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8/13/2019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01 http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 1/42 THE AUTHORSHIP OF HEBREWS:  A FURTHER DEVELOPMENT IN THE LUKEPAUL RELATIONSHIP  Andrew W. Pitts and Joshua F. Walker  McMaster Divinity College, Hamilton, ON, Canada  Introduction Regardless of its genre, with 1 John, Hebrews represents one of the only two non-narrative portions of the New Testament that lacks self-attestation regarding its authorship. The document’s anonym- ity has not, however, discouraged conjectures regarding the iden- tity of the writer. A number of possibilities for its origination have been suggested, including but not limited to Paul,  Luke,  Barnabas,  Eusebius (  Eccl. hist . 6.25.11–14) records that several Alexandrian scholars held to Pauline authorship, particularly Clement of Alexandria (c. AD 150–215) and Origen (AD 185–254), both of whom held to Pauline authorship with some reservations. Others in the early Church that adopted Pauline authorship—notably from the Western Church— include Jerome (  Epist . 129.3) and Augustine (  Pecc. merit . 1.50). The Pauline view has per- sisted in modern scholarship, as we see in M. Stuart,  A Commentary on the Epistle to the  Hebrews (2nd ed.; Andover, Mass.: Flagg, Gould, and Newman, 1833); R. Milligan,  Epistle to the Hebrews (The New Testament Commentary; St. Louis: Christian Publishing Co., 1875);  W. Leonard, The Authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews: Critical Problem and Use of the Old Testament  (Rome: Vatican Polyglot Press, 1939). This view died out almost entirely among scholars until J. Philips revived it in  Exploring the Scriptures (Chicago: Moody, 1965), 268–69. However, Philips’s view never gained acceptance and the Pauline perspec- tive enjoyed a hiatus until it emerged again through D.A. Black, e.g., his “On the Pauline  Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1): Overlooked A nities between Hebrews and Paul,”  Faith & Mission 16 (1999): 32–51; “On the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2): The External Evidence Reconsidered,” Faith & Mission 16 (1999): 78–86. Black also promises an extensive forthcoming book arguing for this position. In more recent German scholarship, see also Eta Linnemann, “Wiederaufnahme-Prozess in Sachen des Hebräerbriefes (Part 1),”  Funda- mentum 31 (2000): 102–12. Tertullian (c. AD 160–220) (  Pud . 20) refers to “an epistle of Barnabas titled ‘To the Hebrews.’  ” John Calvin also favours this view. See Calvin’s Commentary on the Epistle to the  Hebrews (London: S. Cornish, et al., 1841). Over the last century, an authorship by Barna- bas has found supporters in E.C. Wickham, The Epistle to the Hebrews (London: Methuen, 1910); E. Riggenbach,  Der Brief an die Hebräer ausgelegt von Eduard Riggenbach (Leipzig: Deichert, 1922); H. Strathmann,  Die Briefe an Timotheus und Titus, Der Brief an die Hebräer (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1954); P.E. Hughes,  A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1977). See J.F. Köhler, Versuch über die Abfassungszeit: Der epistolischen Schriften im Neuen Testament und der Apokalypse (Leipzig: J.A. Barth, 1830); K. Stein,  Kommentar zu dem !"#$!%"&'()*+)&,%-./00 !"# 23!"345!4 67#675" '8
Transcript
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THE AUTHORSHIP OF HEBREWS A FURTHER DEVELOPMENT IN THE LUKEPAUL RELATIONSHIP

Andrew W Pitts and Joshua F Walker McMaster Divinity College Hamilton ON Canada

Introduction

Regardless of its genre with 1 John Hebrews represents one of theonly two non-narrative portions of the New Testament that lacksself-attestation regarding its authorship The documentrsquos anonym-ity has not however discouraged conjectures regarding the iden-tity of the writer A number of possibilities for its origination havebeen suggested including but not limited to Paul Luke Barnabas

Eusebius ( Eccl hist 62511ndash14) records that several Alexandrian scholars held to

Pauline authorship particularly Clement of Alexandria (c AD 150ndash215) and Origen (AD185ndash254) both of whom held to Pauline authorship with some reservations Others inthe early Church that adopted Pauline authorshipmdashnotably from the Western Churchmdashinclude Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine ( Pecc merit 150) The Pauline view has per-sisted in modern scholarship as we see in M Stuart A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (2nd ed Andover Mass Flagg Gould and Newman 1833) R Milligan Epistle tothe Hebrews (The New Testament Commentary St Louis Christian Publishing Co 1875)

W Leonard The Authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews Critical Problem and Use of theOld Testament (Rome Vatican Polyglot Press 1939) This view died out almost entirelyamong scholars until J Philips revived it in Exploring the Scriptures (Chicago Moody1965) 268ndash69 However Philipsrsquos view never gained acceptance and the Pauline perspec-tive enjoyed a hiatus until it emerged again through DA Black eg his ldquoOn the Pauline

Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1) Overlooked A nities between Hebrews and Paulrdquo Faith

amp Mission 16 (1999) 32ndash51 ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2) The ExternalEvidence Reconsideredrdquo Faith amp Mission 16 (1999) 78ndash86 Black also promises an extensiveforthcoming book arguing for this position In more recent German scholarship see alsoEta Linnemann ldquoWiederaufnahme-Prozess in Sachen des Hebraumlerbriefes (Part 1)rdquo Funda-mentum 31 (2000) 102ndash12

Tertullian (c AD 160ndash220) ( Pud 20) refers to ldquoan epistle of Barnabas titled lsquoTo theHebrewsrsquo rdquo John Calvin also favours this view See Calvinrsquos Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (London S Cornish et al 1841) Over the last century an authorship by Barna-bas has found supporters in EC Wickham The Epistle to the Hebrews (London Methuen1910) E Riggenbach Der Brief an die Hebraumler ausgelegt von Eduard Riggenbach (LeipzigDeichert 1922) H Strathmann Die Briefe an Timotheus und Titus Der Brief an die Hebraumler(Goumlttingen Vandenhoeck amp Ruprecht 1954) PE Hughes A Commentary on the Epistle tothe Hebrews (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1977)

See JF Koumlhler Versuch uumlber die Abfassungszeit Der epistolischen Schriften im NeuenTestament und der Apokalypse (Leipzig JA Barth 1830) K Stein Kommentar zu dem

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144

Apollos Clement Priscilla and Philipp We hope however to put for-

ward a collaborative proposal that to our knowledge has not been sug-gested in modern scholarship up to this pointmdashat least not in the preciseform that we put forward Some have proposed multi-levelled authorshiptheories such as John and Lukersquos collaboration with Mary The evidence we will examine however suggests that Hebrews likely represents a Pau-line speech probably originally delivered in a Diaspora synagogue whichLuke documented in some way during their travels together and whichLuke later published as an independent speech to be circulated amonghouse churches in the Jewish-Christian Diaspora From Acts there already

Euangelium des Lucas Nebst einem Anhange uumlber den Brief an diw Laodiceer (HalleSchwetschke und Sohn 1830) JL Hug Introduction to the New Testament (trans D Fos-dick Andover Gould and Newman 1836) R Stier The Epistle to the Hebrews Interpretedin Thirty-Six Meditations (2 vols 2nd ed Brunswick Schwetschke 1842) JHA Ebrard Biblical Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews in Continuation of the Work of Olshau-sen (trans J Fulton Clarkrsquos Foreign Theological Library 32 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1853)H Cowles The Epistle to the Hebrews (New York Appleton 1878) L Zill De Brief an die Hebraumler Uumlbersetzt und erklaumlrt (Mayence Franz Kirchheim 1879) J Doumlllinger The First Ageof Christianity and the Church (trans H Oxenham 4th ed London Gibbons 1906) andnow most recently D Allen Lukan Authorship of Hebrews (New American Commentary

Studies in Bible and Theology Nashville Broadman amp Holman Academic 2010) Martin Luther ( Lutherrsquos Works Vol 29 Lectures on Titus Philemon and Hebrews [ed J Pelikan and Walter A Hansen Saint Louis Concordia 1968]) adopts Apollos as theauthor of Hebrews for the rst time (but cf J Mo fatt An Introduction to the Literatureof the New Testament [Edinburgh TampT Clark 1911] 438 who denies that Luther rst pro-posed this view) Advocates of this position typically cite Acts 1824 regarding Apollosrsquosexcellent speech and knowledge of the Scriptures as support See also JE Howard The Epistle to the Hebrews A Revised Translation with Notes (London Yapp and Hawkins1872) J Zahn Introduction to the New Testament (trans JM Trout et al EdinburghTampT Clark 1909) 356 DE Riggenbach Der Brief an die Hebraumler (Leipzig Deichert 1913)EH Plumptre ldquoThe Writings of Apollos An Attempt to Fix the Authorship of the Wisdomof Solomon and the Epistle to the Hebrewsrdquo The Expositor 1 (1875) 329ndash48 TW MansonldquoThe Problem of the Epistle to the Hebrewsrdquo BJRL 32 (1949) 1ndash17 P Ketter Hebraumlerbrief

Jakobusbrief Petrusbrief Judasbrief (Die Heilige Schrift fuumlr das Leben erklaumlrt Bd 161 Frei-burg [im Breisgau] Herder 1950) C Spicq LrsquoEacutepicirctre aux Heacutebreux (2 vols Paris LibrairieLeco fre 1952) F Lo Bue ldquoThe Historical Background of the Epistle to the Hebrewsrdquo JBL75 (1956) 52ndash57 P Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993)GH Guthrie ldquoThe Case for Apollos as the Author of Hebrewsrdquo Faith amp Mission 18 (2001)41ndash56

J Mo fatt The Epistle to the Hebrews (Edinburgh TampT Clark 1924) K and S Lake Introduction to the New Testament (London Christophers 1938)

A Harnack ldquoProbabilia uumlber die Adresse und den Verfasser des Hebraumlerbriefesrdquo ZNW 1 (1900) 16ndash41 J Rendell Harris Side Lights on New Testament Research (London Kings-gate 1908)

WR Ramsay Luke the Physician and Other Studies in the History of Religion (LondonHodder and Stoughton 1908)

JM Ford ldquoThe Mother of Jesus and the Authorship of the Epistle to the HebrewsrdquoUniversity of Dayton Review 11 (1975) 49ndash56

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145

exists a historical context for Lukersquos recording or in some way attaining

and publishing Paulrsquos speeches in a narrative context Luke remains theonly person in the early church whom we know to have published Paulrsquosteaching (beyond supposed Paulinists) and particularly his speeches Andcertainly by the rst century we have a well-established tradition withinGreco-Roman rhetorical and historiographic stenography (speech record-ing through the use of a system of shorthand) of narrative (speechesincorporated into a running narrative) compilation (multiple speechescollected and edited in a single publication) and independent (the pub-lication of a single speech) speech circulation by stenographers Since it

can be shown that early Christians pursued parallel practices particularlyLuke and Mark that Hebrews and Luke-Acts share substantial linguisticanities and that signicant theological-literary anities exist betweenHebrews and Paul we will argue that a solid case for Lukersquos independentpublication of Hebrews as a Pauline speech can be sustained

The proposal that perhaps most closely resembles ours is theorizedfor example in a footnote by Black when in attempting to account forthe linguistic evidence in Allenrsquos dissertation on the Lukan authorship ofHebrews he suggests Luke was perhaps Paulrsquos amanuensis The prob-lem with this proposal is that it assumes contrary to the dominant per-spective in scholarship that Hebrews is a letter Even if this is not anunargued assumption Blackrsquos idea remains underdeveloped and is notrobust enough to be compelling In distinction from Black we argue thatHebrews is a Pauline speech independently documented and circulatedby Luke probably based upon his work as a stenographermdasha more precisesecretarial function related to speech recording than the broader domainof the amanuensis for which Black argues JV Brown almost a centuryago advanced a theory similar to our proposal when he argued that Paulauthored the text but Luke edited it and published its nal form Again

we believe a more convincing case can be made through establishing ahistorical framework in Greco-Roman and early Christian practice thatLuke as he was accustomed to doing somehow attained or documentedrst hand Pauline speech material and published it as an independentspeech to be circulated in early Christian communities within the Diasporarather than editing a written Pauling document

BA Black ldquoWho Wrote Hebrews The Internal and External Evidence Reexaminedrdquo Faith amp Mission 18 (2001) 3ndash26 here 23 n3

JV Brown ldquoThe Authorship and Circumstances of HebrewsmdashAgainrdquo BibSac 80(1923) 505ndash38

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146

The Historical Context for a Literary Collaboration between

Luke and Paul

Assuming its reliability and Lukan authorship Acts provides one possibleplank of evidence for Lukersquos status as a traveling companion of Paul basedupon the so-called ldquowerdquo passages But while the ldquowerdquo sections of Acts cer-tainly may indicate Lukersquos communication of an eyewitness testimony(including many Pauline speeches) the possibility that Luke has incorpo-rated a previous we-source cannot be ruled out If the ldquowerdquo passages doconvey eyewitness tradition as a number of scholars have argued this

places Luke on at least two of Paulrsquos missionary journeys From these sec-tions in Acts we glean that (1) Luke joins Paul at Philippi (1610ndash17) (2)Luke accompanies Paul on his return visit to Philippi (205ndash15) (3) Luke went with Paul on his way to Jerusalem (211ndash18) and (4) after Paulrsquos two year imprisonment Luke set out with Paul to Rome (271ndash2816) Furtherevidence for Lukersquos collaboration with Paul is documented in the Paulineletters Paul refers to Luke as a fellow worker (Phlm 24) Evidence alsoexists for Paulrsquos collaboration with a physician named Luke in Col 414 who apparently accompanied Paul at the time when he composed theletter and even sent his regards to the Colossian church If we locate theprison letters within the Roman imprisonment then Acts likely ends withPaul in prison because Luke has just joined him there In other words Acts concludes by narrating the circumstances directly surrounding itstime of composition This provides a time when Luke could have col-laborated with Paul including gathering source material both for Actsand Hebrews Andmdashagain if we assume Pauline authorship or at leastthe validity of the tradition a Paulinist may have communicatedmdashat theend of his life Paul says ldquoLuke alone is with merdquo (2 Tim 411) indicat-ing a pretty close companionship These comments in Second Timothy

combined on the one hand with the historical record in Acts and on theother with numerous strands of literary and linguistic evidence have gen-erated a sizable body of literature that proposes a literary collaborationbetween Paul and Luke in the production of the Pastoral letters Such a

For discussion see SE Porter ldquoThe lsquoWersquo Passagesrdquo in DWJ Gill and C Gempf (eds)The Book of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting (vol 2 of The Book of Acts in Its First CenturySetting ed BW Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1994) 545ndash74 Porter however adoptsthe view that the ldquowerdquo passages are likely derived from a continuous independent source CFD Moule (ldquoThe Problem of the Pastoral Epistles A Reappraisalrdquo Oacute BJRL 47 [1965]

430ndash52) has revived this view in recent scholarship On the discussion and research sub-sequent to Moule see GW Knight The Pastoral Epistles A Commentary on the Greek Text

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147

scenario would only reinforce the likelihood for a previous or posthumous

collaborative work in the publication of Hebrewsmdashthe date for Hebrews whether it was circulated in Paulrsquos lifetime or not is not essential to ourtheory If Paul and Luke did co-author the Pastorals this would imply anopen exchange of literary materials between them and certainly providesa context in which Luke could have worked with Paul to also publish anindependent speech such as Hebrewsmdashthough on our theory he neednot necessarily have done so

In any case through some means or another Luke gained access to anumber of Paulrsquos speeches and integrated them into his narrative This

in addition to Paulrsquos consistent reference in his letters to Lukersquos compan-ionship at the sending locations for the letters and possibly further sup-port marshalled from the ldquowerdquo passages as well as possible evidence forLukersquos involvement in the Pastorals establishes a fairly stable historicalcontext in which collaboration between Paul and Luke could have takenplace But the nature of this collaboration must be explored further Whatprocess or method might Luke and Paul have undertaken in contributingto a literary production such as Hebrews What contexts in early Chris-tianity might have allowed for such a procedure And what referencepoints in Greco-Roman antiquity might we point to as evidence of paral-lel literary activity

Speech Circulation in Greco-Roman Historiography

Interpreters of the Acts slowly seem to be forming a consensus concern-ing the literary location of the document within the spectrum of genresin the ancient world Most at this stage grant the historical nature of Acts even if far fewer are willing to concede that the question of authen-

ticity is reducible to the question of literary form Acts may be historyand yet its author may still invent large amounts of material accordingto several Regardless the debate over the genre of Acts seems fairlystable at this point in the history of interpretationmdashit represents someform of ancient history It is appropriate then without further defence

(NIGTC Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1992) 48ndash51 WD Mounce Pastoral Epistles (WBC 46Dallas Word 2002) cxxviindashcxxix

For a detailed review of recent research on the genre of Acts see TE Phillips ldquoTheGenre of Acts Moving Toward a Consensusrdquo CBR 4 (2006) 367ndash96 Phillips concludes hissurvey by noting that ldquoIn the eyes of most recent scholars [Acts] is historymdashbut not thekind of history that precludes ctionrdquo (385)

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148

to move on to assess Acts as history Specically our concern involves

the speechesmdashparticularly the Pauline speechesmdashin Acts and therefore within ancient historiography And in this domain a great deal of ambigu-ity revolves around the question of the nature and extent of the libertiestaken by ancient historians in recording speeches Before addressing thisissue however it will be helpful to establish the kinds of mechanismsthat were in place in Greco-Roman antiquity for documenting and thencirculating public discourses for historical purposes

How would an ancient historian have come across material such asspeeches As we turn to the historians we nd various responses to this

question Thucydides (c 460ndash395 BC) (1221) says that ldquowith referenceto speechesrdquo ldquosome I heard myself others I got from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for word in onersquos memoryso my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opin-ion demanded of them by the various occasions of course adhering asclosely as possible to the general sense of what they really saidrdquo (SmithLCL) We will address the implications of this reference for the reliabilityof the speeches that Luke transmits below but for now we wish to drawattention to what Thucydides says regarding the origin and transmissionof speeches in antiquity He acknowledges two points of origination forspeech material (1) speeches that he heard and (2) speeches he got fromother places Thucydides does not seem to employ written aid because hementions the diculty of retaining the speeches word for word Polybius(c 220ndash146 BC) (361) by contrast appears to assume a previously existingdeposit of speech material not commenting directly on its origins whenhe says that historians should ldquoadapt their speeches to the nature of theparticular occasionrdquo (Paton LCL) Plutarch (c AD 46ndash120) famously com-ments on the issue in a still more revealing way

[A]nd its [ie Catorsquos speechrsquos] preservation was due to Cicero the consul who had previously given to those clerks who excelled in rapid writinginstruction in the use of signs [σηmicroεα] which in small and short gurescomprised the force of many letters these clerks he had then distributedin various parts of the senate-house For up to that time the Romans [notethe variant] did not employ or even possess what are called shorthand writ-ers [σηmicroειογρφου] but then for the rst time we are told the rst stepstoward the practice were taken Be that as it may Cato carried the day andchanged the opinions of the senators so that they condemned the men todeath (Plutarch Cat Min 233ndash7) (Perrin LCL)

The term σηmicroειογρφου occurs here for the rst time in the Greco-Romanliterature but Plutarch clearly understands the practice of recording

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149

speech through shorthand (stenography) to be introduced at the time of

Cicero (c 106ndash46 BC) and to have become somewhat pervasive by the rstcentury AD According to this text then on December 5th in 63 BC withCatorsquos speech to the senate we have the rst documented instance of what would become a very common practice in the subsequent centuries And the language itself implies that the Romans derived the terminologyfrom the Greeks indicating a primitive Greek practice upon which theRoman practice was based ldquoThe Romansrdquo (if that is the original read-ing) likely refers to broader Greco-Roman antiquity rather than merelythe Latin development of stenography so that the Greek and Latin tradi-

tions probably developed side by side Cicero ( Fam 1643) acknowledgesthis practice as well when he thanks Trio apparently for his services asa ldquostenographerrdquo in this instance (cf also Cicero Fam 16102 16171 Att 1332) That a system for recording speeches emerged out of these begin-nings by the rst century is evident in Senecarsquos remarks (c AD 63ndash64) thatthere are Quid verborum notas quibus quamvis citata excipitur oratio etceleritatem linguae manus sequitur (lsquosigns for words by which a speech isrecorded however quickly and the hand follows the speed of the speechrsquo)( Ep 9025) Seneca ( Apol 92) also mentions a speech by Janus that wastoo long and eloquent for the stenographer to record Such an admis-sion likely implies that this stenographer had no trouble following otherspeakers Also worth noting is the development from the initial instanceinvolving Catorsquos speech which required a group of scribes to the situa-tion in the rst century in which a single scribe is sucient for ordinarycircumstances The skill of stenography was clearly useful to those whodelivered speeches as well Titus both gave impressive speeches and prac-ticed the art of stenography even to the point of competing with profes-sionals of the trade for sport (Suetonius Tit 3) (indicating an establishedprofession by the rst century) Quintilian (c AD 35ndash100) ( Inst 10319)

further testies to the practice of speech recording as the ldquone fancy ofdictationrdquo in his classic work on the education of an orator

Cf ER Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing Secretaries Composition andCollection (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 69

See Otto Morgenstern ldquoCicero und die Stenographierdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 56(1905) 2ndash4

Cf G Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writing in the First Centuryrdquo CBQ 28 (1966) 465ndash77here 473

A Stein ldquoDie Stenographie im roumlmischen Senatrdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 16 (1905)182 Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473

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150

We have evidence of stenography among the (especially epistolary)

