conflict returns, withmore bloodshed and suffering than before.

The people lost their faith in the traditional political oligarchies,identifying them as mere profiteurs of power who were not concernedabout the majority of the nation. The people transferred their trust andconfidence to the idealistic military. Well-prepared culturally anddynamic in their actions, the military were capable of planning andexecuting the steps necessary for development. So far, however, thosehave been intermediate steps toward the more adequate social roles ofgood politicians forming a good government, with the military dedicatedto defense of the country.

The great challenge of today is to prepare the youth, especially those; tudying in the universities, to cope with the great questions of our times.They must dedicate themselves to the task of resolving the questionswithin certain bajic principles, such as patriotism, sensitivity for justice,

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love for the people, and dedication to public affairs. From such a consciousand well formed elite, one can hope that political leaders capable ofeffectively governing nations will emerge. These will be the legitimateheirs of the great men who have made our history.

Democracy: A Conscious Option and its Implications

The followers of Marxism-Leninism have adopted a vision of theworld according to which they must destroy the prevailing order anderect in its place a new political-economic-social order. This new orderbegins with the worldwide takeover of power by the proletariat.Although positive that such an event would complete the historicalprogression from absolute to constitutional monarchies and then to"bourgeois" democracies, these followers admit that the passage to the"dictatorship of the proletariat" will not take place in a smooth manner,but through revolution.

When the first Marxist-Leninist state in the world, the U 'SR,applied the communist ideology, instead of abolishing the state and thedistinction of classes it institutionalized the all-present and almighty stateapparatus. Following the style of Hobbes' Leviathan, the "new class" ofparty bureaucrats established its supremacy. Man and his yearning forliberty has thus been crushed by the machine of the sole party.

The Russian fears of encirclement and invasion have, since the Stalinregime, encouraged a resurgence of Russian imperialism andexpansionism. That is why, instead of pursuing the ideal of peace andharmony announced by the first romantic revolutionaries, the USSR hascreated the most formidable machine of war now known. The USSR hasbeen at war with the democratic world ever since the final moments ofWorld War II. The Soviets use indirect strategy most of the time becauseit's less risky and very effective. They issue a call to arms every time theyfeel threatened. This is how we can explain the shooting down of theKorean commercial airliner, with 269 innocent people on board, inSeptember 1983. That action, which seems cruel and absurd to the West,seems very natural and necessary to those, like the Soviet leadership, whoare always at war.

Democracy is a conscious option of people who desire the affirmationof liberty and the intrinsic dignity of man as they were granted by theDivine Creator. To live and to practice democracy must be our responseto the challenge of current times. To win the battles, the campaigns, orthe war against the enemies of men's dignity, it is not sufficient to be anti-communist. It is also necessary to work for democracy.

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Democracy is a complex form of government and demands acontinuous process of perfecting the societies in which it is to be applied.It is not characterized only by procedures such as periodic elections,separation of powers, universal voting rights, party pluralism, and theregular replacement of those in the government. It is also characterizedby respect for the dignity of the human being, "made according to theimage and resemblance of the Creator," in a social environment thatassures all possibilities of self-realization.

There is not one definite and final form of democracy, applicable to allpeople throughout history. On the contrary, it is necessary to take intoaccount the historical-cultural process of each nation to understand whatdcmocracy can accomplish and how to take the steps to achieve it. Thenational elites, those persons that have received special gifts from God,must interpret the national interests and yearnings in order to helpidentify national objectives. They also must orient, educate, and elevatethe poorer segments of the nation. In this way, everyone can beintegrated in the work for the Common Good.

The Common Good is the ultimate goal or raison d'etre of the politicalorganization of human society, as stated by Aristotle and emphasized bySaint Thomas Aquinas. It must be understood as an ideal that, besidescomprising individual well-being, inspires a model of society. This modelis favorable to the fulfillment of all human potential and to thecomprehensive understanding and maintenance of spiritual values. Or,as defined by Pope Paul IV in the Encyclical Mater et Magistra,

The Common Good consists in the existence of all conditions in sociallife which allow and favor the integral development of the humanpersonality.

The great challenges of our times lead us to visualize the mission ofmankind on two levels: perfecting the quality of life and guaranteeingthat such life exists in liberty. As a cor-equence, we have the definitions,from a national point of view, of development-"the process of perfectingand strengthening national power, to conquer the Common Good"-andsecurity-"warranty that, in variable degree, is proportionated to thenation, mainly under the aegis of the state, through political, economic,psycho-social and military actions, to assure the conquest andmaintenance of the permanent national objectives, in spite of existing orpotential antagonisms and pressures."

In a democratic system, in which all are equal under the law, eachcitizen has rights and duties. In the democratic pursuit of the CommonGood, one must recognize the concept of participation. This necessary*Fundamentos da Douirina, Escola Superior de Guerra, Brazil, 1981.

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participation can be achieved through a comprehensive nationaldiscussion of the main questions of the time and through the consciousefforts of all citizens to resolve these questions in ways that moreeffectively affirm the dignity of human beings.

The society of free nations, the "free world" as we know it, maintainscertain principles, applicable to each nation in the international arena.The free nations respect important concepts such as judicial equalityamong states, self-determination, non-intervention in other countries'internal affairs, and peaceful solution of controversies. These conceptsand values of the democratic or"Western" world are derived from variousinfluences and heritages:

-the philosophy of Ancient Greece

-the law of Rome

-the political events of England in 1688, the Unitea States in 1776,and France in 1789

-the Judeo-Christian tradition

We live in a world in which we must struggle to affirm the truedestiny of men within the postulates of democracy. But for democracy tosurvive, we must defend it and fight for its deepest beliefs, since the foe isimplacable, astute, and active. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance. Tosucceed in resolving the problems of current times, we, the democraticworld, must join hand-in-hand. We must integrate our efforts in acommon and planned action in order to assure our people a betterstandard of living and, at the same time, face our enemies with faith, deepbelief in our values, and obstinacy superior to theirs. After all, truth is onour side, so we need to know how to fight the good fight.

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The Author

Captain Sergio Tasso Vasquez de Aquino, Brazilian Navy, wrote thisreport as an International Senior Fellow at the National DefenseUniversity. At that time, he was also Chief of the Political Affairs Sectionat the Inter-American Defense College. Captain Tasso's career hasincluded work in the areas of International Political Affairs; Soviet-African Affairs; Intelligence, specializing in International Communism;Submarine Command and Staff Operations; and Economics and PublicAdministration. He is a graduate o" the Naval War College of Brazil andthe Escola Superior de Guerra, v, .s an instructor at the Brazilian NavalAcademy and the Brazilian Naval Warfare School, and was a member ofthe Permanent Staff at the Escola Superior de Guerra. He has also servedas Assistant Chief and Chief of the International Communism Section inthe Central Agency, National Intelligence Service. Wien he left theNational Defense University, Captain Tasso returned to a position in tiBrazilian Navy Staff.

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