Greek tradition as well Most cite the contract in POxy 724 (AD 155) asthe earliest evidence for speech copyists in which Panechotes sends hisslave to study under the stenographer Apollonius (cf also PMur 164) establishing a ourishing trade of Greek shorthand writers at the veryleast by the time of Paul and Luke Clearly a context appropriate forsending a person abroad for the purpose of mentorship in the profes-sion assumes the previous development of a system of short hand thathad been established and was being passed down But as Hartman andBahr notice the evidence for Greek shorthand certainly predates the mid-

second century AD being testied to in the mid to late rst century AD with Arrianrsquos method of transmitting Epictetusrsquos discourses Arrian writes in the introduction to his compilation of Epictetusrsquos discourses

I neither wrote these Discourses of Epictetus in the way in which a manmight write such things nor did I make them public myself inasmuch as Ideclare that I did not even write them But whatever I heard him say thesame I attempted to write down in his own words as nearly as possiblefor the purpose of preserving them as memorials to myself afterwards ofthe thoughts and the freedom of speech of Epictetus Accordingly the Dis-courses are naturally such as a man would address without preparation to

another not such as a man would write with the view of others readingthem (Arrian Epict diss prol [Long np])

Notice that already in the rst century BC we have an established practiceof speech copying in place making expectations for (abundant) paralleldevelopments by the rst century AD far from unreasonable The lengthand complexity of Epictetusrsquos discourses also makes it hard to imaginethat Arrian did not use a form of shorthand notes that he could convertinto his own words at a later stage He was not himself a philosopherand would therefore have needed to rely on Arrianrsquos original concepts

as closely as possible to preserve them accurately Perhaps this is whyhe says he renders them ldquoas nearly as possiblerdquo He also emphasizes theraw nature of the material that he has digested from Epictetus and itsintent for private use He obviously distinguishes between what he cop-ied down based on the speeches he observed by his mentor and thener edited products typically prepared for public circulation We must

Eg Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473 Richards Paul and First-Century LetterWriting 473

Karl Hartmann ldquoArrian und Epiktetrdquo Neue Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr das klassische AltertumGeschichte und deutsche Literatur und fuumlr Paumldagogik 8 (1905) 257 and Bahr ldquoPaul andLetter Writingrdquo 474

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151

further stress that it was Arrian the speech copyist who was responsible

for compiling and publishing the speeches (Aulus Gellius Noct att 121719 291) And we must not forget that the accreditation of the origins ofstenography to Catorsquos speech derives from the Greek tradition (PlutarchCat Min 233ndash7)

Arrian is not the only example of a (proto-) stenographer who publishedrecorded speeches Asconius Pedianu records that a speech of Cicerorsquoshis Pro Milone had been circulated by a stenographer who recorded itand furthermore that it di fered drastically from the later editedimproved version that Cicero publishedmdashsuch a dual publication having no parallel

in Greco-Roman antiquity Cicero then became the subject of mockerybecause of the poor quality of the rst version of the speech published bythe stenographer (Cassius Dio 4054) Apparently stenographers publisheda number of Caesarrsquos speeches as well Pro Q Metell su fered publicationat the hand of a bad stenographer (Suetonius Jul 553) for example ButSuetoniusrsquos indication that the stenographer in this case did a disserviceto Caesar substantiates the notion that people expected a reliable andaccurate practice (otherwise why comment upon incompetent stenog-raphy) The success of the profession is further shored up by Quintil-ianrsquos inclinations to accept a stenographerrsquos version of Pro Milone as amore accurate rendition of the speech than the one Cicero himself laterpublished ( Inst 4217 25) Nevertheless Quintilian does not delight inthe fact that stenographers have published all but one of his speechesdelivered within the courts ( Inst 7224) Further TN Winter argues con- vincingly that Apuleiusrsquos (c AD 125ndash180) Apology probably furnishes yetanother speech recorded and published by stenographers based partiallyupon a developing tradition of this activity within Greco-Roman rheto-ric ldquothe ancient notices of stenography which antedate the Apology of Apuleius indicate that speeches could be faithfully recorded and that

court speeches were especially liable to recording and publication bystenographersrdquo Later still into the second century we have evidence ofa Socratic speech (c AD 200) that apparently circulated as the result of astenographer (Ps-Socrates Ep 144)

We should note a few things at this juncture To begin with thereis a well substantiated practice in which speeches were recorded pub-lished and circulated by stenographers in Greco-Roman rhetoric and

Cited in TN Winter ldquoThe Publication of Apuleiusrsquo Apologyrdquo TAPA 100 (1969) 607ndash612 here 608 This paragraph was greatly aided by Winterrsquos article

Winter ldquoPublicationrdquo 611

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152

historiography especially within the Latin tradition but in the Greek tra-

dition as well When Thucydides says that he uses speeches from variousplaces we may assume that he has likely gathered at least in part the workof stenographers as well as rst-hand publications by the various authorshe documents But perhaps more interesting for our purposes is his com-ment that he records speeches that he has heard Nevertheless relianceupon memory seems to be his method of choice in most instances This was not the case with someone like Arrian howevermdasha historian who inmuch the same way that we are proposing for Luke published a wide rangeof speeches embedded among his historical narratives in for example his

Indica and his Anabasis but also published a compilation of Epictetusrsquosspeeches This substantiates the practice of publishing speeches in bothnarrative and independent contexts among Greco-Roman historians But were speeches published apart from such collections Clearly they were We have been able to document a ourishing and fairly developed ste-nography profession by the rst century AD in which a number of ste-nographers published single speeches often before those who deliveredthe speeches had the chance to circulate a more polished version Tosummarize speeches were published by historians andor stenographersin three ways (1) within narrative history (2) as compilations and (3)independently as standalone documents This still leaves the questionof the style and language that the stenographer or historian might haveintroduced when recording speeches whether using ancient shorthandor not This question remains especially pertinent for our purpose sinceit frames our expectations regarding how much of Lukersquos own style mighthave penetrated Hebrews if it was a recorded Pauline speech

The most programmatic passage for assessing the reliability of ancientspeeches especially in Acts has been Thucydides 1221

With reference to the speeches in this history some were delivered beforethe war began others while it was going on some I heard myself others Igot from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for

word in onersquos memory so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions of course

On these speeches see MGL Hammond ldquoThe Speeches in Arrianrsquos Indica and Ana-basisrdquo CQ 49 (1999) 238ndash53 The following discussion expands signicantly upon material found in AW Pitts

ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Literary Rhetorical and Philosophical Inuencesrdquoin SE Porter and AW Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (TENTS Leiden Brill forthcoming)

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153

adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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154

an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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144

Apollos Clement Priscilla and Philipp We hope however to put for-

ward a collaborative proposal that to our knowledge has not been sug-gested in modern scholarship up to this pointmdashat least not in the preciseform that we put forward Some have proposed multi-levelled authorshiptheories such as John and Lukersquos collaboration with Mary The evidence we will examine however suggests that Hebrews likely represents a Pau-line speech probably originally delivered in a Diaspora synagogue whichLuke documented in some way during their travels together and whichLuke later published as an independent speech to be circulated amonghouse churches in the Jewish-Christian Diaspora From Acts there already

Euangelium des Lucas Nebst einem Anhange uumlber den Brief an diw Laodiceer (HalleSchwetschke und Sohn 1830) JL Hug Introduction to the New Testament (trans D Fos-dick Andover Gould and Newman 1836) R Stier The Epistle to the Hebrews Interpretedin Thirty-Six Meditations (2 vols 2nd ed Brunswick Schwetschke 1842) JHA Ebrard Biblical Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews in Continuation of the Work of Olshau-sen (trans J Fulton Clarkrsquos Foreign Theological Library 32 Edinburgh TampT Clark 1853)H Cowles The Epistle to the Hebrews (New York Appleton 1878) L Zill De Brief an die Hebraumler Uumlbersetzt und erklaumlrt (Mayence Franz Kirchheim 1879) J Doumlllinger The First Ageof Christianity and the Church (trans H Oxenham 4th ed London Gibbons 1906) andnow most recently D Allen Lukan Authorship of Hebrews (New American Commentary

Studies in Bible and Theology Nashville Broadman amp Holman Academic 2010) Martin Luther ( Lutherrsquos Works Vol 29 Lectures on Titus Philemon and Hebrews [ed J Pelikan and Walter A Hansen Saint Louis Concordia 1968]) adopts Apollos as theauthor of Hebrews for the rst time (but cf J Mo fatt An Introduction to the Literatureof the New Testament [Edinburgh TampT Clark 1911] 438 who denies that Luther rst pro-posed this view) Advocates of this position typically cite Acts 1824 regarding Apollosrsquosexcellent speech and knowledge of the Scriptures as support See also JE Howard The Epistle to the Hebrews A Revised Translation with Notes (London Yapp and Hawkins1872) J Zahn Introduction to the New Testament (trans JM Trout et al EdinburghTampT Clark 1909) 356 DE Riggenbach Der Brief an die Hebraumler (Leipzig Deichert 1913)EH Plumptre ldquoThe Writings of Apollos An Attempt to Fix the Authorship of the Wisdomof Solomon and the Epistle to the Hebrewsrdquo The Expositor 1 (1875) 329ndash48 TW MansonldquoThe Problem of the Epistle to the Hebrewsrdquo BJRL 32 (1949) 1ndash17 P Ketter Hebraumlerbrief

Jakobusbrief Petrusbrief Judasbrief (Die Heilige Schrift fuumlr das Leben erklaumlrt Bd 161 Frei-burg [im Breisgau] Herder 1950) C Spicq LrsquoEacutepicirctre aux Heacutebreux (2 vols Paris LibrairieLeco fre 1952) F Lo Bue ldquoThe Historical Background of the Epistle to the Hebrewsrdquo JBL75 (1956) 52ndash57 P Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993)GH Guthrie ldquoThe Case for Apollos as the Author of Hebrewsrdquo Faith amp Mission 18 (2001)41ndash56

J Mo fatt The Epistle to the Hebrews (Edinburgh TampT Clark 1924) K and S Lake Introduction to the New Testament (London Christophers 1938)

A Harnack ldquoProbabilia uumlber die Adresse und den Verfasser des Hebraumlerbriefesrdquo ZNW 1 (1900) 16ndash41 J Rendell Harris Side Lights on New Testament Research (London Kings-gate 1908)

WR Ramsay Luke the Physician and Other Studies in the History of Religion (LondonHodder and Stoughton 1908)

JM Ford ldquoThe Mother of Jesus and the Authorship of the Epistle to the HebrewsrdquoUniversity of Dayton Review 11 (1975) 49ndash56

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145

exists a historical context for Lukersquos recording or in some way attaining

and publishing Paulrsquos speeches in a narrative context Luke remains theonly person in the early church whom we know to have published Paulrsquosteaching (beyond supposed Paulinists) and particularly his speeches Andcertainly by the rst century we have a well-established tradition withinGreco-Roman rhetorical and historiographic stenography (speech record-ing through the use of a system of shorthand) of narrative (speechesincorporated into a running narrative) compilation (multiple speechescollected and edited in a single publication) and independent (the pub-lication of a single speech) speech circulation by stenographers Since it

can be shown that early Christians pursued parallel practices particularlyLuke and Mark that Hebrews and Luke-Acts share substantial linguisticanities and that signicant theological-literary anities exist betweenHebrews and Paul we will argue that a solid case for Lukersquos independentpublication of Hebrews as a Pauline speech can be sustained

The proposal that perhaps most closely resembles ours is theorizedfor example in a footnote by Black when in attempting to account forthe linguistic evidence in Allenrsquos dissertation on the Lukan authorship ofHebrews he suggests Luke was perhaps Paulrsquos amanuensis The prob-lem with this proposal is that it assumes contrary to the dominant per-spective in scholarship that Hebrews is a letter Even if this is not anunargued assumption Blackrsquos idea remains underdeveloped and is notrobust enough to be compelling In distinction from Black we argue thatHebrews is a Pauline speech independently documented and circulatedby Luke probably based upon his work as a stenographermdasha more precisesecretarial function related to speech recording than the broader domainof the amanuensis for which Black argues JV Brown almost a centuryago advanced a theory similar to our proposal when he argued that Paulauthored the text but Luke edited it and published its nal form Again

we believe a more convincing case can be made through establishing ahistorical framework in Greco-Roman and early Christian practice thatLuke as he was accustomed to doing somehow attained or documentedrst hand Pauline speech material and published it as an independentspeech to be circulated in early Christian communities within the Diasporarather than editing a written Pauling document

BA Black ldquoWho Wrote Hebrews The Internal and External Evidence Reexaminedrdquo Faith amp Mission 18 (2001) 3ndash26 here 23 n3

JV Brown ldquoThe Authorship and Circumstances of HebrewsmdashAgainrdquo BibSac 80(1923) 505ndash38

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146

The Historical Context for a Literary Collaboration between

Luke and Paul

Assuming its reliability and Lukan authorship Acts provides one possibleplank of evidence for Lukersquos status as a traveling companion of Paul basedupon the so-called ldquowerdquo passages But while the ldquowerdquo sections of Acts cer-tainly may indicate Lukersquos communication of an eyewitness testimony(including many Pauline speeches) the possibility that Luke has incorpo-rated a previous we-source cannot be ruled out If the ldquowerdquo passages doconvey eyewitness tradition as a number of scholars have argued this

places Luke on at least two of Paulrsquos missionary journeys From these sec-tions in Acts we glean that (1) Luke joins Paul at Philippi (1610ndash17) (2)Luke accompanies Paul on his return visit to Philippi (205ndash15) (3) Luke went with Paul on his way to Jerusalem (211ndash18) and (4) after Paulrsquos two year imprisonment Luke set out with Paul to Rome (271ndash2816) Furtherevidence for Lukersquos collaboration with Paul is documented in the Paulineletters Paul refers to Luke as a fellow worker (Phlm 24) Evidence alsoexists for Paulrsquos collaboration with a physician named Luke in Col 414 who apparently accompanied Paul at the time when he composed theletter and even sent his regards to the Colossian church If we locate theprison letters within the Roman imprisonment then Acts likely ends withPaul in prison because Luke has just joined him there In other words Acts concludes by narrating the circumstances directly surrounding itstime of composition This provides a time when Luke could have col-laborated with Paul including gathering source material both for Actsand Hebrews Andmdashagain if we assume Pauline authorship or at leastthe validity of the tradition a Paulinist may have communicatedmdashat theend of his life Paul says ldquoLuke alone is with merdquo (2 Tim 411) indicat-ing a pretty close companionship These comments in Second Timothy

combined on the one hand with the historical record in Acts and on theother with numerous strands of literary and linguistic evidence have gen-erated a sizable body of literature that proposes a literary collaborationbetween Paul and Luke in the production of the Pastoral letters Such a

For discussion see SE Porter ldquoThe lsquoWersquo Passagesrdquo in DWJ Gill and C Gempf (eds)The Book of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting (vol 2 of The Book of Acts in Its First CenturySetting ed BW Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1994) 545ndash74 Porter however adoptsthe view that the ldquowerdquo passages are likely derived from a continuous independent source CFD Moule (ldquoThe Problem of the Pastoral Epistles A Reappraisalrdquo Oacute BJRL 47 [1965]

430ndash52) has revived this view in recent scholarship On the discussion and research sub-sequent to Moule see GW Knight The Pastoral Epistles A Commentary on the Greek Text

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147

scenario would only reinforce the likelihood for a previous or posthumous

collaborative work in the publication of Hebrewsmdashthe date for Hebrews whether it was circulated in Paulrsquos lifetime or not is not essential to ourtheory If Paul and Luke did co-author the Pastorals this would imply anopen exchange of literary materials between them and certainly providesa context in which Luke could have worked with Paul to also publish anindependent speech such as Hebrewsmdashthough on our theory he neednot necessarily have done so

In any case through some means or another Luke gained access to anumber of Paulrsquos speeches and integrated them into his narrative This

in addition to Paulrsquos consistent reference in his letters to Lukersquos compan-ionship at the sending locations for the letters and possibly further sup-port marshalled from the ldquowerdquo passages as well as possible evidence forLukersquos involvement in the Pastorals establishes a fairly stable historicalcontext in which collaboration between Paul and Luke could have takenplace But the nature of this collaboration must be explored further Whatprocess or method might Luke and Paul have undertaken in contributingto a literary production such as Hebrews What contexts in early Chris-tianity might have allowed for such a procedure And what referencepoints in Greco-Roman antiquity might we point to as evidence of paral-lel literary activity

Speech Circulation in Greco-Roman Historiography

Interpreters of the Acts slowly seem to be forming a consensus concern-ing the literary location of the document within the spectrum of genresin the ancient world Most at this stage grant the historical nature of Acts even if far fewer are willing to concede that the question of authen-

ticity is reducible to the question of literary form Acts may be historyand yet its author may still invent large amounts of material accordingto several Regardless the debate over the genre of Acts seems fairlystable at this point in the history of interpretationmdashit represents someform of ancient history It is appropriate then without further defence

(NIGTC Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1992) 48ndash51 WD Mounce Pastoral Epistles (WBC 46Dallas Word 2002) cxxviindashcxxix

For a detailed review of recent research on the genre of Acts see TE Phillips ldquoTheGenre of Acts Moving Toward a Consensusrdquo CBR 4 (2006) 367ndash96 Phillips concludes hissurvey by noting that ldquoIn the eyes of most recent scholars [Acts] is historymdashbut not thekind of history that precludes ctionrdquo (385)

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148

to move on to assess Acts as history Specically our concern involves

the speechesmdashparticularly the Pauline speechesmdashin Acts and therefore within ancient historiography And in this domain a great deal of ambigu-ity revolves around the question of the nature and extent of the libertiestaken by ancient historians in recording speeches Before addressing thisissue however it will be helpful to establish the kinds of mechanismsthat were in place in Greco-Roman antiquity for documenting and thencirculating public discourses for historical purposes

How would an ancient historian have come across material such asspeeches As we turn to the historians we nd various responses to this

question Thucydides (c 460ndash395 BC) (1221) says that ldquowith referenceto speechesrdquo ldquosome I heard myself others I got from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for word in onersquos memoryso my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opin-ion demanded of them by the various occasions of course adhering asclosely as possible to the general sense of what they really saidrdquo (SmithLCL) We will address the implications of this reference for the reliabilityof the speeches that Luke transmits below but for now we wish to drawattention to what Thucydides says regarding the origin and transmissionof speeches in antiquity He acknowledges two points of origination forspeech material (1) speeches that he heard and (2) speeches he got fromother places Thucydides does not seem to employ written aid because hementions the diculty of retaining the speeches word for word Polybius(c 220ndash146 BC) (361) by contrast appears to assume a previously existingdeposit of speech material not commenting directly on its origins whenhe says that historians should ldquoadapt their speeches to the nature of theparticular occasionrdquo (Paton LCL) Plutarch (c AD 46ndash120) famously com-ments on the issue in a still more revealing way

[A]nd its [ie Catorsquos speechrsquos] preservation was due to Cicero the consul who had previously given to those clerks who excelled in rapid writinginstruction in the use of signs [σηmicroεα] which in small and short gurescomprised the force of many letters these clerks he had then distributedin various parts of the senate-house For up to that time the Romans [notethe variant] did not employ or even possess what are called shorthand writ-ers [σηmicroειογρφου] but then for the rst time we are told the rst stepstoward the practice were taken Be that as it may Cato carried the day andchanged the opinions of the senators so that they condemned the men todeath (Plutarch Cat Min 233ndash7) (Perrin LCL)

The term σηmicroειογρφου occurs here for the rst time in the Greco-Romanliterature but Plutarch clearly understands the practice of recording

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149

speech through shorthand (stenography) to be introduced at the time of

Cicero (c 106ndash46 BC) and to have become somewhat pervasive by the rstcentury AD According to this text then on December 5th in 63 BC withCatorsquos speech to the senate we have the rst documented instance of what would become a very common practice in the subsequent centuries And the language itself implies that the Romans derived the terminologyfrom the Greeks indicating a primitive Greek practice upon which theRoman practice was based ldquoThe Romansrdquo (if that is the original read-ing) likely refers to broader Greco-Roman antiquity rather than merelythe Latin development of stenography so that the Greek and Latin tradi-

tions probably developed side by side Cicero ( Fam 1643) acknowledgesthis practice as well when he thanks Trio apparently for his services asa ldquostenographerrdquo in this instance (cf also Cicero Fam 16102 16171 Att 1332) That a system for recording speeches emerged out of these begin-nings by the rst century is evident in Senecarsquos remarks (c AD 63ndash64) thatthere are Quid verborum notas quibus quamvis citata excipitur oratio etceleritatem linguae manus sequitur (lsquosigns for words by which a speech isrecorded however quickly and the hand follows the speed of the speechrsquo)( Ep 9025) Seneca ( Apol 92) also mentions a speech by Janus that wastoo long and eloquent for the stenographer to record Such an admis-sion likely implies that this stenographer had no trouble following otherspeakers Also worth noting is the development from the initial instanceinvolving Catorsquos speech which required a group of scribes to the situa-tion in the rst century in which a single scribe is sucient for ordinarycircumstances The skill of stenography was clearly useful to those whodelivered speeches as well Titus both gave impressive speeches and prac-ticed the art of stenography even to the point of competing with profes-sionals of the trade for sport (Suetonius Tit 3) (indicating an establishedprofession by the rst century) Quintilian (c AD 35ndash100) ( Inst 10319)

further testies to the practice of speech recording as the ldquone fancy ofdictationrdquo in his classic work on the education of an orator

Cf ER Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing Secretaries Composition andCollection (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 69

See Otto Morgenstern ldquoCicero und die Stenographierdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 56(1905) 2ndash4

Cf G Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writing in the First Centuryrdquo CBQ 28 (1966) 465ndash77here 473

A Stein ldquoDie Stenographie im roumlmischen Senatrdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 16 (1905)182 Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473

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150

We have evidence of stenography among the (especially epistolary)

Greek tradition as well Most cite the contract in POxy 724 (AD 155) asthe earliest evidence for speech copyists in which Panechotes sends hisslave to study under the stenographer Apollonius (cf also PMur 164) establishing a ourishing trade of Greek shorthand writers at the veryleast by the time of Paul and Luke Clearly a context appropriate forsending a person abroad for the purpose of mentorship in the profes-sion assumes the previous development of a system of short hand thathad been established and was being passed down But as Hartman andBahr notice the evidence for Greek shorthand certainly predates the mid-

second century AD being testied to in the mid to late rst century AD with Arrianrsquos method of transmitting Epictetusrsquos discourses Arrian writes in the introduction to his compilation of Epictetusrsquos discourses

I neither wrote these Discourses of Epictetus in the way in which a manmight write such things nor did I make them public myself inasmuch as Ideclare that I did not even write them But whatever I heard him say thesame I attempted to write down in his own words as nearly as possiblefor the purpose of preserving them as memorials to myself afterwards ofthe thoughts and the freedom of speech of Epictetus Accordingly the Dis-courses are naturally such as a man would address without preparation to

another not such as a man would write with the view of others readingthem (Arrian Epict diss prol [Long np])

Notice that already in the rst century BC we have an established practiceof speech copying in place making expectations for (abundant) paralleldevelopments by the rst century AD far from unreasonable The lengthand complexity of Epictetusrsquos discourses also makes it hard to imaginethat Arrian did not use a form of shorthand notes that he could convertinto his own words at a later stage He was not himself a philosopherand would therefore have needed to rely on Arrianrsquos original concepts

as closely as possible to preserve them accurately Perhaps this is whyhe says he renders them ldquoas nearly as possiblerdquo He also emphasizes theraw nature of the material that he has digested from Epictetus and itsintent for private use He obviously distinguishes between what he cop-ied down based on the speeches he observed by his mentor and thener edited products typically prepared for public circulation We must

Eg Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473 Richards Paul and First-Century LetterWriting 473

Karl Hartmann ldquoArrian und Epiktetrdquo Neue Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr das klassische AltertumGeschichte und deutsche Literatur und fuumlr Paumldagogik 8 (1905) 257 and Bahr ldquoPaul andLetter Writingrdquo 474

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151

further stress that it was Arrian the speech copyist who was responsible

for compiling and publishing the speeches (Aulus Gellius Noct att 121719 291) And we must not forget that the accreditation of the origins ofstenography to Catorsquos speech derives from the Greek tradition (PlutarchCat Min 233ndash7)

Arrian is not the only example of a (proto-) stenographer who publishedrecorded speeches Asconius Pedianu records that a speech of Cicerorsquoshis Pro Milone had been circulated by a stenographer who recorded itand furthermore that it di fered drastically from the later editedimproved version that Cicero publishedmdashsuch a dual publication having no parallel

in Greco-Roman antiquity Cicero then became the subject of mockerybecause of the poor quality of the rst version of the speech published bythe stenographer (Cassius Dio 4054) Apparently stenographers publisheda number of Caesarrsquos speeches as well Pro Q Metell su fered publicationat the hand of a bad stenographer (Suetonius Jul 553) for example ButSuetoniusrsquos indication that the stenographer in this case did a disserviceto Caesar substantiates the notion that people expected a reliable andaccurate practice (otherwise why comment upon incompetent stenog-raphy) The success of the profession is further shored up by Quintil-ianrsquos inclinations to accept a stenographerrsquos version of Pro Milone as amore accurate rendition of the speech than the one Cicero himself laterpublished ( Inst 4217 25) Nevertheless Quintilian does not delight inthe fact that stenographers have published all but one of his speechesdelivered within the courts ( Inst 7224) Further TN Winter argues con- vincingly that Apuleiusrsquos (c AD 125ndash180) Apology probably furnishes yetanother speech recorded and published by stenographers based partiallyupon a developing tradition of this activity within Greco-Roman rheto-ric ldquothe ancient notices of stenography which antedate the Apology of Apuleius indicate that speeches could be faithfully recorded and that

court speeches were especially liable to recording and publication bystenographersrdquo Later still into the second century we have evidence ofa Socratic speech (c AD 200) that apparently circulated as the result of astenographer (Ps-Socrates Ep 144)

We should note a few things at this juncture To begin with thereis a well substantiated practice in which speeches were recorded pub-lished and circulated by stenographers in Greco-Roman rhetoric and

Cited in TN Winter ldquoThe Publication of Apuleiusrsquo Apologyrdquo TAPA 100 (1969) 607ndash612 here 608 This paragraph was greatly aided by Winterrsquos article

Winter ldquoPublicationrdquo 611

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152

historiography especially within the Latin tradition but in the Greek tra-

dition as well When Thucydides says that he uses speeches from variousplaces we may assume that he has likely gathered at least in part the workof stenographers as well as rst-hand publications by the various authorshe documents But perhaps more interesting for our purposes is his com-ment that he records speeches that he has heard Nevertheless relianceupon memory seems to be his method of choice in most instances This was not the case with someone like Arrian howevermdasha historian who inmuch the same way that we are proposing for Luke published a wide rangeof speeches embedded among his historical narratives in for example his

Indica and his Anabasis but also published a compilation of Epictetusrsquosspeeches This substantiates the practice of publishing speeches in bothnarrative and independent contexts among Greco-Roman historians But were speeches published apart from such collections Clearly they were We have been able to document a ourishing and fairly developed ste-nography profession by the rst century AD in which a number of ste-nographers published single speeches often before those who deliveredthe speeches had the chance to circulate a more polished version Tosummarize speeches were published by historians andor stenographersin three ways (1) within narrative history (2) as compilations and (3)independently as standalone documents This still leaves the questionof the style and language that the stenographer or historian might haveintroduced when recording speeches whether using ancient shorthandor not This question remains especially pertinent for our purpose sinceit frames our expectations regarding how much of Lukersquos own style mighthave penetrated Hebrews if it was a recorded Pauline speech

The most programmatic passage for assessing the reliability of ancientspeeches especially in Acts has been Thucydides 1221

With reference to the speeches in this history some were delivered beforethe war began others while it was going on some I heard myself others Igot from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for

word in onersquos memory so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions of course

On these speeches see MGL Hammond ldquoThe Speeches in Arrianrsquos Indica and Ana-basisrdquo CQ 49 (1999) 238ndash53 The following discussion expands signicantly upon material found in AW Pitts

ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Literary Rhetorical and Philosophical Inuencesrdquoin SE Porter and AW Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (TENTS Leiden Brill forthcoming)

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153

adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 1942

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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Page 3: 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

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145

exists a historical context for Lukersquos recording or in some way attaining

and publishing Paulrsquos speeches in a narrative context Luke remains theonly person in the early church whom we know to have published Paulrsquosteaching (beyond supposed Paulinists) and particularly his speeches Andcertainly by the rst century we have a well-established tradition withinGreco-Roman rhetorical and historiographic stenography (speech record-ing through the use of a system of shorthand) of narrative (speechesincorporated into a running narrative) compilation (multiple speechescollected and edited in a single publication) and independent (the pub-lication of a single speech) speech circulation by stenographers Since it

can be shown that early Christians pursued parallel practices particularlyLuke and Mark that Hebrews and Luke-Acts share substantial linguisticanities and that signicant theological-literary anities exist betweenHebrews and Paul we will argue that a solid case for Lukersquos independentpublication of Hebrews as a Pauline speech can be sustained

The proposal that perhaps most closely resembles ours is theorizedfor example in a footnote by Black when in attempting to account forthe linguistic evidence in Allenrsquos dissertation on the Lukan authorship ofHebrews he suggests Luke was perhaps Paulrsquos amanuensis The prob-lem with this proposal is that it assumes contrary to the dominant per-spective in scholarship that Hebrews is a letter Even if this is not anunargued assumption Blackrsquos idea remains underdeveloped and is notrobust enough to be compelling In distinction from Black we argue thatHebrews is a Pauline speech independently documented and circulatedby Luke probably based upon his work as a stenographermdasha more precisesecretarial function related to speech recording than the broader domainof the amanuensis for which Black argues JV Brown almost a centuryago advanced a theory similar to our proposal when he argued that Paulauthored the text but Luke edited it and published its nal form Again

we believe a more convincing case can be made through establishing ahistorical framework in Greco-Roman and early Christian practice thatLuke as he was accustomed to doing somehow attained or documentedrst hand Pauline speech material and published it as an independentspeech to be circulated in early Christian communities within the Diasporarather than editing a written Pauling document

BA Black ldquoWho Wrote Hebrews The Internal and External Evidence Reexaminedrdquo Faith amp Mission 18 (2001) 3ndash26 here 23 n3

JV Brown ldquoThe Authorship and Circumstances of HebrewsmdashAgainrdquo BibSac 80(1923) 505ndash38

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146

The Historical Context for a Literary Collaboration between

Luke and Paul

Assuming its reliability and Lukan authorship Acts provides one possibleplank of evidence for Lukersquos status as a traveling companion of Paul basedupon the so-called ldquowerdquo passages But while the ldquowerdquo sections of Acts cer-tainly may indicate Lukersquos communication of an eyewitness testimony(including many Pauline speeches) the possibility that Luke has incorpo-rated a previous we-source cannot be ruled out If the ldquowerdquo passages doconvey eyewitness tradition as a number of scholars have argued this

places Luke on at least two of Paulrsquos missionary journeys From these sec-tions in Acts we glean that (1) Luke joins Paul at Philippi (1610ndash17) (2)Luke accompanies Paul on his return visit to Philippi (205ndash15) (3) Luke went with Paul on his way to Jerusalem (211ndash18) and (4) after Paulrsquos two year imprisonment Luke set out with Paul to Rome (271ndash2816) Furtherevidence for Lukersquos collaboration with Paul is documented in the Paulineletters Paul refers to Luke as a fellow worker (Phlm 24) Evidence alsoexists for Paulrsquos collaboration with a physician named Luke in Col 414 who apparently accompanied Paul at the time when he composed theletter and even sent his regards to the Colossian church If we locate theprison letters within the Roman imprisonment then Acts likely ends withPaul in prison because Luke has just joined him there In other words Acts concludes by narrating the circumstances directly surrounding itstime of composition This provides a time when Luke could have col-laborated with Paul including gathering source material both for Actsand Hebrews Andmdashagain if we assume Pauline authorship or at leastthe validity of the tradition a Paulinist may have communicatedmdashat theend of his life Paul says ldquoLuke alone is with merdquo (2 Tim 411) indicat-ing a pretty close companionship These comments in Second Timothy

combined on the one hand with the historical record in Acts and on theother with numerous strands of literary and linguistic evidence have gen-erated a sizable body of literature that proposes a literary collaborationbetween Paul and Luke in the production of the Pastoral letters Such a

For discussion see SE Porter ldquoThe lsquoWersquo Passagesrdquo in DWJ Gill and C Gempf (eds)The Book of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting (vol 2 of The Book of Acts in Its First CenturySetting ed BW Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1994) 545ndash74 Porter however adoptsthe view that the ldquowerdquo passages are likely derived from a continuous independent source CFD Moule (ldquoThe Problem of the Pastoral Epistles A Reappraisalrdquo Oacute BJRL 47 [1965]

430ndash52) has revived this view in recent scholarship On the discussion and research sub-sequent to Moule see GW Knight The Pastoral Epistles A Commentary on the Greek Text

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147

scenario would only reinforce the likelihood for a previous or posthumous

collaborative work in the publication of Hebrewsmdashthe date for Hebrews whether it was circulated in Paulrsquos lifetime or not is not essential to ourtheory If Paul and Luke did co-author the Pastorals this would imply anopen exchange of literary materials between them and certainly providesa context in which Luke could have worked with Paul to also publish anindependent speech such as Hebrewsmdashthough on our theory he neednot necessarily have done so

In any case through some means or another Luke gained access to anumber of Paulrsquos speeches and integrated them into his narrative This

in addition to Paulrsquos consistent reference in his letters to Lukersquos compan-ionship at the sending locations for the letters and possibly further sup-port marshalled from the ldquowerdquo passages as well as possible evidence forLukersquos involvement in the Pastorals establishes a fairly stable historicalcontext in which collaboration between Paul and Luke could have takenplace But the nature of this collaboration must be explored further Whatprocess or method might Luke and Paul have undertaken in contributingto a literary production such as Hebrews What contexts in early Chris-tianity might have allowed for such a procedure And what referencepoints in Greco-Roman antiquity might we point to as evidence of paral-lel literary activity

Speech Circulation in Greco-Roman Historiography

Interpreters of the Acts slowly seem to be forming a consensus concern-ing the literary location of the document within the spectrum of genresin the ancient world Most at this stage grant the historical nature of Acts even if far fewer are willing to concede that the question of authen-

ticity is reducible to the question of literary form Acts may be historyand yet its author may still invent large amounts of material accordingto several Regardless the debate over the genre of Acts seems fairlystable at this point in the history of interpretationmdashit represents someform of ancient history It is appropriate then without further defence

(NIGTC Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1992) 48ndash51 WD Mounce Pastoral Epistles (WBC 46Dallas Word 2002) cxxviindashcxxix

For a detailed review of recent research on the genre of Acts see TE Phillips ldquoTheGenre of Acts Moving Toward a Consensusrdquo CBR 4 (2006) 367ndash96 Phillips concludes hissurvey by noting that ldquoIn the eyes of most recent scholars [Acts] is historymdashbut not thekind of history that precludes ctionrdquo (385)

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148

to move on to assess Acts as history Specically our concern involves

the speechesmdashparticularly the Pauline speechesmdashin Acts and therefore within ancient historiography And in this domain a great deal of ambigu-ity revolves around the question of the nature and extent of the libertiestaken by ancient historians in recording speeches Before addressing thisissue however it will be helpful to establish the kinds of mechanismsthat were in place in Greco-Roman antiquity for documenting and thencirculating public discourses for historical purposes

How would an ancient historian have come across material such asspeeches As we turn to the historians we nd various responses to this

question Thucydides (c 460ndash395 BC) (1221) says that ldquowith referenceto speechesrdquo ldquosome I heard myself others I got from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for word in onersquos memoryso my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opin-ion demanded of them by the various occasions of course adhering asclosely as possible to the general sense of what they really saidrdquo (SmithLCL) We will address the implications of this reference for the reliabilityof the speeches that Luke transmits below but for now we wish to drawattention to what Thucydides says regarding the origin and transmissionof speeches in antiquity He acknowledges two points of origination forspeech material (1) speeches that he heard and (2) speeches he got fromother places Thucydides does not seem to employ written aid because hementions the diculty of retaining the speeches word for word Polybius(c 220ndash146 BC) (361) by contrast appears to assume a previously existingdeposit of speech material not commenting directly on its origins whenhe says that historians should ldquoadapt their speeches to the nature of theparticular occasionrdquo (Paton LCL) Plutarch (c AD 46ndash120) famously com-ments on the issue in a still more revealing way

[A]nd its [ie Catorsquos speechrsquos] preservation was due to Cicero the consul who had previously given to those clerks who excelled in rapid writinginstruction in the use of signs [σηmicroεα] which in small and short gurescomprised the force of many letters these clerks he had then distributedin various parts of the senate-house For up to that time the Romans [notethe variant] did not employ or even possess what are called shorthand writ-ers [σηmicroειογρφου] but then for the rst time we are told the rst stepstoward the practice were taken Be that as it may Cato carried the day andchanged the opinions of the senators so that they condemned the men todeath (Plutarch Cat Min 233ndash7) (Perrin LCL)

The term σηmicroειογρφου occurs here for the rst time in the Greco-Romanliterature but Plutarch clearly understands the practice of recording

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149

speech through shorthand (stenography) to be introduced at the time of

Cicero (c 106ndash46 BC) and to have become somewhat pervasive by the rstcentury AD According to this text then on December 5th in 63 BC withCatorsquos speech to the senate we have the rst documented instance of what would become a very common practice in the subsequent centuries And the language itself implies that the Romans derived the terminologyfrom the Greeks indicating a primitive Greek practice upon which theRoman practice was based ldquoThe Romansrdquo (if that is the original read-ing) likely refers to broader Greco-Roman antiquity rather than merelythe Latin development of stenography so that the Greek and Latin tradi-

tions probably developed side by side Cicero ( Fam 1643) acknowledgesthis practice as well when he thanks Trio apparently for his services asa ldquostenographerrdquo in this instance (cf also Cicero Fam 16102 16171 Att 1332) That a system for recording speeches emerged out of these begin-nings by the rst century is evident in Senecarsquos remarks (c AD 63ndash64) thatthere are Quid verborum notas quibus quamvis citata excipitur oratio etceleritatem linguae manus sequitur (lsquosigns for words by which a speech isrecorded however quickly and the hand follows the speed of the speechrsquo)( Ep 9025) Seneca ( Apol 92) also mentions a speech by Janus that wastoo long and eloquent for the stenographer to record Such an admis-sion likely implies that this stenographer had no trouble following otherspeakers Also worth noting is the development from the initial instanceinvolving Catorsquos speech which required a group of scribes to the situa-tion in the rst century in which a single scribe is sucient for ordinarycircumstances The skill of stenography was clearly useful to those whodelivered speeches as well Titus both gave impressive speeches and prac-ticed the art of stenography even to the point of competing with profes-sionals of the trade for sport (Suetonius Tit 3) (indicating an establishedprofession by the rst century) Quintilian (c AD 35ndash100) ( Inst 10319)

further testies to the practice of speech recording as the ldquone fancy ofdictationrdquo in his classic work on the education of an orator

Cf ER Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing Secretaries Composition andCollection (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 69

See Otto Morgenstern ldquoCicero und die Stenographierdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 56(1905) 2ndash4

Cf G Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writing in the First Centuryrdquo CBQ 28 (1966) 465ndash77here 473

A Stein ldquoDie Stenographie im roumlmischen Senatrdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 16 (1905)182 Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473

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150

We have evidence of stenography among the (especially epistolary)

Greek tradition as well Most cite the contract in POxy 724 (AD 155) asthe earliest evidence for speech copyists in which Panechotes sends hisslave to study under the stenographer Apollonius (cf also PMur 164) establishing a ourishing trade of Greek shorthand writers at the veryleast by the time of Paul and Luke Clearly a context appropriate forsending a person abroad for the purpose of mentorship in the profes-sion assumes the previous development of a system of short hand thathad been established and was being passed down But as Hartman andBahr notice the evidence for Greek shorthand certainly predates the mid-

second century AD being testied to in the mid to late rst century AD with Arrianrsquos method of transmitting Epictetusrsquos discourses Arrian writes in the introduction to his compilation of Epictetusrsquos discourses

I neither wrote these Discourses of Epictetus in the way in which a manmight write such things nor did I make them public myself inasmuch as Ideclare that I did not even write them But whatever I heard him say thesame I attempted to write down in his own words as nearly as possiblefor the purpose of preserving them as memorials to myself afterwards ofthe thoughts and the freedom of speech of Epictetus Accordingly the Dis-courses are naturally such as a man would address without preparation to

another not such as a man would write with the view of others readingthem (Arrian Epict diss prol [Long np])

Notice that already in the rst century BC we have an established practiceof speech copying in place making expectations for (abundant) paralleldevelopments by the rst century AD far from unreasonable The lengthand complexity of Epictetusrsquos discourses also makes it hard to imaginethat Arrian did not use a form of shorthand notes that he could convertinto his own words at a later stage He was not himself a philosopherand would therefore have needed to rely on Arrianrsquos original concepts

as closely as possible to preserve them accurately Perhaps this is whyhe says he renders them ldquoas nearly as possiblerdquo He also emphasizes theraw nature of the material that he has digested from Epictetus and itsintent for private use He obviously distinguishes between what he cop-ied down based on the speeches he observed by his mentor and thener edited products typically prepared for public circulation We must

Eg Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473 Richards Paul and First-Century LetterWriting 473

Karl Hartmann ldquoArrian und Epiktetrdquo Neue Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr das klassische AltertumGeschichte und deutsche Literatur und fuumlr Paumldagogik 8 (1905) 257 and Bahr ldquoPaul andLetter Writingrdquo 474

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151

further stress that it was Arrian the speech copyist who was responsible

for compiling and publishing the speeches (Aulus Gellius Noct att 121719 291) And we must not forget that the accreditation of the origins ofstenography to Catorsquos speech derives from the Greek tradition (PlutarchCat Min 233ndash7)

Arrian is not the only example of a (proto-) stenographer who publishedrecorded speeches Asconius Pedianu records that a speech of Cicerorsquoshis Pro Milone had been circulated by a stenographer who recorded itand furthermore that it di fered drastically from the later editedimproved version that Cicero publishedmdashsuch a dual publication having no parallel

in Greco-Roman antiquity Cicero then became the subject of mockerybecause of the poor quality of the rst version of the speech published bythe stenographer (Cassius Dio 4054) Apparently stenographers publisheda number of Caesarrsquos speeches as well Pro Q Metell su fered publicationat the hand of a bad stenographer (Suetonius Jul 553) for example ButSuetoniusrsquos indication that the stenographer in this case did a disserviceto Caesar substantiates the notion that people expected a reliable andaccurate practice (otherwise why comment upon incompetent stenog-raphy) The success of the profession is further shored up by Quintil-ianrsquos inclinations to accept a stenographerrsquos version of Pro Milone as amore accurate rendition of the speech than the one Cicero himself laterpublished ( Inst 4217 25) Nevertheless Quintilian does not delight inthe fact that stenographers have published all but one of his speechesdelivered within the courts ( Inst 7224) Further TN Winter argues con- vincingly that Apuleiusrsquos (c AD 125ndash180) Apology probably furnishes yetanother speech recorded and published by stenographers based partiallyupon a developing tradition of this activity within Greco-Roman rheto-ric ldquothe ancient notices of stenography which antedate the Apology of Apuleius indicate that speeches could be faithfully recorded and that

court speeches were especially liable to recording and publication bystenographersrdquo Later still into the second century we have evidence ofa Socratic speech (c AD 200) that apparently circulated as the result of astenographer (Ps-Socrates Ep 144)

We should note a few things at this juncture To begin with thereis a well substantiated practice in which speeches were recorded pub-lished and circulated by stenographers in Greco-Roman rhetoric and

Cited in TN Winter ldquoThe Publication of Apuleiusrsquo Apologyrdquo TAPA 100 (1969) 607ndash612 here 608 This paragraph was greatly aided by Winterrsquos article

Winter ldquoPublicationrdquo 611

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152

historiography especially within the Latin tradition but in the Greek tra-

dition as well When Thucydides says that he uses speeches from variousplaces we may assume that he has likely gathered at least in part the workof stenographers as well as rst-hand publications by the various authorshe documents But perhaps more interesting for our purposes is his com-ment that he records speeches that he has heard Nevertheless relianceupon memory seems to be his method of choice in most instances This was not the case with someone like Arrian howevermdasha historian who inmuch the same way that we are proposing for Luke published a wide rangeof speeches embedded among his historical narratives in for example his

Indica and his Anabasis but also published a compilation of Epictetusrsquosspeeches This substantiates the practice of publishing speeches in bothnarrative and independent contexts among Greco-Roman historians But were speeches published apart from such collections Clearly they were We have been able to document a ourishing and fairly developed ste-nography profession by the rst century AD in which a number of ste-nographers published single speeches often before those who deliveredthe speeches had the chance to circulate a more polished version Tosummarize speeches were published by historians andor stenographersin three ways (1) within narrative history (2) as compilations and (3)independently as standalone documents This still leaves the questionof the style and language that the stenographer or historian might haveintroduced when recording speeches whether using ancient shorthandor not This question remains especially pertinent for our purpose sinceit frames our expectations regarding how much of Lukersquos own style mighthave penetrated Hebrews if it was a recorded Pauline speech

The most programmatic passage for assessing the reliability of ancientspeeches especially in Acts has been Thucydides 1221

With reference to the speeches in this history some were delivered beforethe war began others while it was going on some I heard myself others Igot from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for

word in onersquos memory so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions of course

On these speeches see MGL Hammond ldquoThe Speeches in Arrianrsquos Indica and Ana-basisrdquo CQ 49 (1999) 238ndash53 The following discussion expands signicantly upon material found in AW Pitts

ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Literary Rhetorical and Philosophical Inuencesrdquoin SE Porter and AW Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (TENTS Leiden Brill forthcoming)

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153

adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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154

an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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146

The Historical Context for a Literary Collaboration between

Luke and Paul

Assuming its reliability and Lukan authorship Acts provides one possibleplank of evidence for Lukersquos status as a traveling companion of Paul basedupon the so-called ldquowerdquo passages But while the ldquowerdquo sections of Acts cer-tainly may indicate Lukersquos communication of an eyewitness testimony(including many Pauline speeches) the possibility that Luke has incorpo-rated a previous we-source cannot be ruled out If the ldquowerdquo passages doconvey eyewitness tradition as a number of scholars have argued this

places Luke on at least two of Paulrsquos missionary journeys From these sec-tions in Acts we glean that (1) Luke joins Paul at Philippi (1610ndash17) (2)Luke accompanies Paul on his return visit to Philippi (205ndash15) (3) Luke went with Paul on his way to Jerusalem (211ndash18) and (4) after Paulrsquos two year imprisonment Luke set out with Paul to Rome (271ndash2816) Furtherevidence for Lukersquos collaboration with Paul is documented in the Paulineletters Paul refers to Luke as a fellow worker (Phlm 24) Evidence alsoexists for Paulrsquos collaboration with a physician named Luke in Col 414 who apparently accompanied Paul at the time when he composed theletter and even sent his regards to the Colossian church If we locate theprison letters within the Roman imprisonment then Acts likely ends withPaul in prison because Luke has just joined him there In other words Acts concludes by narrating the circumstances directly surrounding itstime of composition This provides a time when Luke could have col-laborated with Paul including gathering source material both for Actsand Hebrews Andmdashagain if we assume Pauline authorship or at leastthe validity of the tradition a Paulinist may have communicatedmdashat theend of his life Paul says ldquoLuke alone is with merdquo (2 Tim 411) indicat-ing a pretty close companionship These comments in Second Timothy

combined on the one hand with the historical record in Acts and on theother with numerous strands of literary and linguistic evidence have gen-erated a sizable body of literature that proposes a literary collaborationbetween Paul and Luke in the production of the Pastoral letters Such a

For discussion see SE Porter ldquoThe lsquoWersquo Passagesrdquo in DWJ Gill and C Gempf (eds)The Book of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting (vol 2 of The Book of Acts in Its First CenturySetting ed BW Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1994) 545ndash74 Porter however adoptsthe view that the ldquowerdquo passages are likely derived from a continuous independent source CFD Moule (ldquoThe Problem of the Pastoral Epistles A Reappraisalrdquo Oacute BJRL 47 [1965]

430ndash52) has revived this view in recent scholarship On the discussion and research sub-sequent to Moule see GW Knight The Pastoral Epistles A Commentary on the Greek Text

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147

scenario would only reinforce the likelihood for a previous or posthumous

collaborative work in the publication of Hebrewsmdashthe date for Hebrews whether it was circulated in Paulrsquos lifetime or not is not essential to ourtheory If Paul and Luke did co-author the Pastorals this would imply anopen exchange of literary materials between them and certainly providesa context in which Luke could have worked with Paul to also publish anindependent speech such as Hebrewsmdashthough on our theory he neednot necessarily have done so

In any case through some means or another Luke gained access to anumber of Paulrsquos speeches and integrated them into his narrative This

in addition to Paulrsquos consistent reference in his letters to Lukersquos compan-ionship at the sending locations for the letters and possibly further sup-port marshalled from the ldquowerdquo passages as well as possible evidence forLukersquos involvement in the Pastorals establishes a fairly stable historicalcontext in which collaboration between Paul and Luke could have takenplace But the nature of this collaboration must be explored further Whatprocess or method might Luke and Paul have undertaken in contributingto a literary production such as Hebrews What contexts in early Chris-tianity might have allowed for such a procedure And what referencepoints in Greco-Roman antiquity might we point to as evidence of paral-lel literary activity

Speech Circulation in Greco-Roman Historiography

Interpreters of the Acts slowly seem to be forming a consensus concern-ing the literary location of the document within the spectrum of genresin the ancient world Most at this stage grant the historical nature of Acts even if far fewer are willing to concede that the question of authen-

ticity is reducible to the question of literary form Acts may be historyand yet its author may still invent large amounts of material accordingto several Regardless the debate over the genre of Acts seems fairlystable at this point in the history of interpretationmdashit represents someform of ancient history It is appropriate then without further defence

(NIGTC Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1992) 48ndash51 WD Mounce Pastoral Epistles (WBC 46Dallas Word 2002) cxxviindashcxxix

For a detailed review of recent research on the genre of Acts see TE Phillips ldquoTheGenre of Acts Moving Toward a Consensusrdquo CBR 4 (2006) 367ndash96 Phillips concludes hissurvey by noting that ldquoIn the eyes of most recent scholars [Acts] is historymdashbut not thekind of history that precludes ctionrdquo (385)

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148

to move on to assess Acts as history Specically our concern involves

the speechesmdashparticularly the Pauline speechesmdashin Acts and therefore within ancient historiography And in this domain a great deal of ambigu-ity revolves around the question of the nature and extent of the libertiestaken by ancient historians in recording speeches Before addressing thisissue however it will be helpful to establish the kinds of mechanismsthat were in place in Greco-Roman antiquity for documenting and thencirculating public discourses for historical purposes

How would an ancient historian have come across material such asspeeches As we turn to the historians we nd various responses to this

question Thucydides (c 460ndash395 BC) (1221) says that ldquowith referenceto speechesrdquo ldquosome I heard myself others I got from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for word in onersquos memoryso my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opin-ion demanded of them by the various occasions of course adhering asclosely as possible to the general sense of what they really saidrdquo (SmithLCL) We will address the implications of this reference for the reliabilityof the speeches that Luke transmits below but for now we wish to drawattention to what Thucydides says regarding the origin and transmissionof speeches in antiquity He acknowledges two points of origination forspeech material (1) speeches that he heard and (2) speeches he got fromother places Thucydides does not seem to employ written aid because hementions the diculty of retaining the speeches word for word Polybius(c 220ndash146 BC) (361) by contrast appears to assume a previously existingdeposit of speech material not commenting directly on its origins whenhe says that historians should ldquoadapt their speeches to the nature of theparticular occasionrdquo (Paton LCL) Plutarch (c AD 46ndash120) famously com-ments on the issue in a still more revealing way

[A]nd its [ie Catorsquos speechrsquos] preservation was due to Cicero the consul who had previously given to those clerks who excelled in rapid writinginstruction in the use of signs [σηmicroεα] which in small and short gurescomprised the force of many letters these clerks he had then distributedin various parts of the senate-house For up to that time the Romans [notethe variant] did not employ or even possess what are called shorthand writ-ers [σηmicroειογρφου] but then for the rst time we are told the rst stepstoward the practice were taken Be that as it may Cato carried the day andchanged the opinions of the senators so that they condemned the men todeath (Plutarch Cat Min 233ndash7) (Perrin LCL)

The term σηmicroειογρφου occurs here for the rst time in the Greco-Romanliterature but Plutarch clearly understands the practice of recording

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149

speech through shorthand (stenography) to be introduced at the time of

Cicero (c 106ndash46 BC) and to have become somewhat pervasive by the rstcentury AD According to this text then on December 5th in 63 BC withCatorsquos speech to the senate we have the rst documented instance of what would become a very common practice in the subsequent centuries And the language itself implies that the Romans derived the terminologyfrom the Greeks indicating a primitive Greek practice upon which theRoman practice was based ldquoThe Romansrdquo (if that is the original read-ing) likely refers to broader Greco-Roman antiquity rather than merelythe Latin development of stenography so that the Greek and Latin tradi-

tions probably developed side by side Cicero ( Fam 1643) acknowledgesthis practice as well when he thanks Trio apparently for his services asa ldquostenographerrdquo in this instance (cf also Cicero Fam 16102 16171 Att 1332) That a system for recording speeches emerged out of these begin-nings by the rst century is evident in Senecarsquos remarks (c AD 63ndash64) thatthere are Quid verborum notas quibus quamvis citata excipitur oratio etceleritatem linguae manus sequitur (lsquosigns for words by which a speech isrecorded however quickly and the hand follows the speed of the speechrsquo)( Ep 9025) Seneca ( Apol 92) also mentions a speech by Janus that wastoo long and eloquent for the stenographer to record Such an admis-sion likely implies that this stenographer had no trouble following otherspeakers Also worth noting is the development from the initial instanceinvolving Catorsquos speech which required a group of scribes to the situa-tion in the rst century in which a single scribe is sucient for ordinarycircumstances The skill of stenography was clearly useful to those whodelivered speeches as well Titus both gave impressive speeches and prac-ticed the art of stenography even to the point of competing with profes-sionals of the trade for sport (Suetonius Tit 3) (indicating an establishedprofession by the rst century) Quintilian (c AD 35ndash100) ( Inst 10319)

further testies to the practice of speech recording as the ldquone fancy ofdictationrdquo in his classic work on the education of an orator

Cf ER Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing Secretaries Composition andCollection (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 69

See Otto Morgenstern ldquoCicero und die Stenographierdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 56(1905) 2ndash4

Cf G Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writing in the First Centuryrdquo CBQ 28 (1966) 465ndash77here 473

A Stein ldquoDie Stenographie im roumlmischen Senatrdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 16 (1905)182 Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473

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150

We have evidence of stenography among the (especially epistolary)

Greek tradition as well Most cite the contract in POxy 724 (AD 155) asthe earliest evidence for speech copyists in which Panechotes sends hisslave to study under the stenographer Apollonius (cf also PMur 164) establishing a ourishing trade of Greek shorthand writers at the veryleast by the time of Paul and Luke Clearly a context appropriate forsending a person abroad for the purpose of mentorship in the profes-sion assumes the previous development of a system of short hand thathad been established and was being passed down But as Hartman andBahr notice the evidence for Greek shorthand certainly predates the mid-

second century AD being testied to in the mid to late rst century AD with Arrianrsquos method of transmitting Epictetusrsquos discourses Arrian writes in the introduction to his compilation of Epictetusrsquos discourses

I neither wrote these Discourses of Epictetus in the way in which a manmight write such things nor did I make them public myself inasmuch as Ideclare that I did not even write them But whatever I heard him say thesame I attempted to write down in his own words as nearly as possiblefor the purpose of preserving them as memorials to myself afterwards ofthe thoughts and the freedom of speech of Epictetus Accordingly the Dis-courses are naturally such as a man would address without preparation to

another not such as a man would write with the view of others readingthem (Arrian Epict diss prol [Long np])

Notice that already in the rst century BC we have an established practiceof speech copying in place making expectations for (abundant) paralleldevelopments by the rst century AD far from unreasonable The lengthand complexity of Epictetusrsquos discourses also makes it hard to imaginethat Arrian did not use a form of shorthand notes that he could convertinto his own words at a later stage He was not himself a philosopherand would therefore have needed to rely on Arrianrsquos original concepts

as closely as possible to preserve them accurately Perhaps this is whyhe says he renders them ldquoas nearly as possiblerdquo He also emphasizes theraw nature of the material that he has digested from Epictetus and itsintent for private use He obviously distinguishes between what he cop-ied down based on the speeches he observed by his mentor and thener edited products typically prepared for public circulation We must

Eg Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473 Richards Paul and First-Century LetterWriting 473

Karl Hartmann ldquoArrian und Epiktetrdquo Neue Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr das klassische AltertumGeschichte und deutsche Literatur und fuumlr Paumldagogik 8 (1905) 257 and Bahr ldquoPaul andLetter Writingrdquo 474

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151

further stress that it was Arrian the speech copyist who was responsible

for compiling and publishing the speeches (Aulus Gellius Noct att 121719 291) And we must not forget that the accreditation of the origins ofstenography to Catorsquos speech derives from the Greek tradition (PlutarchCat Min 233ndash7)

Arrian is not the only example of a (proto-) stenographer who publishedrecorded speeches Asconius Pedianu records that a speech of Cicerorsquoshis Pro Milone had been circulated by a stenographer who recorded itand furthermore that it di fered drastically from the later editedimproved version that Cicero publishedmdashsuch a dual publication having no parallel

in Greco-Roman antiquity Cicero then became the subject of mockerybecause of the poor quality of the rst version of the speech published bythe stenographer (Cassius Dio 4054) Apparently stenographers publisheda number of Caesarrsquos speeches as well Pro Q Metell su fered publicationat the hand of a bad stenographer (Suetonius Jul 553) for example ButSuetoniusrsquos indication that the stenographer in this case did a disserviceto Caesar substantiates the notion that people expected a reliable andaccurate practice (otherwise why comment upon incompetent stenog-raphy) The success of the profession is further shored up by Quintil-ianrsquos inclinations to accept a stenographerrsquos version of Pro Milone as amore accurate rendition of the speech than the one Cicero himself laterpublished ( Inst 4217 25) Nevertheless Quintilian does not delight inthe fact that stenographers have published all but one of his speechesdelivered within the courts ( Inst 7224) Further TN Winter argues con- vincingly that Apuleiusrsquos (c AD 125ndash180) Apology probably furnishes yetanother speech recorded and published by stenographers based partiallyupon a developing tradition of this activity within Greco-Roman rheto-ric ldquothe ancient notices of stenography which antedate the Apology of Apuleius indicate that speeches could be faithfully recorded and that

court speeches were especially liable to recording and publication bystenographersrdquo Later still into the second century we have evidence ofa Socratic speech (c AD 200) that apparently circulated as the result of astenographer (Ps-Socrates Ep 144)

We should note a few things at this juncture To begin with thereis a well substantiated practice in which speeches were recorded pub-lished and circulated by stenographers in Greco-Roman rhetoric and

Cited in TN Winter ldquoThe Publication of Apuleiusrsquo Apologyrdquo TAPA 100 (1969) 607ndash612 here 608 This paragraph was greatly aided by Winterrsquos article

Winter ldquoPublicationrdquo 611

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152

historiography especially within the Latin tradition but in the Greek tra-

dition as well When Thucydides says that he uses speeches from variousplaces we may assume that he has likely gathered at least in part the workof stenographers as well as rst-hand publications by the various authorshe documents But perhaps more interesting for our purposes is his com-ment that he records speeches that he has heard Nevertheless relianceupon memory seems to be his method of choice in most instances This was not the case with someone like Arrian howevermdasha historian who inmuch the same way that we are proposing for Luke published a wide rangeof speeches embedded among his historical narratives in for example his

Indica and his Anabasis but also published a compilation of Epictetusrsquosspeeches This substantiates the practice of publishing speeches in bothnarrative and independent contexts among Greco-Roman historians But were speeches published apart from such collections Clearly they were We have been able to document a ourishing and fairly developed ste-nography profession by the rst century AD in which a number of ste-nographers published single speeches often before those who deliveredthe speeches had the chance to circulate a more polished version Tosummarize speeches were published by historians andor stenographersin three ways (1) within narrative history (2) as compilations and (3)independently as standalone documents This still leaves the questionof the style and language that the stenographer or historian might haveintroduced when recording speeches whether using ancient shorthandor not This question remains especially pertinent for our purpose sinceit frames our expectations regarding how much of Lukersquos own style mighthave penetrated Hebrews if it was a recorded Pauline speech

The most programmatic passage for assessing the reliability of ancientspeeches especially in Acts has been Thucydides 1221

With reference to the speeches in this history some were delivered beforethe war began others while it was going on some I heard myself others Igot from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for

word in onersquos memory so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions of course

On these speeches see MGL Hammond ldquoThe Speeches in Arrianrsquos Indica and Ana-basisrdquo CQ 49 (1999) 238ndash53 The following discussion expands signicantly upon material found in AW Pitts

ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Literary Rhetorical and Philosophical Inuencesrdquoin SE Porter and AW Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (TENTS Leiden Brill forthcoming)

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153

adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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154

an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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147

scenario would only reinforce the likelihood for a previous or posthumous

collaborative work in the publication of Hebrewsmdashthe date for Hebrews whether it was circulated in Paulrsquos lifetime or not is not essential to ourtheory If Paul and Luke did co-author the Pastorals this would imply anopen exchange of literary materials between them and certainly providesa context in which Luke could have worked with Paul to also publish anindependent speech such as Hebrewsmdashthough on our theory he neednot necessarily have done so

In any case through some means or another Luke gained access to anumber of Paulrsquos speeches and integrated them into his narrative This

in addition to Paulrsquos consistent reference in his letters to Lukersquos compan-ionship at the sending locations for the letters and possibly further sup-port marshalled from the ldquowerdquo passages as well as possible evidence forLukersquos involvement in the Pastorals establishes a fairly stable historicalcontext in which collaboration between Paul and Luke could have takenplace But the nature of this collaboration must be explored further Whatprocess or method might Luke and Paul have undertaken in contributingto a literary production such as Hebrews What contexts in early Chris-tianity might have allowed for such a procedure And what referencepoints in Greco-Roman antiquity might we point to as evidence of paral-lel literary activity

Speech Circulation in Greco-Roman Historiography

Interpreters of the Acts slowly seem to be forming a consensus concern-ing the literary location of the document within the spectrum of genresin the ancient world Most at this stage grant the historical nature of Acts even if far fewer are willing to concede that the question of authen-

ticity is reducible to the question of literary form Acts may be historyand yet its author may still invent large amounts of material accordingto several Regardless the debate over the genre of Acts seems fairlystable at this point in the history of interpretationmdashit represents someform of ancient history It is appropriate then without further defence

(NIGTC Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1992) 48ndash51 WD Mounce Pastoral Epistles (WBC 46Dallas Word 2002) cxxviindashcxxix

For a detailed review of recent research on the genre of Acts see TE Phillips ldquoTheGenre of Acts Moving Toward a Consensusrdquo CBR 4 (2006) 367ndash96 Phillips concludes hissurvey by noting that ldquoIn the eyes of most recent scholars [Acts] is historymdashbut not thekind of history that precludes ctionrdquo (385)

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148

to move on to assess Acts as history Specically our concern involves

the speechesmdashparticularly the Pauline speechesmdashin Acts and therefore within ancient historiography And in this domain a great deal of ambigu-ity revolves around the question of the nature and extent of the libertiestaken by ancient historians in recording speeches Before addressing thisissue however it will be helpful to establish the kinds of mechanismsthat were in place in Greco-Roman antiquity for documenting and thencirculating public discourses for historical purposes

How would an ancient historian have come across material such asspeeches As we turn to the historians we nd various responses to this

question Thucydides (c 460ndash395 BC) (1221) says that ldquowith referenceto speechesrdquo ldquosome I heard myself others I got from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for word in onersquos memoryso my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opin-ion demanded of them by the various occasions of course adhering asclosely as possible to the general sense of what they really saidrdquo (SmithLCL) We will address the implications of this reference for the reliabilityof the speeches that Luke transmits below but for now we wish to drawattention to what Thucydides says regarding the origin and transmissionof speeches in antiquity He acknowledges two points of origination forspeech material (1) speeches that he heard and (2) speeches he got fromother places Thucydides does not seem to employ written aid because hementions the diculty of retaining the speeches word for word Polybius(c 220ndash146 BC) (361) by contrast appears to assume a previously existingdeposit of speech material not commenting directly on its origins whenhe says that historians should ldquoadapt their speeches to the nature of theparticular occasionrdquo (Paton LCL) Plutarch (c AD 46ndash120) famously com-ments on the issue in a still more revealing way

[A]nd its [ie Catorsquos speechrsquos] preservation was due to Cicero the consul who had previously given to those clerks who excelled in rapid writinginstruction in the use of signs [σηmicroεα] which in small and short gurescomprised the force of many letters these clerks he had then distributedin various parts of the senate-house For up to that time the Romans [notethe variant] did not employ or even possess what are called shorthand writ-ers [σηmicroειογρφου] but then for the rst time we are told the rst stepstoward the practice were taken Be that as it may Cato carried the day andchanged the opinions of the senators so that they condemned the men todeath (Plutarch Cat Min 233ndash7) (Perrin LCL)

The term σηmicroειογρφου occurs here for the rst time in the Greco-Romanliterature but Plutarch clearly understands the practice of recording

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149

speech through shorthand (stenography) to be introduced at the time of

Cicero (c 106ndash46 BC) and to have become somewhat pervasive by the rstcentury AD According to this text then on December 5th in 63 BC withCatorsquos speech to the senate we have the rst documented instance of what would become a very common practice in the subsequent centuries And the language itself implies that the Romans derived the terminologyfrom the Greeks indicating a primitive Greek practice upon which theRoman practice was based ldquoThe Romansrdquo (if that is the original read-ing) likely refers to broader Greco-Roman antiquity rather than merelythe Latin development of stenography so that the Greek and Latin tradi-

tions probably developed side by side Cicero ( Fam 1643) acknowledgesthis practice as well when he thanks Trio apparently for his services asa ldquostenographerrdquo in this instance (cf also Cicero Fam 16102 16171 Att 1332) That a system for recording speeches emerged out of these begin-nings by the rst century is evident in Senecarsquos remarks (c AD 63ndash64) thatthere are Quid verborum notas quibus quamvis citata excipitur oratio etceleritatem linguae manus sequitur (lsquosigns for words by which a speech isrecorded however quickly and the hand follows the speed of the speechrsquo)( Ep 9025) Seneca ( Apol 92) also mentions a speech by Janus that wastoo long and eloquent for the stenographer to record Such an admis-sion likely implies that this stenographer had no trouble following otherspeakers Also worth noting is the development from the initial instanceinvolving Catorsquos speech which required a group of scribes to the situa-tion in the rst century in which a single scribe is sucient for ordinarycircumstances The skill of stenography was clearly useful to those whodelivered speeches as well Titus both gave impressive speeches and prac-ticed the art of stenography even to the point of competing with profes-sionals of the trade for sport (Suetonius Tit 3) (indicating an establishedprofession by the rst century) Quintilian (c AD 35ndash100) ( Inst 10319)

further testies to the practice of speech recording as the ldquone fancy ofdictationrdquo in his classic work on the education of an orator

Cf ER Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing Secretaries Composition andCollection (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 69

See Otto Morgenstern ldquoCicero und die Stenographierdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 56(1905) 2ndash4

Cf G Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writing in the First Centuryrdquo CBQ 28 (1966) 465ndash77here 473

A Stein ldquoDie Stenographie im roumlmischen Senatrdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 16 (1905)182 Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473

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150

We have evidence of stenography among the (especially epistolary)

Greek tradition as well Most cite the contract in POxy 724 (AD 155) asthe earliest evidence for speech copyists in which Panechotes sends hisslave to study under the stenographer Apollonius (cf also PMur 164) establishing a ourishing trade of Greek shorthand writers at the veryleast by the time of Paul and Luke Clearly a context appropriate forsending a person abroad for the purpose of mentorship in the profes-sion assumes the previous development of a system of short hand thathad been established and was being passed down But as Hartman andBahr notice the evidence for Greek shorthand certainly predates the mid-

second century AD being testied to in the mid to late rst century AD with Arrianrsquos method of transmitting Epictetusrsquos discourses Arrian writes in the introduction to his compilation of Epictetusrsquos discourses

I neither wrote these Discourses of Epictetus in the way in which a manmight write such things nor did I make them public myself inasmuch as Ideclare that I did not even write them But whatever I heard him say thesame I attempted to write down in his own words as nearly as possiblefor the purpose of preserving them as memorials to myself afterwards ofthe thoughts and the freedom of speech of Epictetus Accordingly the Dis-courses are naturally such as a man would address without preparation to

another not such as a man would write with the view of others readingthem (Arrian Epict diss prol [Long np])

Notice that already in the rst century BC we have an established practiceof speech copying in place making expectations for (abundant) paralleldevelopments by the rst century AD far from unreasonable The lengthand complexity of Epictetusrsquos discourses also makes it hard to imaginethat Arrian did not use a form of shorthand notes that he could convertinto his own words at a later stage He was not himself a philosopherand would therefore have needed to rely on Arrianrsquos original concepts

as closely as possible to preserve them accurately Perhaps this is whyhe says he renders them ldquoas nearly as possiblerdquo He also emphasizes theraw nature of the material that he has digested from Epictetus and itsintent for private use He obviously distinguishes between what he cop-ied down based on the speeches he observed by his mentor and thener edited products typically prepared for public circulation We must

Eg Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473 Richards Paul and First-Century LetterWriting 473

Karl Hartmann ldquoArrian und Epiktetrdquo Neue Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr das klassische AltertumGeschichte und deutsche Literatur und fuumlr Paumldagogik 8 (1905) 257 and Bahr ldquoPaul andLetter Writingrdquo 474

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151

further stress that it was Arrian the speech copyist who was responsible

for compiling and publishing the speeches (Aulus Gellius Noct att 121719 291) And we must not forget that the accreditation of the origins ofstenography to Catorsquos speech derives from the Greek tradition (PlutarchCat Min 233ndash7)

Arrian is not the only example of a (proto-) stenographer who publishedrecorded speeches Asconius Pedianu records that a speech of Cicerorsquoshis Pro Milone had been circulated by a stenographer who recorded itand furthermore that it di fered drastically from the later editedimproved version that Cicero publishedmdashsuch a dual publication having no parallel

in Greco-Roman antiquity Cicero then became the subject of mockerybecause of the poor quality of the rst version of the speech published bythe stenographer (Cassius Dio 4054) Apparently stenographers publisheda number of Caesarrsquos speeches as well Pro Q Metell su fered publicationat the hand of a bad stenographer (Suetonius Jul 553) for example ButSuetoniusrsquos indication that the stenographer in this case did a disserviceto Caesar substantiates the notion that people expected a reliable andaccurate practice (otherwise why comment upon incompetent stenog-raphy) The success of the profession is further shored up by Quintil-ianrsquos inclinations to accept a stenographerrsquos version of Pro Milone as amore accurate rendition of the speech than the one Cicero himself laterpublished ( Inst 4217 25) Nevertheless Quintilian does not delight inthe fact that stenographers have published all but one of his speechesdelivered within the courts ( Inst 7224) Further TN Winter argues con- vincingly that Apuleiusrsquos (c AD 125ndash180) Apology probably furnishes yetanother speech recorded and published by stenographers based partiallyupon a developing tradition of this activity within Greco-Roman rheto-ric ldquothe ancient notices of stenography which antedate the Apology of Apuleius indicate that speeches could be faithfully recorded and that

court speeches were especially liable to recording and publication bystenographersrdquo Later still into the second century we have evidence ofa Socratic speech (c AD 200) that apparently circulated as the result of astenographer (Ps-Socrates Ep 144)

We should note a few things at this juncture To begin with thereis a well substantiated practice in which speeches were recorded pub-lished and circulated by stenographers in Greco-Roman rhetoric and

Cited in TN Winter ldquoThe Publication of Apuleiusrsquo Apologyrdquo TAPA 100 (1969) 607ndash612 here 608 This paragraph was greatly aided by Winterrsquos article

Winter ldquoPublicationrdquo 611

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152

historiography especially within the Latin tradition but in the Greek tra-

dition as well When Thucydides says that he uses speeches from variousplaces we may assume that he has likely gathered at least in part the workof stenographers as well as rst-hand publications by the various authorshe documents But perhaps more interesting for our purposes is his com-ment that he records speeches that he has heard Nevertheless relianceupon memory seems to be his method of choice in most instances This was not the case with someone like Arrian howevermdasha historian who inmuch the same way that we are proposing for Luke published a wide rangeof speeches embedded among his historical narratives in for example his

Indica and his Anabasis but also published a compilation of Epictetusrsquosspeeches This substantiates the practice of publishing speeches in bothnarrative and independent contexts among Greco-Roman historians But were speeches published apart from such collections Clearly they were We have been able to document a ourishing and fairly developed ste-nography profession by the rst century AD in which a number of ste-nographers published single speeches often before those who deliveredthe speeches had the chance to circulate a more polished version Tosummarize speeches were published by historians andor stenographersin three ways (1) within narrative history (2) as compilations and (3)independently as standalone documents This still leaves the questionof the style and language that the stenographer or historian might haveintroduced when recording speeches whether using ancient shorthandor not This question remains especially pertinent for our purpose sinceit frames our expectations regarding how much of Lukersquos own style mighthave penetrated Hebrews if it was a recorded Pauline speech

The most programmatic passage for assessing the reliability of ancientspeeches especially in Acts has been Thucydides 1221

With reference to the speeches in this history some were delivered beforethe war began others while it was going on some I heard myself others Igot from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for

word in onersquos memory so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions of course

On these speeches see MGL Hammond ldquoThe Speeches in Arrianrsquos Indica and Ana-basisrdquo CQ 49 (1999) 238ndash53 The following discussion expands signicantly upon material found in AW Pitts

ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Literary Rhetorical and Philosophical Inuencesrdquoin SE Porter and AW Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (TENTS Leiden Brill forthcoming)

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153

adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 1942

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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148

to move on to assess Acts as history Specically our concern involves

the speechesmdashparticularly the Pauline speechesmdashin Acts and therefore within ancient historiography And in this domain a great deal of ambigu-ity revolves around the question of the nature and extent of the libertiestaken by ancient historians in recording speeches Before addressing thisissue however it will be helpful to establish the kinds of mechanismsthat were in place in Greco-Roman antiquity for documenting and thencirculating public discourses for historical purposes

How would an ancient historian have come across material such asspeeches As we turn to the historians we nd various responses to this

question Thucydides (c 460ndash395 BC) (1221) says that ldquowith referenceto speechesrdquo ldquosome I heard myself others I got from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for word in onersquos memoryso my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opin-ion demanded of them by the various occasions of course adhering asclosely as possible to the general sense of what they really saidrdquo (SmithLCL) We will address the implications of this reference for the reliabilityof the speeches that Luke transmits below but for now we wish to drawattention to what Thucydides says regarding the origin and transmissionof speeches in antiquity He acknowledges two points of origination forspeech material (1) speeches that he heard and (2) speeches he got fromother places Thucydides does not seem to employ written aid because hementions the diculty of retaining the speeches word for word Polybius(c 220ndash146 BC) (361) by contrast appears to assume a previously existingdeposit of speech material not commenting directly on its origins whenhe says that historians should ldquoadapt their speeches to the nature of theparticular occasionrdquo (Paton LCL) Plutarch (c AD 46ndash120) famously com-ments on the issue in a still more revealing way

[A]nd its [ie Catorsquos speechrsquos] preservation was due to Cicero the consul who had previously given to those clerks who excelled in rapid writinginstruction in the use of signs [σηmicroεα] which in small and short gurescomprised the force of many letters these clerks he had then distributedin various parts of the senate-house For up to that time the Romans [notethe variant] did not employ or even possess what are called shorthand writ-ers [σηmicroειογρφου] but then for the rst time we are told the rst stepstoward the practice were taken Be that as it may Cato carried the day andchanged the opinions of the senators so that they condemned the men todeath (Plutarch Cat Min 233ndash7) (Perrin LCL)

The term σηmicroειογρφου occurs here for the rst time in the Greco-Romanliterature but Plutarch clearly understands the practice of recording

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149

speech through shorthand (stenography) to be introduced at the time of

Cicero (c 106ndash46 BC) and to have become somewhat pervasive by the rstcentury AD According to this text then on December 5th in 63 BC withCatorsquos speech to the senate we have the rst documented instance of what would become a very common practice in the subsequent centuries And the language itself implies that the Romans derived the terminologyfrom the Greeks indicating a primitive Greek practice upon which theRoman practice was based ldquoThe Romansrdquo (if that is the original read-ing) likely refers to broader Greco-Roman antiquity rather than merelythe Latin development of stenography so that the Greek and Latin tradi-

tions probably developed side by side Cicero ( Fam 1643) acknowledgesthis practice as well when he thanks Trio apparently for his services asa ldquostenographerrdquo in this instance (cf also Cicero Fam 16102 16171 Att 1332) That a system for recording speeches emerged out of these begin-nings by the rst century is evident in Senecarsquos remarks (c AD 63ndash64) thatthere are Quid verborum notas quibus quamvis citata excipitur oratio etceleritatem linguae manus sequitur (lsquosigns for words by which a speech isrecorded however quickly and the hand follows the speed of the speechrsquo)( Ep 9025) Seneca ( Apol 92) also mentions a speech by Janus that wastoo long and eloquent for the stenographer to record Such an admis-sion likely implies that this stenographer had no trouble following otherspeakers Also worth noting is the development from the initial instanceinvolving Catorsquos speech which required a group of scribes to the situa-tion in the rst century in which a single scribe is sucient for ordinarycircumstances The skill of stenography was clearly useful to those whodelivered speeches as well Titus both gave impressive speeches and prac-ticed the art of stenography even to the point of competing with profes-sionals of the trade for sport (Suetonius Tit 3) (indicating an establishedprofession by the rst century) Quintilian (c AD 35ndash100) ( Inst 10319)

further testies to the practice of speech recording as the ldquone fancy ofdictationrdquo in his classic work on the education of an orator

Cf ER Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing Secretaries Composition andCollection (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 69

See Otto Morgenstern ldquoCicero und die Stenographierdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 56(1905) 2ndash4

Cf G Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writing in the First Centuryrdquo CBQ 28 (1966) 465ndash77here 473

A Stein ldquoDie Stenographie im roumlmischen Senatrdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 16 (1905)182 Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473

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150

We have evidence of stenography among the (especially epistolary)

Greek tradition as well Most cite the contract in POxy 724 (AD 155) asthe earliest evidence for speech copyists in which Panechotes sends hisslave to study under the stenographer Apollonius (cf also PMur 164) establishing a ourishing trade of Greek shorthand writers at the veryleast by the time of Paul and Luke Clearly a context appropriate forsending a person abroad for the purpose of mentorship in the profes-sion assumes the previous development of a system of short hand thathad been established and was being passed down But as Hartman andBahr notice the evidence for Greek shorthand certainly predates the mid-

second century AD being testied to in the mid to late rst century AD with Arrianrsquos method of transmitting Epictetusrsquos discourses Arrian writes in the introduction to his compilation of Epictetusrsquos discourses

I neither wrote these Discourses of Epictetus in the way in which a manmight write such things nor did I make them public myself inasmuch as Ideclare that I did not even write them But whatever I heard him say thesame I attempted to write down in his own words as nearly as possiblefor the purpose of preserving them as memorials to myself afterwards ofthe thoughts and the freedom of speech of Epictetus Accordingly the Dis-courses are naturally such as a man would address without preparation to

another not such as a man would write with the view of others readingthem (Arrian Epict diss prol [Long np])

Notice that already in the rst century BC we have an established practiceof speech copying in place making expectations for (abundant) paralleldevelopments by the rst century AD far from unreasonable The lengthand complexity of Epictetusrsquos discourses also makes it hard to imaginethat Arrian did not use a form of shorthand notes that he could convertinto his own words at a later stage He was not himself a philosopherand would therefore have needed to rely on Arrianrsquos original concepts

as closely as possible to preserve them accurately Perhaps this is whyhe says he renders them ldquoas nearly as possiblerdquo He also emphasizes theraw nature of the material that he has digested from Epictetus and itsintent for private use He obviously distinguishes between what he cop-ied down based on the speeches he observed by his mentor and thener edited products typically prepared for public circulation We must

Eg Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473 Richards Paul and First-Century LetterWriting 473

Karl Hartmann ldquoArrian und Epiktetrdquo Neue Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr das klassische AltertumGeschichte und deutsche Literatur und fuumlr Paumldagogik 8 (1905) 257 and Bahr ldquoPaul andLetter Writingrdquo 474

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151

further stress that it was Arrian the speech copyist who was responsible

for compiling and publishing the speeches (Aulus Gellius Noct att 121719 291) And we must not forget that the accreditation of the origins ofstenography to Catorsquos speech derives from the Greek tradition (PlutarchCat Min 233ndash7)

Arrian is not the only example of a (proto-) stenographer who publishedrecorded speeches Asconius Pedianu records that a speech of Cicerorsquoshis Pro Milone had been circulated by a stenographer who recorded itand furthermore that it di fered drastically from the later editedimproved version that Cicero publishedmdashsuch a dual publication having no parallel

in Greco-Roman antiquity Cicero then became the subject of mockerybecause of the poor quality of the rst version of the speech published bythe stenographer (Cassius Dio 4054) Apparently stenographers publisheda number of Caesarrsquos speeches as well Pro Q Metell su fered publicationat the hand of a bad stenographer (Suetonius Jul 553) for example ButSuetoniusrsquos indication that the stenographer in this case did a disserviceto Caesar substantiates the notion that people expected a reliable andaccurate practice (otherwise why comment upon incompetent stenog-raphy) The success of the profession is further shored up by Quintil-ianrsquos inclinations to accept a stenographerrsquos version of Pro Milone as amore accurate rendition of the speech than the one Cicero himself laterpublished ( Inst 4217 25) Nevertheless Quintilian does not delight inthe fact that stenographers have published all but one of his speechesdelivered within the courts ( Inst 7224) Further TN Winter argues con- vincingly that Apuleiusrsquos (c AD 125ndash180) Apology probably furnishes yetanother speech recorded and published by stenographers based partiallyupon a developing tradition of this activity within Greco-Roman rheto-ric ldquothe ancient notices of stenography which antedate the Apology of Apuleius indicate that speeches could be faithfully recorded and that

court speeches were especially liable to recording and publication bystenographersrdquo Later still into the second century we have evidence ofa Socratic speech (c AD 200) that apparently circulated as the result of astenographer (Ps-Socrates Ep 144)

We should note a few things at this juncture To begin with thereis a well substantiated practice in which speeches were recorded pub-lished and circulated by stenographers in Greco-Roman rhetoric and

Cited in TN Winter ldquoThe Publication of Apuleiusrsquo Apologyrdquo TAPA 100 (1969) 607ndash612 here 608 This paragraph was greatly aided by Winterrsquos article

Winter ldquoPublicationrdquo 611

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152

historiography especially within the Latin tradition but in the Greek tra-

dition as well When Thucydides says that he uses speeches from variousplaces we may assume that he has likely gathered at least in part the workof stenographers as well as rst-hand publications by the various authorshe documents But perhaps more interesting for our purposes is his com-ment that he records speeches that he has heard Nevertheless relianceupon memory seems to be his method of choice in most instances This was not the case with someone like Arrian howevermdasha historian who inmuch the same way that we are proposing for Luke published a wide rangeof speeches embedded among his historical narratives in for example his

Indica and his Anabasis but also published a compilation of Epictetusrsquosspeeches This substantiates the practice of publishing speeches in bothnarrative and independent contexts among Greco-Roman historians But were speeches published apart from such collections Clearly they were We have been able to document a ourishing and fairly developed ste-nography profession by the rst century AD in which a number of ste-nographers published single speeches often before those who deliveredthe speeches had the chance to circulate a more polished version Tosummarize speeches were published by historians andor stenographersin three ways (1) within narrative history (2) as compilations and (3)independently as standalone documents This still leaves the questionof the style and language that the stenographer or historian might haveintroduced when recording speeches whether using ancient shorthandor not This question remains especially pertinent for our purpose sinceit frames our expectations regarding how much of Lukersquos own style mighthave penetrated Hebrews if it was a recorded Pauline speech

The most programmatic passage for assessing the reliability of ancientspeeches especially in Acts has been Thucydides 1221

With reference to the speeches in this history some were delivered beforethe war began others while it was going on some I heard myself others Igot from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for

word in onersquos memory so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions of course

On these speeches see MGL Hammond ldquoThe Speeches in Arrianrsquos Indica and Ana-basisrdquo CQ 49 (1999) 238ndash53 The following discussion expands signicantly upon material found in AW Pitts

ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Literary Rhetorical and Philosophical Inuencesrdquoin SE Porter and AW Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (TENTS Leiden Brill forthcoming)

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adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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149

speech through shorthand (stenography) to be introduced at the time of

Cicero (c 106ndash46 BC) and to have become somewhat pervasive by the rstcentury AD According to this text then on December 5th in 63 BC withCatorsquos speech to the senate we have the rst documented instance of what would become a very common practice in the subsequent centuries And the language itself implies that the Romans derived the terminologyfrom the Greeks indicating a primitive Greek practice upon which theRoman practice was based ldquoThe Romansrdquo (if that is the original read-ing) likely refers to broader Greco-Roman antiquity rather than merelythe Latin development of stenography so that the Greek and Latin tradi-

tions probably developed side by side Cicero ( Fam 1643) acknowledgesthis practice as well when he thanks Trio apparently for his services asa ldquostenographerrdquo in this instance (cf also Cicero Fam 16102 16171 Att 1332) That a system for recording speeches emerged out of these begin-nings by the rst century is evident in Senecarsquos remarks (c AD 63ndash64) thatthere are Quid verborum notas quibus quamvis citata excipitur oratio etceleritatem linguae manus sequitur (lsquosigns for words by which a speech isrecorded however quickly and the hand follows the speed of the speechrsquo)( Ep 9025) Seneca ( Apol 92) also mentions a speech by Janus that wastoo long and eloquent for the stenographer to record Such an admis-sion likely implies that this stenographer had no trouble following otherspeakers Also worth noting is the development from the initial instanceinvolving Catorsquos speech which required a group of scribes to the situa-tion in the rst century in which a single scribe is sucient for ordinarycircumstances The skill of stenography was clearly useful to those whodelivered speeches as well Titus both gave impressive speeches and prac-ticed the art of stenography even to the point of competing with profes-sionals of the trade for sport (Suetonius Tit 3) (indicating an establishedprofession by the rst century) Quintilian (c AD 35ndash100) ( Inst 10319)

further testies to the practice of speech recording as the ldquone fancy ofdictationrdquo in his classic work on the education of an orator

Cf ER Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing Secretaries Composition andCollection (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 69

See Otto Morgenstern ldquoCicero und die Stenographierdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 56(1905) 2ndash4

Cf G Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writing in the First Centuryrdquo CBQ 28 (1966) 465ndash77here 473

A Stein ldquoDie Stenographie im roumlmischen Senatrdquo Archiv fuumlr Stenographie 16 (1905)182 Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473

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150

We have evidence of stenography among the (especially epistolary)

Greek tradition as well Most cite the contract in POxy 724 (AD 155) asthe earliest evidence for speech copyists in which Panechotes sends hisslave to study under the stenographer Apollonius (cf also PMur 164) establishing a ourishing trade of Greek shorthand writers at the veryleast by the time of Paul and Luke Clearly a context appropriate forsending a person abroad for the purpose of mentorship in the profes-sion assumes the previous development of a system of short hand thathad been established and was being passed down But as Hartman andBahr notice the evidence for Greek shorthand certainly predates the mid-

second century AD being testied to in the mid to late rst century AD with Arrianrsquos method of transmitting Epictetusrsquos discourses Arrian writes in the introduction to his compilation of Epictetusrsquos discourses

I neither wrote these Discourses of Epictetus in the way in which a manmight write such things nor did I make them public myself inasmuch as Ideclare that I did not even write them But whatever I heard him say thesame I attempted to write down in his own words as nearly as possiblefor the purpose of preserving them as memorials to myself afterwards ofthe thoughts and the freedom of speech of Epictetus Accordingly the Dis-courses are naturally such as a man would address without preparation to

another not such as a man would write with the view of others readingthem (Arrian Epict diss prol [Long np])

Notice that already in the rst century BC we have an established practiceof speech copying in place making expectations for (abundant) paralleldevelopments by the rst century AD far from unreasonable The lengthand complexity of Epictetusrsquos discourses also makes it hard to imaginethat Arrian did not use a form of shorthand notes that he could convertinto his own words at a later stage He was not himself a philosopherand would therefore have needed to rely on Arrianrsquos original concepts

as closely as possible to preserve them accurately Perhaps this is whyhe says he renders them ldquoas nearly as possiblerdquo He also emphasizes theraw nature of the material that he has digested from Epictetus and itsintent for private use He obviously distinguishes between what he cop-ied down based on the speeches he observed by his mentor and thener edited products typically prepared for public circulation We must

Eg Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473 Richards Paul and First-Century LetterWriting 473

Karl Hartmann ldquoArrian und Epiktetrdquo Neue Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr das klassische AltertumGeschichte und deutsche Literatur und fuumlr Paumldagogik 8 (1905) 257 and Bahr ldquoPaul andLetter Writingrdquo 474

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151

further stress that it was Arrian the speech copyist who was responsible

for compiling and publishing the speeches (Aulus Gellius Noct att 121719 291) And we must not forget that the accreditation of the origins ofstenography to Catorsquos speech derives from the Greek tradition (PlutarchCat Min 233ndash7)

Arrian is not the only example of a (proto-) stenographer who publishedrecorded speeches Asconius Pedianu records that a speech of Cicerorsquoshis Pro Milone had been circulated by a stenographer who recorded itand furthermore that it di fered drastically from the later editedimproved version that Cicero publishedmdashsuch a dual publication having no parallel

in Greco-Roman antiquity Cicero then became the subject of mockerybecause of the poor quality of the rst version of the speech published bythe stenographer (Cassius Dio 4054) Apparently stenographers publisheda number of Caesarrsquos speeches as well Pro Q Metell su fered publicationat the hand of a bad stenographer (Suetonius Jul 553) for example ButSuetoniusrsquos indication that the stenographer in this case did a disserviceto Caesar substantiates the notion that people expected a reliable andaccurate practice (otherwise why comment upon incompetent stenog-raphy) The success of the profession is further shored up by Quintil-ianrsquos inclinations to accept a stenographerrsquos version of Pro Milone as amore accurate rendition of the speech than the one Cicero himself laterpublished ( Inst 4217 25) Nevertheless Quintilian does not delight inthe fact that stenographers have published all but one of his speechesdelivered within the courts ( Inst 7224) Further TN Winter argues con- vincingly that Apuleiusrsquos (c AD 125ndash180) Apology probably furnishes yetanother speech recorded and published by stenographers based partiallyupon a developing tradition of this activity within Greco-Roman rheto-ric ldquothe ancient notices of stenography which antedate the Apology of Apuleius indicate that speeches could be faithfully recorded and that

court speeches were especially liable to recording and publication bystenographersrdquo Later still into the second century we have evidence ofa Socratic speech (c AD 200) that apparently circulated as the result of astenographer (Ps-Socrates Ep 144)

We should note a few things at this juncture To begin with thereis a well substantiated practice in which speeches were recorded pub-lished and circulated by stenographers in Greco-Roman rhetoric and

Cited in TN Winter ldquoThe Publication of Apuleiusrsquo Apologyrdquo TAPA 100 (1969) 607ndash612 here 608 This paragraph was greatly aided by Winterrsquos article

Winter ldquoPublicationrdquo 611

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152

historiography especially within the Latin tradition but in the Greek tra-

dition as well When Thucydides says that he uses speeches from variousplaces we may assume that he has likely gathered at least in part the workof stenographers as well as rst-hand publications by the various authorshe documents But perhaps more interesting for our purposes is his com-ment that he records speeches that he has heard Nevertheless relianceupon memory seems to be his method of choice in most instances This was not the case with someone like Arrian howevermdasha historian who inmuch the same way that we are proposing for Luke published a wide rangeof speeches embedded among his historical narratives in for example his

Indica and his Anabasis but also published a compilation of Epictetusrsquosspeeches This substantiates the practice of publishing speeches in bothnarrative and independent contexts among Greco-Roman historians But were speeches published apart from such collections Clearly they were We have been able to document a ourishing and fairly developed ste-nography profession by the rst century AD in which a number of ste-nographers published single speeches often before those who deliveredthe speeches had the chance to circulate a more polished version Tosummarize speeches were published by historians andor stenographersin three ways (1) within narrative history (2) as compilations and (3)independently as standalone documents This still leaves the questionof the style and language that the stenographer or historian might haveintroduced when recording speeches whether using ancient shorthandor not This question remains especially pertinent for our purpose sinceit frames our expectations regarding how much of Lukersquos own style mighthave penetrated Hebrews if it was a recorded Pauline speech

The most programmatic passage for assessing the reliability of ancientspeeches especially in Acts has been Thucydides 1221

With reference to the speeches in this history some were delivered beforethe war began others while it was going on some I heard myself others Igot from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for

word in onersquos memory so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions of course

On these speeches see MGL Hammond ldquoThe Speeches in Arrianrsquos Indica and Ana-basisrdquo CQ 49 (1999) 238ndash53 The following discussion expands signicantly upon material found in AW Pitts

ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Literary Rhetorical and Philosophical Inuencesrdquoin SE Porter and AW Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (TENTS Leiden Brill forthcoming)

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153

adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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154

an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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150

We have evidence of stenography among the (especially epistolary)

Greek tradition as well Most cite the contract in POxy 724 (AD 155) asthe earliest evidence for speech copyists in which Panechotes sends hisslave to study under the stenographer Apollonius (cf also PMur 164) establishing a ourishing trade of Greek shorthand writers at the veryleast by the time of Paul and Luke Clearly a context appropriate forsending a person abroad for the purpose of mentorship in the profes-sion assumes the previous development of a system of short hand thathad been established and was being passed down But as Hartman andBahr notice the evidence for Greek shorthand certainly predates the mid-

second century AD being testied to in the mid to late rst century AD with Arrianrsquos method of transmitting Epictetusrsquos discourses Arrian writes in the introduction to his compilation of Epictetusrsquos discourses

I neither wrote these Discourses of Epictetus in the way in which a manmight write such things nor did I make them public myself inasmuch as Ideclare that I did not even write them But whatever I heard him say thesame I attempted to write down in his own words as nearly as possiblefor the purpose of preserving them as memorials to myself afterwards ofthe thoughts and the freedom of speech of Epictetus Accordingly the Dis-courses are naturally such as a man would address without preparation to

another not such as a man would write with the view of others readingthem (Arrian Epict diss prol [Long np])

Notice that already in the rst century BC we have an established practiceof speech copying in place making expectations for (abundant) paralleldevelopments by the rst century AD far from unreasonable The lengthand complexity of Epictetusrsquos discourses also makes it hard to imaginethat Arrian did not use a form of shorthand notes that he could convertinto his own words at a later stage He was not himself a philosopherand would therefore have needed to rely on Arrianrsquos original concepts

as closely as possible to preserve them accurately Perhaps this is whyhe says he renders them ldquoas nearly as possiblerdquo He also emphasizes theraw nature of the material that he has digested from Epictetus and itsintent for private use He obviously distinguishes between what he cop-ied down based on the speeches he observed by his mentor and thener edited products typically prepared for public circulation We must

Eg Bahr ldquoPaul and Letter Writingrdquo 473 Richards Paul and First-Century LetterWriting 473

Karl Hartmann ldquoArrian und Epiktetrdquo Neue Jahrbuumlcher fuumlr das klassische AltertumGeschichte und deutsche Literatur und fuumlr Paumldagogik 8 (1905) 257 and Bahr ldquoPaul andLetter Writingrdquo 474

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151

further stress that it was Arrian the speech copyist who was responsible

for compiling and publishing the speeches (Aulus Gellius Noct att 121719 291) And we must not forget that the accreditation of the origins ofstenography to Catorsquos speech derives from the Greek tradition (PlutarchCat Min 233ndash7)

Arrian is not the only example of a (proto-) stenographer who publishedrecorded speeches Asconius Pedianu records that a speech of Cicerorsquoshis Pro Milone had been circulated by a stenographer who recorded itand furthermore that it di fered drastically from the later editedimproved version that Cicero publishedmdashsuch a dual publication having no parallel

in Greco-Roman antiquity Cicero then became the subject of mockerybecause of the poor quality of the rst version of the speech published bythe stenographer (Cassius Dio 4054) Apparently stenographers publisheda number of Caesarrsquos speeches as well Pro Q Metell su fered publicationat the hand of a bad stenographer (Suetonius Jul 553) for example ButSuetoniusrsquos indication that the stenographer in this case did a disserviceto Caesar substantiates the notion that people expected a reliable andaccurate practice (otherwise why comment upon incompetent stenog-raphy) The success of the profession is further shored up by Quintil-ianrsquos inclinations to accept a stenographerrsquos version of Pro Milone as amore accurate rendition of the speech than the one Cicero himself laterpublished ( Inst 4217 25) Nevertheless Quintilian does not delight inthe fact that stenographers have published all but one of his speechesdelivered within the courts ( Inst 7224) Further TN Winter argues con- vincingly that Apuleiusrsquos (c AD 125ndash180) Apology probably furnishes yetanother speech recorded and published by stenographers based partiallyupon a developing tradition of this activity within Greco-Roman rheto-ric ldquothe ancient notices of stenography which antedate the Apology of Apuleius indicate that speeches could be faithfully recorded and that

court speeches were especially liable to recording and publication bystenographersrdquo Later still into the second century we have evidence ofa Socratic speech (c AD 200) that apparently circulated as the result of astenographer (Ps-Socrates Ep 144)

We should note a few things at this juncture To begin with thereis a well substantiated practice in which speeches were recorded pub-lished and circulated by stenographers in Greco-Roman rhetoric and

Cited in TN Winter ldquoThe Publication of Apuleiusrsquo Apologyrdquo TAPA 100 (1969) 607ndash612 here 608 This paragraph was greatly aided by Winterrsquos article

Winter ldquoPublicationrdquo 611

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152

historiography especially within the Latin tradition but in the Greek tra-

dition as well When Thucydides says that he uses speeches from variousplaces we may assume that he has likely gathered at least in part the workof stenographers as well as rst-hand publications by the various authorshe documents But perhaps more interesting for our purposes is his com-ment that he records speeches that he has heard Nevertheless relianceupon memory seems to be his method of choice in most instances This was not the case with someone like Arrian howevermdasha historian who inmuch the same way that we are proposing for Luke published a wide rangeof speeches embedded among his historical narratives in for example his

Indica and his Anabasis but also published a compilation of Epictetusrsquosspeeches This substantiates the practice of publishing speeches in bothnarrative and independent contexts among Greco-Roman historians But were speeches published apart from such collections Clearly they were We have been able to document a ourishing and fairly developed ste-nography profession by the rst century AD in which a number of ste-nographers published single speeches often before those who deliveredthe speeches had the chance to circulate a more polished version Tosummarize speeches were published by historians andor stenographersin three ways (1) within narrative history (2) as compilations and (3)independently as standalone documents This still leaves the questionof the style and language that the stenographer or historian might haveintroduced when recording speeches whether using ancient shorthandor not This question remains especially pertinent for our purpose sinceit frames our expectations regarding how much of Lukersquos own style mighthave penetrated Hebrews if it was a recorded Pauline speech

The most programmatic passage for assessing the reliability of ancientspeeches especially in Acts has been Thucydides 1221

With reference to the speeches in this history some were delivered beforethe war began others while it was going on some I heard myself others Igot from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for

word in onersquos memory so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions of course

On these speeches see MGL Hammond ldquoThe Speeches in Arrianrsquos Indica and Ana-basisrdquo CQ 49 (1999) 238ndash53 The following discussion expands signicantly upon material found in AW Pitts

ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Literary Rhetorical and Philosophical Inuencesrdquoin SE Porter and AW Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (TENTS Leiden Brill forthcoming)

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153

adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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154

an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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151

further stress that it was Arrian the speech copyist who was responsible

for compiling and publishing the speeches (Aulus Gellius Noct att 121719 291) And we must not forget that the accreditation of the origins ofstenography to Catorsquos speech derives from the Greek tradition (PlutarchCat Min 233ndash7)

Arrian is not the only example of a (proto-) stenographer who publishedrecorded speeches Asconius Pedianu records that a speech of Cicerorsquoshis Pro Milone had been circulated by a stenographer who recorded itand furthermore that it di fered drastically from the later editedimproved version that Cicero publishedmdashsuch a dual publication having no parallel

in Greco-Roman antiquity Cicero then became the subject of mockerybecause of the poor quality of the rst version of the speech published bythe stenographer (Cassius Dio 4054) Apparently stenographers publisheda number of Caesarrsquos speeches as well Pro Q Metell su fered publicationat the hand of a bad stenographer (Suetonius Jul 553) for example ButSuetoniusrsquos indication that the stenographer in this case did a disserviceto Caesar substantiates the notion that people expected a reliable andaccurate practice (otherwise why comment upon incompetent stenog-raphy) The success of the profession is further shored up by Quintil-ianrsquos inclinations to accept a stenographerrsquos version of Pro Milone as amore accurate rendition of the speech than the one Cicero himself laterpublished ( Inst 4217 25) Nevertheless Quintilian does not delight inthe fact that stenographers have published all but one of his speechesdelivered within the courts ( Inst 7224) Further TN Winter argues con- vincingly that Apuleiusrsquos (c AD 125ndash180) Apology probably furnishes yetanother speech recorded and published by stenographers based partiallyupon a developing tradition of this activity within Greco-Roman rheto-ric ldquothe ancient notices of stenography which antedate the Apology of Apuleius indicate that speeches could be faithfully recorded and that

court speeches were especially liable to recording and publication bystenographersrdquo Later still into the second century we have evidence ofa Socratic speech (c AD 200) that apparently circulated as the result of astenographer (Ps-Socrates Ep 144)

We should note a few things at this juncture To begin with thereis a well substantiated practice in which speeches were recorded pub-lished and circulated by stenographers in Greco-Roman rhetoric and

Cited in TN Winter ldquoThe Publication of Apuleiusrsquo Apologyrdquo TAPA 100 (1969) 607ndash612 here 608 This paragraph was greatly aided by Winterrsquos article

Winter ldquoPublicationrdquo 611

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152

historiography especially within the Latin tradition but in the Greek tra-

dition as well When Thucydides says that he uses speeches from variousplaces we may assume that he has likely gathered at least in part the workof stenographers as well as rst-hand publications by the various authorshe documents But perhaps more interesting for our purposes is his com-ment that he records speeches that he has heard Nevertheless relianceupon memory seems to be his method of choice in most instances This was not the case with someone like Arrian howevermdasha historian who inmuch the same way that we are proposing for Luke published a wide rangeof speeches embedded among his historical narratives in for example his

Indica and his Anabasis but also published a compilation of Epictetusrsquosspeeches This substantiates the practice of publishing speeches in bothnarrative and independent contexts among Greco-Roman historians But were speeches published apart from such collections Clearly they were We have been able to document a ourishing and fairly developed ste-nography profession by the rst century AD in which a number of ste-nographers published single speeches often before those who deliveredthe speeches had the chance to circulate a more polished version Tosummarize speeches were published by historians andor stenographersin three ways (1) within narrative history (2) as compilations and (3)independently as standalone documents This still leaves the questionof the style and language that the stenographer or historian might haveintroduced when recording speeches whether using ancient shorthandor not This question remains especially pertinent for our purpose sinceit frames our expectations regarding how much of Lukersquos own style mighthave penetrated Hebrews if it was a recorded Pauline speech

The most programmatic passage for assessing the reliability of ancientspeeches especially in Acts has been Thucydides 1221

With reference to the speeches in this history some were delivered beforethe war began others while it was going on some I heard myself others Igot from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for

word in onersquos memory so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions of course

On these speeches see MGL Hammond ldquoThe Speeches in Arrianrsquos Indica and Ana-basisrdquo CQ 49 (1999) 238ndash53 The following discussion expands signicantly upon material found in AW Pitts

ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Literary Rhetorical and Philosophical Inuencesrdquoin SE Porter and AW Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (TENTS Leiden Brill forthcoming)

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adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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152

historiography especially within the Latin tradition but in the Greek tra-

dition as well When Thucydides says that he uses speeches from variousplaces we may assume that he has likely gathered at least in part the workof stenographers as well as rst-hand publications by the various authorshe documents But perhaps more interesting for our purposes is his com-ment that he records speeches that he has heard Nevertheless relianceupon memory seems to be his method of choice in most instances This was not the case with someone like Arrian howevermdasha historian who inmuch the same way that we are proposing for Luke published a wide rangeof speeches embedded among his historical narratives in for example his

Indica and his Anabasis but also published a compilation of Epictetusrsquosspeeches This substantiates the practice of publishing speeches in bothnarrative and independent contexts among Greco-Roman historians But were speeches published apart from such collections Clearly they were We have been able to document a ourishing and fairly developed ste-nography profession by the rst century AD in which a number of ste-nographers published single speeches often before those who deliveredthe speeches had the chance to circulate a more polished version Tosummarize speeches were published by historians andor stenographersin three ways (1) within narrative history (2) as compilations and (3)independently as standalone documents This still leaves the questionof the style and language that the stenographer or historian might haveintroduced when recording speeches whether using ancient shorthandor not This question remains especially pertinent for our purpose sinceit frames our expectations regarding how much of Lukersquos own style mighthave penetrated Hebrews if it was a recorded Pauline speech

The most programmatic passage for assessing the reliability of ancientspeeches especially in Acts has been Thucydides 1221

With reference to the speeches in this history some were delivered beforethe war began others while it was going on some I heard myself others Igot from various quarters it was in all cases dicult to carry them word for

word in onersquos memory so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions of course

On these speeches see MGL Hammond ldquoThe Speeches in Arrianrsquos Indica and Ana-basisrdquo CQ 49 (1999) 238ndash53 The following discussion expands signicantly upon material found in AW Pitts

ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Literary Rhetorical and Philosophical Inuencesrdquoin SE Porter and AW Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament (TENTS Leiden Brill forthcoming)

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153

adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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154

an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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153

adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said

(Smith LCL)However as Porter notes there are a number of lexical and grammati-cal ambiguities that revolve around the interpretation of this passage First the word translated above as ldquodicultrdquo ( χαλεπν) could indicate any-thing from virtual impossibility (ie lsquosomething which cannot readily beaccomplished perhaps under any circumstancesrsquo) to mere diculty (ielsquodicult but within the realm of possibilityrsquo) A mediating sense is evenpossible where χαλεπν is understood to mean lsquoimpossible unless the rightcircumstances obtainrsquo (eg a certain method must be employed) Second

the meaning of the phrase τν κρβειαν ατν τν λεχθντων (translatedabove ldquoword for wordrdquo) is unclear Does this refer to the individual utter-ances or the reliability of the record as a whole Third does the adverbmicroλιστα (ldquolikelyrdquo ldquoespeciallyrdquo) go with the thing ldquodemanded of themrdquo toldquosayrdquo or with the whole clause to ldquosay what was in my opinion demandedof themrdquo Fourth the phrase translated above as ldquodemandedrdquo (τ δοντα)leaves open the question as to how exactly the situations demanded thingsfrom the speaker and what exactly they demanded Fifth the phrase τι 983987τατα translated ldquoas closely as possiblerdquo could be a reference to keep-

ing as closely as possible to what Thucydides deemed as necessary or itcould refer to keeping as close to the general sense of what was said inlight of the situation Sixth the phrase τ ξυmicroπση γνmicroη (ldquothe generalsenserdquo) could mean the basic ldquogistrdquo of what was said or the line taken bythe speaker Seventh τν ληθ λεχθντων (ldquoreally saidrdquo) could denoteeither ldquospoken truthfullyrdquo or ldquotruly spokenrdquo These exegetical ambiguitiesmake a ldquoThucydidean Viewrdquo hard to maintain and of little help in evalu-ating how speeches were recorded in Acts Furthermore Thucydides hasbeen shown to be somewhat atypical among the historians at least inparticular aspects of form and style

Porterrsquos cautions concerning Thucydides are duly noted but the pictureof speeches in Greco-Roman historiography still needs to be lled out byother theorists Isocrates although not a historian himself sets the agendafor many of the Greco-Roman historians He suggests that when recording

SE Porter ldquoThucydides 1221 and Speeches in Acts Is There a Thucydidean Viewrdquo NovT 32 (1990) 121ndash42 reprinted in Studies in the Greek New Testament Theory and Prac-tice (SBG 6 New York Peter Lang 1996) 173ndash93 here 179ndash91 See SA Adams ldquoLukersquos Preface and its Relationship to Greek Historiography A

Response to Loveday Alexanderrdquo JGRChJ 3 (2006) 177ndash91

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154

an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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154

an account of a personrsquos achievements it is best to add artistic style and

then distribute the stylized resultsFor these reasons especially I have undertaken to write this discourse becauseI believed that for you for your children and for all the other descendants ofEvagoras it would be by far the best incentive if someone should assemblehis achievements give them verbal adornment and submit them to you for

your contemplation and study (Isocrates Evag76) (Hook LCL)

This methodology was carried over into historiography by several of Iso-cratesrsquos students including Theopomus Ephorus Diodorus and Xeno-phon Historians that followed in the tradition of Isocrates enhanced

the original events and speeches with rhetorical style and aesthetic orna-mentation Similarly Dionysius of Halicarnassus understood the histo-rianrsquos task as an extension of rhetoric (see Dionysius of HalicarnassusThuc 18 41) As Gempf notes ldquoFor Dionysius the fashioning of speeches istaken to be the test of a real historianrsquos ability that ability being reckonedin terms of rhetorical style and skill Artistry was most important evenat the expense of faithfulnessThere can be no doubt that Dionysiuscomposes the speeches he presents in his own books in a stereotypedrhetorical fashionrdquo Cicero echoed the same perspective in his criticisms

of past historians (eg Cicero De or 21253ndash54 and 21562) He states thatldquothe privilege is conceded to rhetoricians to distort history in order togive more point to their narrativerdquo (Cicero Brut 1142ndash3 [Hendrickson andHubbell LCL]) Likewise Lucian held that the historian must remain trueto the facts that he records even if their form is altered ldquoexpression andarrangementrdquo could be adjusted but not details such as geography (LucianldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 24 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) With respectto speeches Lucian suggests that the historian is completely justied inshowing o f his eloquence and ldquobringing the speech into a good rhetorical

stylerdquo (ητορεσαι rhetorizing) once the speaker and occasion have beenaccurately situated

When it comes in your way to introduce a speech the rst requirement isthat it should suit the character both of the speaker and of the occasion thesecond is (once more) lucidity but in these cases you have the counselrsquos right

C Gempf ldquoPublic Speaking and Published Accountsrdquo in BW Winter and AD Clarke(eds) The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting (vol 1 of The Book of Acts in Its FirstCentury Setting ed Bruce W Winter Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 259ndash303 here 270 Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 275ndash276 282 Lucian The Works of Lucian of Samosata (trans HW Fowler and FG Fowler Oxford

Clarendon 1905) 2134

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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155

of showing your eloquence (ητορεσαι κα πιδεξαι τν τν λγων διενότητα)

(Lucian ldquoThe Way to Write Historyrdquo 58 [trans Fowler and Fowler]) Although Lucian insisted on the value of recording historical truth hesaw no problem with reconstructing a speech so that it accorded with thecanons of rhetoric Herodotus is an interesting contrast to the historiansinsofar as he combines his historical investigations with the art of epicpoetry often creating imaginary speeches for his charactersmdashbut this isno doubt due to his unique place in the development of Greek historiog-raphy developing as he did the practice of Greco-Roman history out ofthe traditions of Homeric poetry Of the evidence available to us Polybius

seems to be the most concerned of the historians to report truthfully andaccurately what was said but even then only when it is most e fective

Still as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argumentand exposition on every subject of debate without distinction but rather toadapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion so neither doI think it right for historians to practice their skill or show o f their abilityupon their readers they ought on the contrary to devote their whole ener-gies to discover and record what was really and truly said and even of such

words only those that are the most opportune and essential (Polybius 361[Paton LCL])

Clearly Polybius is on the more conservative side of the spectrum nev-ertheless he does seems to condone editing what was said in order toproduce the greatest literary impact

Gempf points to two important examples of speech writing where theoriginals can be compared with the accounts of the speeches recordedby the historian The rst is an account of a series of speeches recordedby Livy (1242 2827 3030 3753) that he found in Polybius (362 11281564 211) a situation that may be comparable to the circumstancesunder which Acts was composed where Luke used sources of some kindto construct his account of the early Church including Paulrsquos speechesmdashalthough the possibility must also be allowed that Luke was able to hearsome of Paulrsquos speeches and that he may have had to rely upon memoryor personal notes to document certain speeches The second is an exam-ple from Tacitusrsquos Annals (1124) that can be compared to a bronze tabletfound in Lyons that records what appears to be an original version ofa speech that was given by the Emperor Claudius Gempfrsquos comparativeanalysis illustrates that

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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156

Livy treats the speeches in his sources with some respect reproducing the

content while changing the formTacitusrsquo version [of Emperor Claudiusrsquosspeech as compared with the bronze tablet] is much shorter the order in which the topics are addressed is drastically altered and the style is muchmore polishedMuch in the originalhas been condensed and even leftout entirely in the published accountTacitusrsquo text is a better organizedand more cogent version of the same arguments

These examples taken in tandem with the theoretical dimension ofancient historiography highlight the nature of the alternations likely madeby Luke to Pauline speech material It is clear that historians would typi-cally ldquoplay the oratorrdquo in their accounts of ancient speeches Many would

attempt to remain true to the original content of a speech but most seemto have altered its form in order to enhance its aesthetic appeal There isno reason to believe that Luke did not do the same The Pauline speechesin Acts therefore probably tell us more about Lukersquos rhetorical abilitiesthan those of Paul At the same time their content probably does reecta genuine Pauline theology This applies to the Pauline speeches in Actsand if our theory is on the mark we should have similar expectations forHebrews as wellmdashPauline content with Lukan style

Speech Circulation in Early Christianity

If Hebrews emerged out of Lukersquos e forts to publish Pauline speech mate-rial (whether using his own eyewitness records or available sources [per-haps obtained from Paul 2 Tim 411]) it would not be an isolated instancefor such activity within the transmission of early Christian literature Theentire literary enterprise represented by early Christian Gospels employedthis practice in recording the sayings and speeches of Jesus Perhaps the

rabbinic traditions with their emphasis upon recording speech materialas represented among the Tanniatic (and later) rabbinic traditions (egthe Mishna) provided the literary context for such activity The publi-cation of various Acts of the apostles also required the transmission ofspeeches Within the canonical material Markrsquos Gospel and Luke-Acts areparticularly interesting in this connection

Early Christian Gospels take a number of forms Many have noticedthat there is a tendency for some Gospels to adapt a narrative framework

Gempf ldquoPublic Speakingrdquo 281ndash82

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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157

while others (but far fewer) are collections of independently circulated

sayings with very little narrative framing The canonical Gospels and laterapocryphal Gospels are examples of the former whereas texts like theGospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q (if such a document existed) provideexamples of the latter The sheer volume of recorded sayings and dis-courses of Jesus produced by these Gospel writers reveals the importancethat early Christians attached to the circulation of the speech traditions of Jesus Such practices are clearly intelligible within the publication indus-try of the rst century The possibility of stenographers andor scribesrecording and then transmitting notes or even entire speeches cannot be

ruled out but the role of memory and eyewitness testimony in transmit-ting oral speech traditions appears to be the dominant method employedin passing down the sayings at least in the early phases of the processDespite the nature of the procedure the practice of transmitting Jesusrsquospeeches was clearly pervasive in early Christianity In some circles thismaterial apparently took precedence over story-based tradition as indi-cated by the Gospel of Thomas PEgerton and Q Although these tradi-tions are usually more accurately described as ldquosayingsrdquo we do nd someinstances of extended discourse that we might classify as small speeches(eg PEgerton frag 2 rectomdashthe remainder of the speech has not beenpreserved NHC II2 Gos Thom 21 28 47 Q 37ndash9 724ndash28) If one acceptsform critical assumptions the primitive nature of such speech materialindicates that a great importance was placed upon its circulation at a veryearly stage of Christianityrsquos textual history We say all this only to highlightthe pervasiveness of the practice

We nd more substantial evidence for a type of speech circulation par-allel to what we are proposing in Lukersquos case with respect to Paul andHebrews within early Christian testimony regarding the literary origins ofthe third Gospel The following comments are made regarding Papias as

transmitted through Eusebius

This also the presbyter said Mark having become the interpreter [ρmicroηνεύτε]of Peter wrote down accurately though not in order [ο microέντοι τάξει] what-soever he remembered of the things said or done by Christ For he neitherheard the Lord nor followed him but afterward as I said he followed Peter

who adapted his teaching to the needs of his hearers but with no inten-tion of giving a connected account of the Lordrsquos discourses [κυριακον λόγιον]so that Mark committed no error while he thus wrote some things as heremembered them For he was careful of one thing not to omit any of thethings which he had heard and not to state any of them falsely (Eusebius

Eccel hist 33915 [ NPNF ])

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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158

While most interpreters grant that Papias has Mark in mind here some

have argued for identifying this deposit of Peterrsquos tradition with Qmdashsuchproposals have not caught on however The tradition Papias communi-cates likely goes back as early as AD 130 and enjoys external corrobora-tion with other ancient sources (eg Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospelof Mark Tertullian Marc 453 Jerome Comm Matt NPNF 6495 Verill 81ndash2) Further sources locate Peterrsquos preaching in Rome as the socialcontext for Markrsquos acquisition of the Petrine Jesus tradition According toClement of Alexandria as transmitted by Eusebius when Peter preachedin Rome ldquomany who were present requested that Mark who had followed

him for a long time and remembered his sayings should write them out And having composed the Gospel he gave it to those who had requesteditrdquo (Eusebius Eccel hist 6145ndash7 [ NPNF ] see also Origen in Eusebius

Eccel hist 6255 Hippolytus Haer 7301)Markrsquos Gospel then according to a quite impressive accumulation of

external evidence consists of a collection of Peterrsquos discourses deliveredin Rome organized and contextualized by Mark to suit the needs of hisaudience And even if we dismiss the Papias tradition for example as a- voured by apologetic rather than historical interests our point would stillstand that such activitymdashrecording and publishing apostolic speechesmdash was an accepted part of early Christian literary culture Whether or notthe tradition accurately relays the literary history of the third Gospel itsdeep proliferation within primitive Christian literature demonstrates theintelligibility and acceptance of the practice The method Mark employedto remember these discourses of Peter remains unclear When Papias saysldquoFor he was careful of one thing not to omit any of the things which he hadheard and not to state any of them falselyrdquo (Eusebius Eccl hist 33915)he may be arming the use of shorthand by Mark More than likely inRome Mark would have been exposed to stenographers as they recorded

speeches and could have employed similar techniques If Irenaeus trans-mits a reliable tradition and Mark compiled Peterrsquos speech material afterhis death (Irenaeus Haer 311) the process Mark deployed to ensure thathe remembered Peterrsquos sermons correctly must have involved some way ofmaking permanent the material likely through writing Some form of ste-nography would have been conducive to these purposes Perhaps Papias

Eg JN Sanders The Foundation of the Christian Faith (London AampC Black 1950) 53 For substantiation of this date and on the validity of the Papias tradition see Martin

Hengel Studies in the Gospel of Mark (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1985) 47 RE Heard ldquoThe Old Gospel Prologuesrdquo JTS 6 (1955) 4

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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159

refers to precisely this when he describes Mark as Peterrsquos ldquointerpreterrdquo

(ρmicroηνεύτη)mdashin any case it appears to imply something regarding the writing process that Mark employed as he worked through the material hereceived from Peter It should come as no surprise then that several inter-preters insist upon understanding Markrsquos relationship to Peter as that ofan amanuensis or scribe due to Papiasrsquos use of ρmicroηνεύτη in this context Technically however the appropriate categories for Markrsquos work shoulddeveloped out of ancient stenography since Papias informs us that Markrsquosprimary content was speech material Nevertheless stenography was onerole an amanuensis or scribe could occupy if they had the appropriate

training in Greek shorthand We have now come to a place where we can begin to bring together afew of the strands of the evidence we have considered so far The socialrelationship between PeterMark and PaulLuke are similar enough to warrant our attentionmdasha major implication of this essay especially per-tinent to the orientation of the present volume The basic structure forboth relationships seems to be that between an apostle and his disciple(although this is less clear with PaulLuke)mdashboth denitely seem to betraveling companions and ministry partners Both sets of relationshipsevidence literary collaboration Mark apparently compiled a collection ofPeterrsquos discourses into a running narrative that we now possess in its nalform as the third Gospel and we know that Luke recorded Paulrsquos speeches within his own narrative framework But what if perhaps having unusedspeech material from Paul after composing Acts Lukemdashinspired by Mark(who is listed with Luke in Col 414) while in Rome (assuming a Romanimprisonment for the Prison letters)mdashcompiled Paulrsquos speech materialinto a running narrative in a way that loosely parallels how Mark treatedPeterrsquos speech material resulting in Hebrews Or what if Luke functionedas a stenographer taking shorthand notes during one of Paulrsquos Diaspora

speeches and then compiled and expanded his notes into what we nowknow as Hebrews and published it to be circulated in the Diaspora homechurches as a full length message to serve purposes that his compressedPauline speeches in Acts could not serve If Luke-Acts functioned politi-cally as some kind of apologetic treatise to acquit Paul then perhaps

Eg TW Manson (The Teaching of Jesus Studies of Its Form and Content [Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press 1963] 23) and BD Schildgen ( Power and Prejudice The Reception of the Gospel of Mark [Detroit Wayne State University Press 1999] 35) cast therelationship in terms of an ancient secretary On the scribal view see JC Anderson andSD Moore ldquoIntroduction The Lives of Markrdquo in JC Anderson and SD Moore (eds) Mark amp Method New Approaches in Biblical Studies (Minneapolis Fortress Press 1992) 2ndash3

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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160

Hebrews was circulated as a Jewish missional document published in

Paulrsquos absence due to his imprisonment The historical and social settingsfor the PaulLuke relationship not only allow butmdashwe would arguemdasharesuggestive of these possibilities We can further substantiate this claim bycomparing the social settings for Hebrews and the speeches of Paul thatLuke documents in Acts

The Social Settings for Hebrews and Paulrsquos Speeches in Acts

In comparing the historical contexts in which Hebrews and Lukersquos Pau-line speeches originated we begin our investigation by highlighting twoobservations that set the agenda for this discussion (1) Luke is the onlyperson in rst-century Christianity (assuming a somewhat early date for Acts) that we know to have published Paulrsquos speeches and Luke is alone with Mark in rst-century Christianity in publishing apostolic speeches(2) Hebrews is the only document in the New Testament thought by manyto be a single independently published speech (ie sermon synagoguehomily etc) Many of the authorship views of the pastmdashand surprisinglyinto the presentmdashremain outdated in this sense proposing authorship views based upon an assessment of Hebrews as a letter (eg the Luke-as-amanuensis theory) If we begin with the contemporary assumption thatHebrews is a speech or sermon of some kind this opens up new avenuesof exploration for the authorship question We shall unpack these in thereverse order

In contemporary study of Hebrews it has become commonplace torefer to Hebrews as a sermon Two lines of reasoning lead to this con-clusion First a number of references in the document refer either tospeaking or hearing its content This seems to indicate that the original

audience would have heard the content of the document aloud (eg Heb25 511 69 81 95 1132 1322) Many have also proposed the absence ofcontextual features that typically appear in literature written in epistolarysettingsmdashthe absence of epistolary formulas non-explicit letter structureincluding a formal letter opening body-open -middle and -closing etcmdash

Since this is a common understanding of Hebrews minimal argumentation willbe given here For example F Thielman Theology of the New Testament (Grand RapidsZondervan 2005) 585 can refer to Hebrews as a ldquohomilyrdquo as a passing reference sup-porting his statement only with a brief footnote See also WL Lane Hebrews 1ndash8 (WBC47A Dallas Word 1991) lxxndashlxxx

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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162

an epistolary settings strategic and frequent use of Scripture focus upon

Judaism and anonymity (which was rare for an early Christian letter)recent scholars almost universally locate the document as a representa-tion of the sermons preached by Christians in rst-century (esp Diaspora)synagogues While we agree with this social setting for the origination ofHebrews we are inclined to agree with Mosser in terms of the literarystatus of the so-called rst-century ldquosermonrdquo This type of oratory deliv-ery had not emerged yet being a product of later Christianity Insteadboth Hebrews and Acts 13 represent instances of early Christian propheticdiscourse delivered within the ancient synagogue by part of the Pauline

Jewish missionmdashto the synagogue rst and then to the urban assembliesschools and points of gathering where Gentiles congregatedThe postscript at the end of Hebrews (1322ndash25) poses itself as the most

substantial objection to a speech format but we nd in this further evi-dence for a Luke-Paul collaboration Such postscripts or even prescripts were often added by a stenographer to indicate a context for the composi-tion or the publisherrsquos relationship to it as we noted in Arrianrsquos case Theuse of πιστ983995ω in Heb 1322 is a distinctly Lukan publication formula Theterm only occurs in two other places in the New Testament (Acts 15202125) both in Lukersquos description of an early publication from the apos-tolic circle Granted these both refer to the publication of a letter but theterm itself merely signies sending or circulating a document (eg POxy II276 PAmh II 33) so that it could easily have this more general func-tion in Heb 1322 as well The information in the postscript also identiesthe social context one would expect on a Luke-Paul speech collaborationtheory The sending location is Italy where Paul may be imprisoned andlikely accompanied by Luke and Mark and Timothyrsquos status is mentioneda person known in connection within the Pauline circle If we translateπιστ983995ω in the more general sense as ldquoI send to yourdquo then we can take

the postscript to be a distinctively Lukan addition contextualized for therecipient body of believers Perhaps an objection to this rendering wouldbe its modication by βραχων But this could refer to the shortness of thepublication he sent especially compared with the two volume work inLuke-Acts with thirteen Pauline speeches or it could refer to short spatialproximity as in Acts 2728mdashhe sent them the publication from a shortdistance away The information included seems furthermore quite gen-eral indicating that the speech was likely sent to a region to function as

BDAG 381 MM 245ndash46 LSJ 660 BDAG 183

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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163

an encyclical document rather than to a specic house Church since no

specic individuals are named Such a view would further support Lukersquosintentions to see the speech circulated in the Diaspora synagogues inPaulrsquos absence as a result of imprisonment And if the postscript is theresult of a Lukan redaction then a further parallel with the social contextof Acts 13 can be established in that both speeches are described as aldquoword of encouragementrdquo from outside of the speech margins

Rhetorically then the composition of this document would havea forded Luke with the opportunity to publish a Pauline speech that iscloser to its original length than the narrative purposes of Acts would

allow Paulrsquos prophetic discourse in Acts 13 and Hebrews are the only twopieces of New Testament literature self-designated as λγο παρακλσεω and both address Jews Acts 13 evidently takes places in a synagoguecontext and many have situated Hebrews within a synagogue setting as well In other words the parallel social settings between Hebrews and Acts 13 are strongly suggestive of parallel points of origin It is easy toimagine Luke publishing a fuller version of a prophetic speech given in aDiaspora synagogue (as in Acts 13) because we already have evidence ofhim compiling the same type of material within his narrative contexts Again Luke remains the only person in earliest Christianity known fordocumenting Pauline speeches and he is alone with Mark in recordingapostolic speeches If we take Hebrews to be a speech and combine this with examples from the Greco-Roman world of stenographers who pub-lished speeches in narrative compilation and independent literary forms we seem to have a signicantly rich historical context for putting forwardthe suggestion that Luke recorded and then compiled either a group ofPauline speeches (as Mark did with Peter) or published a single speech ofPaulmdashaltering the form but not the content as was the pattern in Greco-Roman historiography and (based on Markrsquos activities) early Christianity

The historical situation was ripe for the emergence of Hebrews in thisfashion so we now turn to examine the documents themselves to see whether the external and internal evidence can sustain this claim

See most recently for example Gabriella Gelardini ldquoVerhaumlrtet eure Herzen nicht Der Hebraumler Eine Synagoghomilie zu Tischa be-Av (BibInt 83 LeidenBoston Brill 2007)P Walker ldquoA Place for Hebrews Contexts for a First-Century Sermonrdquo in PJ Williamset al (eds) The New Testament in Its First Century Setting (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 2004)231ndash49

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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164

Evidence for a Pauline Origin for Hebrews

Both external and internal evidence substantiates the case for Paulrsquos involve-ment in the production of Hebrews However a Luke-Paul collaboration would yield it seems a fairly unique scenario in terms of both of these cat-egories With regard to the external evidence we should probably expect afairly high level of the reception history to document a Pauline origin sincethe scribes stenographers and historians that circulated such speeches wererarely credited with authorship or if they were it was merely as a co-authoras we see in many of Paulrsquos letters Under the assumption of a Paul-Luke

collaboration neither should we expect a one-to-one-correspondence withthe broader Pauline register represented in his letters Speeches especiallythose later developed from stenographic practices recorded and circulatedby ancient historians rarely preserved the form or language of the originalThey mainly focused upon rendering the content to the best of their abilityin their artistic expression The purpose of this and the following section onLuke is not however to provide a comprehensive catalogue of external andinternal evidence in favour of their respective involvement Such projectshave been attempted elsewhere at great length (see notes 1 and 2 above) We merely provide a survey of what we feel to embody the strongest casefor their involvement collaboratively while at the same time attempting tointroduce new evidence along the way

External Evidence

The Chester Beatty Papyrus ranks among the most signicant piecesof external evidence for the Pauline authorship of Hebrews indicating aquite early Pauline reception of the document within the earliest extantcanon of Paulrsquos letters And we nd Hebrews not tacked onto the end

of the collection as an afterthought but located between Romans and1 Corinthians This prominent location of Hebrews within the Paulinecanon strongly suggests that the Christian community or at least thoseinvolved in the production of understood Hebrews to be Pauline insome sense We may further substantiate this proposal by noticing theparallel pattern in the titles of the letters For example Romans takes

For further analysis of the external evidence for Pauline authorship see Black ldquoOn

the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 2)rdquo 32ndash51 contains the last eight chapters of Romans all of Hebrews nearly all of Firstand Second Corinthians all of Ephesians Galatians Philippians Colossians and sectionsof 1 Thessalonians

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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Page 23: 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

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165

the title ΠΡΟΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΨΣ and correspondingly Hebrews receives the

label ΠΡΟΣ ΕΒΡΑΙΨΣ This titular uniformity appears to associate Heb-rews closely with the rest of this collection of literature believed by earlyChristians to be written by Paul But is only one part of a much widerbody of external evidence that favours situating Hebrews immediatelyafter the Pauline letters to the Churches and before those written by Paulto individuals as we nd in B C H I P 0150 0151 a Syrian canon fromc 400 (Mt Sinain Cod Syr 10) and six minuscules from the eleventh cen-tury (103) Perhaps such an organization represents a shift in registerfrom (1) letters to churches to (2) a speech to a church (or churches) to

(3) letters to individualsThe early Eastern fathers also consistently identify Hebrews with PaulEusebius records the views of both Clement of Alexandria ( Eccl hist 6142ndash3) and Origen ( Eccl hist 62513) to this e fect When we turn toprimary sources this view remains Origen constantly attributes Heb-rews to Paul when he cites the document ( Princ 1 235 277 3110 3244113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) Clement states that ldquothe blessedpresbyterrdquo Pantaenus (d c AD 200) held that Paul wrote Hebrews butleft his name o f the letter out of respect for Christ whom Pantaenus con-sidered the Apostle to the Hebrews

But now as the blessed elder said since the Lord being the apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to the Gentiles on accountof his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews throughrespect for the Lord and because being a herald and apostle of the Gentileshe wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundance (Eusebius Eccl hist 61434 [ NPNF ])

Eusebius himself believed that Hebrews was Pauline He refers to ldquoPaulrsquosfourteen epistlesrdquo that ldquoare well known and undisputedrdquo while at the sametime acknowledging that ldquoit is not indeed right to overlook the fact thatsome have rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews saying that it is disputedby the Church of Rome on the ground that it was not written by PaulBut what has been said concerning this epistle by those who lived beforeour time I shall quote in the proper placerdquo ( Eccl hist 335 [ NPNF ]) Butalthough Eusebius acknowledges scepticism regarding Pauline authorshipof the letter in the Roman Church Jerome ( Epist 1293) and Augustine( Pecc merit 150) would later accept Pauline authorship of Hebrews withsome reservations

On the canonical location of Hebrews in the various MS traditions see WHP HatchldquoThe Position of Hebrews in the Canon of the New Testamentrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 133ndash51

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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166

The support for Pauline authorship within the textual tradition is

in other words substantial At the very least the Pauline view enjoysa wider range of external support than any of the competing views forauthorshipmdasheven if the earliest evidence remains restricted mostly to theEastern Church

Internal Evidence

Turning from the external evidence to the internal evidence for authorshipseveral correlations indicate a connection between Paul and Hebrews

Assessing the internal evidence in this discussion is tricky It is dicultto make a theological argument for Pauline origination by comparingPaul and Hebrews since the apostolic circle shared in a somewhat uni edtheological perspective in drawing from a common deposit of primitiveChristian tradition At best we can show similar emphases or tendenciesadopted by Paul and Hebrews illustrating at the most that the authorsaccessed and utilized tradition in a strikingly similar way making the casefor Paulrsquos involvement more likely

To start things o f we nd it dicult to imagine another person in earlyChristianity with the background necessary to produce such a composition We do not have enough information to make solid judgments regardingthe abilities of many proposed authors (Barnabas Pricilla Apollos etc)Of the people for whom we have a fair bit of information regarding theirtheological and rhetorical abilities Paul appears to us to be the best can-didate for the person behind the major content of the letter Lane suggeststhat the author was ldquowell educated by Hellenistic standardsrdquo which Paulclearly was That the author had rst-hand contact with Diaspora Juda-ism as is documented by his or her extensive use of the LXX cannot bedenied Again this ts Paul who both grew up (Acts 223) and ministered

in the Diaspora synagogues The detailed assessment of the atonementand the theological elaboration of the relationship between rst-century

For further parallels see Black ldquoOn the Pauline Authorship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo32ndash51 Some of his observations have been freely incorporated below within the contentof our own analysis but often expanded or developed within our own framework Whereextensive material is taken over we make note of this

See CH Dodd Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (repr Grand Rapids Baker1987) and David Wenham ldquoAppendix Unity and Diversity in the New Testamentrdquo inGE Ladd A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1993) 684ndash719

Lane Hebrews l See Pitts ldquoPaulrsquos Hellenistic Education Assessing Early Literary Rhetorical and Philo-

sophical Inuencesrdquo in Porter and Pitts (eds) Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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167

Judaism and its fulllment in Christianity also appears to us to reinforce the

Pauline origin of the letterThe most signicant argument from our perspective however is that

the major theological content of the letter seems decidedly Paulinemdashits non-Pauline linguistic and literary style notwithstanding First Heb-rews and Paulrsquos letters appear to reect a similar christological emphasiseven to the point of employing parallel citation strategies in support ofchristological assertions Hebrews 11ndash14 positions Christ above the angelicbeings Both Phil 29ndash10 and Col 114ndash19 emphasize exalted christologyThe latter of these passage bears special interest in this connection In

both Hebrews and Colossians Jesusrsquo dominance over the cosmos isasserted on the basis of his creative power The theological progressionseven resemble one another Both begin with Jesus as creator and ultim-ately terminate with his sovereigntymdashin Colossians over all things andin Hebrews over the angels But whereas Hebrews focuses on one entityof creation (angels) Colossians uses more all-encompassing languageterminating with Christrsquos exaltation ldquofar above all rule and authority andpower and dominion and above every name that is namedrdquo (Col 121) Pre-sumably Paul intends by ldquoall rule and authority and power and dominionrdquoto incorporate Christrsquos pre-eminence over the angelic world One cannothelp but wonder then whether the passages were mapped on the same ora similar strand of primitive traditional material

The christological use of scripture in Hebrews and in Paul appears to bebacked by a similar rhetorical strategy In Heb 11ndash14 the writer cites vepassages from the Psalter to make his point The author links these Scrip-ture citations with the adverb ldquoagainrdquo (πλιν) a strategy only known else- where in Paulrsquos use of the term to join Scripture citations (Rom 1510ndash121 Cor 320) The author begins by citing Ps 27 which Paul alludes to inRom 14 to make a strikingly similar christological point Paul also cites this

text in his speech in Acts 1333 We nd it signicant that both Hebrewsand this prophetic discourse in Acts are referred to with the parallel liter-ary designation (a word of encouragement) and use related kerygmaticcitation strategies Hebrews (15 55) and Paul (Rom 14 Acts 1333) arealone in the New Testament literature in using this passage in support ofclaims about the risen and exalted Christ The psalm nds some currencyin the Gospels but these instances occur in narratives about Johnrsquos bap-tism of Jesus not as supporting evidence for Jesusrsquo post-mortem existence

Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 67ndash68

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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168

That the passage is put to quite di fering uses in the Gospels but serves

parallel functions in Paul and Hebrews suggests an important literary-rhetorical connection between the two The use and function of Ps 86 notonly nds a distinct parallel in Paul and Hebrews both also interpret thePsalm the same way with quite similar language In both places the textis interpreted messianically within an already-not-yet framework Afterciting the Ps 86 the author of Hebrews says ldquoNow in putting everythingin subjection to him he left nothing outside his control At present we donot yet see everything in subjection to himrdquo (Heb 28) When Paul explainsthe passage he says that ldquoWhen all things are subjected to him then the

Son himself will also be subjected to him who put all things in subjectionunder him that God may be all in allrdquo (1 Cor 1528) Another parallel development of early Christian tradition involves the

prominence of the discussion of σωτηρα (including its various eschato-logical dimensions) in both Paul and Hebrews compared to relativelysparse coverage of the topic elsewhere in the New Testament Of its 45occurrences spread across New Testament Paul employs the term 18times in his letters and we nd it in Hebrews an additional 7 times with Hebrews having the highest number of occurrences of the term in asingle document within the New Testament When we add to this the factthat two of Lukersquos usages of σωτηρα in Acts are from Pauline speechesthe use of σωτηρα in Paul and Hebrews comprises 27 or 60 of its totalusages within the New Testament In addition to the frequency of theterm σωτηρα the soteriological system portrayed in Hebrews has numer-ous points of contact with Paulrsquos First Heb 23 sets forth that salvationis something that is ldquoalready present and available through the Christianmessage rst announced by Jesusrdquo The same point is made by Paul inEph 113 when he declares that the gospel of salvation was proclaimedby Paul Second Hebrews frames salvation within Christ by arming

that Jesus is the cause or source (ατα) of salvation (210 and 59) Paulrsquoslanguage of ldquoin Christrdquo makes the same point with great emphasis uponmystical union For both Paul and Hebrews salvation is found in Christfor he is the source and context of salvation Third the idea that right-eousness comes by faith is a notion expressed by both Hebrews and Paul

Rom 116 101 10 1111 1311 2 Cor 16 62 (x2) 710 Eph 113 Phil 119 28 212 1 Thess58 9 2 Thess 213 2 Tim 210 315 Heb 114 23 10 59 69 928 117 Acts 1327 47 Ellingworth Hebrews 73

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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169

Hebrews 1117 states that righteousness comes by faith (τ κατ πστιν

δικαιοσνη) This idea of righteousness coming by faith remains a cen-tral focus for Paul perhaps most notably in Rom 41ndash12 In this stretchof text in Romans Paul associates righteousness and faith on at least4 occasions (45 9 11 13) The lines of continuity drawn between theministry of Christ and Abraham are also apparent in both soteriologies(cf Heb 216) Fourth both Paul and Hebrews stress the importance ofperseverance in the faith Hebrews has of course gained quite a repu-tation for its ve so-called ldquowarning passagesrdquo (21ndash4 37ndash413 511ndash6121026ndash39 1214ndash29) These passages in one form or another exhort the

reader (or listener) to hold rm to their calling and not to stray fromthe faith Such a theology was not foreign to Paul however He exhortshis readers for example to ldquocontinue in the faithrdquo (πιmicroνετε τ πστειCol 122ndash23) Similarly Paul warns that the unrighteous will not inheritthe kingdom of God if they persist in ungodliness (1 Cor 69) Fifth Paul(Rom 117 2times) and Hebrews (615 1133) are unique in using πιτυγχνω torefer to the acquisition of salvation Although Jas 42 uses the term its dis-tinct soteriological application is unique to Paul and Hebrews Finally wemay highlight the soteriological function of πουρνιο in both Hebrewsand Paul Besides a single occurrence in John 312mdashwhich may explainits origination within the Jesus traditionmdashthe soteriological function ofπουρνιο remains an exclusive theological feature of Paul and HebrewsThe term occurs a total of 19 times It occurs more in Hebrews than inany other New Testament book (6times) The Pauline letters account for itsremaining occurrences (12times) The way πουρνιο functions theologicallyhowever occupies a point of interest In Hebrews it refers to the heavenlycalling (31) the heavenly gift (64) the gifts of the priests as a shadow ofheavenly realities (85) the heavenly things puried by better sacrices(923) the heavenly country (1116) and the heavenly Jerusalem (1222) In

the earlier occurrences the term denotes soteriological realities and as thetext progresses they become more and more eschatological Or betterthey move from a realized soteriological-eschatological framework to amore futurist soteriological-eschatological emphasis In Paul we detecta similar pattern of usage πουρνιο populates 1 Corinthians (5times) andEphesians (5times) most frequentlymdashthe remaining two instances are in2 Tim 48 and Phil 210 The emphasis in Hebrews certainly ts with1 Corinthians In the latter text the cluster results from Paulrsquos discussionof the resurrected or heavenly body in 1 Cor 1540ndash49 As with Hebrews in

Ephesians πουρνιο has highly realized connotations two of which Paulsays birth directly out of salvation (13 26)mdashthe other three instances

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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170

refer to the realm of spiritual activity (120 310 612) also embodying a

realized notionEven if we do not have enough evidence in certain places to infer a par-

allel systemization of early Christian traditionalscriptural materials we dond corresponding theological catch phrases unique to Paul and Hebrews We confront for example a unique anthropological description in thatPaul (1 Cor 1550 Gal 116 Eph 612) and Hebrews (214) remain alone withinthe New Testament literature in framing the human nature in terms ofσρξ κα α microα (ldquoesh and bloodrdquo)mdashsomething that likely developed out ofthe Jesus tradition (Matt 1617) They are also alone in describing God as

πιστ (1 Thess 524 2 Thess 33 1 Cor 19 1013 2 Cor 118 Heb 1023 1257 11) The moral use of παιδεα (6times in the NT) in the context of trainingdiscipline represents another distinctive feature of both Paul (3times Eph 642 Tim 316) and Hebrews (3times Heb 125 7 11) The perfect of πείθω is alsoonly found in Paul (Rom 838 1514 2 Tim 15 12) and Hebrews (69) Thedescription of the people of God as δελφο γιοι is a distinctively Paulinephrase (Col 12) that also nds representation in Hebrews (31)

Although we argue that the style of the letter is essentially Lukan dis-tinctive elements of Pauline style have nevertheless found their way intothe composition These include the use of δι τοτο (74times in the NT 34times inPaul 1times in Heb [21]) περισσοτρω (12times in the NT 10times in Paul 2times in Heb[21 139]) and καθπερ (13times in the NT 12times in Paul and 1times in Heb [42]) Wedonrsquot want to convolute the argument that the use of Christian traditionand Scripture and the overall theological emphasis of Hebrews remainsessentially Pauline by highlighting the penetration of these stylistic fea-tures into the document but if Hebrews was compiled by Luke on thebasis of a set of stenographic notes we might expect traces of Paulinestyle to slip through and this is exactly what we nd The case we are mak-ing will not of course stand or fall on these points but they do provide a

small amount of conrmatory evidence for the point we are makingSo what we nd is we think what we would expect if Hebrews origin-

ated as a Pauline speech The content seems to have numerous points ofcontact with Paulrsquos use of Christian tradition to articulate his theology with traces of Pauline stylistic features slipping into the literary compos-ition One argument that could be marshalled against this interpretation would be the theological elements unique to Hebrews that do not ndrepresentation in Paul However Pitts has shown that we should expect

This paragraph and the next draw signicantly from Black ldquoOn the Pauline Author-ship of Hebrews (Part 1)rdquo 32ndash51

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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172

the level of coverage that Paul receives in Acts totalling seven speeches

about half as many as Luke records for Paul Next to Peter we have James with two speeches Since Luke records two times more speeches for Paulthan anyone else in Acts we have a solid precedent for asserting Lukersquosunique interest in recording and publishing Pauline speech material Thisestablished context certainly warrants an exploration of the external andinternal evidence to see whether Hebrews represents a further literary-social development between Luke and Paul We will argue that it does

External Evidence

Although as far as we can tell no modern scholar has suggested the thesisfor which we are arguing there does seem to be some support for our view among the earliest Church fathers in two important Alexandrianscholars Clement and Origen We mentioned both of these individualsin our discussion of the external evidence for Pauline authorship buthere we want to expand upon their words as early fathers who supportedLukersquos participation in the production of Hebrews (Clement) or believedthat Hebrews is the result of one of Paulrsquos students who compiled it onthe basis of Paulrsquos teaching

At the end of the second centurymdashin some of the earliest evidence we have regarding the authorship of HebrewsmdashClement theorizes thatHebrews was originally written by Paul in Hebrew and later translatedinto Greek by Luke He may have come to this conclusion for reasons nottoo dissimilar to the ones that have led us to our conclusion the contentof Hebrews is distinctly Pauline whereas its linguistic style is remarkablysimilar to Luke-Acts In other words his proposal enabled him to accountfor the Lukan style of the document while at the same time acknowledg-ing its Pauline origin Eusebius tells us of Clementrsquos view

He says that the Epistle to the Hebrews is the work of Paul and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew language but that Luke translatedit carefully and published it for the Greeks and hence the same style ofexpression is found in this epistle and in the Acts But he says that the

words Paul the Apostle were probably not pre xed because in sending itto the Hebrews who were prejudiced and suspicious of him he wisely didnot wish to repel them at the very beginning by giving his name Fartheron he says ldquoBut now as the blessed presbyter said since the Lord beingthe apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul as sent to theGentiles on account of his modesty did not subscribe himself an apostle of

the Hebrews through respect for the Lord and because being a herald andapostle of the Gentiles he wrote to the Hebrews out of his superabundancerdquo( Eccel hist 6142ndash4 [ NPNF ])

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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173

So in Clement we nd a collaborative theory based upon Pauline theol-

ogy with Lukan style We can even locate in Clement the idea that inHebrews Luke converted and published Pauline material to be circulatedamong the Gentiles The explanation of how and why the authorial pre-script was lost and thus why the authorship question became uncertain insome circles is at the very least an intelligible historical explanation froma very early period in the Churchrsquos history It seems unlikely howeverthat the document was originally a Hebrew composition If Hebrews wasa lettermdashas Clement assumesmdashthis might be a helpful component in anexplanation but if we adopt the view that Hebrews is a speech or even

a sermon we can maintain that Paul preached the sermon in Greek andelements of Lukan style were introduced not as the result of a translationbut because he reconstructed the original speech in his own language as was the custom of historians and stenographers when dealing with speechmaterial This speech hypothesis also accounts for the lack of authorshipattributionmdashas with the Gospels such prescripts were not part of thegenre Hebrews was published without a prescript with Luke providingonly a few contextual notes in a historical postscript

Origen likewise argued for a collaborative hypothesis in the mid thirdcentury

[T]he verbal style of the epistle entitled ldquoTo the Hebrewsrdquo is not rude likethe language of the apostle who acknowledged himself ldquorude in speechrdquothat is in expression but that its diction is purer Greek any one who has thepower to discern di ferences of phraseology will acknowledge If I gave myopinion I should say that the thoughts are those of the apostle but the dic-tion and phraseology are those of some one who remembered the apostolicteachings and wrote down at his leisure what had been said by his teacherTherefore if any Church holds that this epistle is by Paul let it be com-mended for this For not without reason have the ancients handed it downas Paulrsquos But who wrote the epistle in truth God knows The statement of

some who have gone before us is that Clement bishop of the Romans wrotethe epistle and of others that Luke the author of the Gospel and the Acts

wrote it (Eusebius Eccl hist 62511ndash14 [ NPNF ])

Several things are worth noting here First it is widely acknowledgedthat Origenrsquos comments identify the use of an amanuensis of some typehere As we argued above stenography was a secretarial function thatcould easily t within the framework Origen describes here What bet-ter candidate than Luke to be a person with good diction and style whodocumented Paulrsquos teaching and later compiled and published it in what

See Richards Paul and First-Century Letter Writing 60ndash64

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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174

we now know as Hebrews Second unlike Clementrsquos view Origen appears

to adopt the view that Hebrews is based upon the spoken material of ateacher Again the historical context for such a relationship already existsfor a Paul-Luke collaboration Third Origen indicates that the content orldquothoughtsrdquo found in Hebrews are those of Paul Thus for Origen Hebrews

was originally spoken by Paul and then written down by a student of theapostle at a later time although he still holds that Hebrews is ldquoby Paulrdquo Ori-gen also consistently cites Hebrews as originating with Paul ( Princ 1 235277 3110 324 4113 4124 Cels 352 729 Ep Afr 9) And Origen closesby acknowledging that some before him had proposed Luke as a likely can-

didate for authoring Hebrews While Origen is not as explicit as Clementhis remarks are highly suggestive of a collaborative hypothesis The bestcandidates for the framework he proposes are clearly Paul and Luke

Our view then essentially combines that of Clement and Origen WithOrigen we agree that Hebrews was based upon the spoken teaching ofPaul And with Clement we arm Lukersquos documentation and publicationof the documentmdashin this publication process we acknowledge him as thestudent that Origen has in mind

Internal EvidenceOn the thesis that during his travels with Paul Luke documented and laterpublished Paulrsquos speech material (one or more speeches) in Hebrews we would expectmdashgiven what we know about speech recording in Greco-Roman historiographymdashthat Lukersquos literary and linguistic style willhave signicantly dominated the document even if the major contentbehind the composition remains Pauline The striking stylistic similarityof Hebrews and Luke-Acts has not gone unnoticed The linguistic ani-ties between the two have led a number of interpreters to posit Luke as

the author of Hebrews Of course this argument derives its case almostentirely from the internal evidence which is in fact quite strong As Westcott observes the Greek ldquolikenessrdquo between Luke-Acts and Hebrewsldquois unquestionably remarkablerdquo so that ldquono one can work independentlyat the Epistle without observing itrdquo Allen goes as far as to suggest that

See Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 27ndash40 for a survey of the secondary literatureand various internal evidence for Lukan authorship For a more detailed analysis see

Allen Lukan Authorship BF Westcott The Epistle to the Hebrews the Greek Text With Notes and Essays

(3rd ed London Macmillan 1920) lxxvi

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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175

no volume in the New Testament is more similar in its language to Luke-

Acts than Hebrews We at rst notice that in terms of linguistic formality on the scale

of Hellenistic Greek represented in the New Testament corpus (vulgarnon-literary literary) Hebrews and Luke-Acts together fall closest to theliterary spectrum Although Turner remains agnostic with respect to thequestion of authorship in relation to linguistic style he does acknowledgethat the author of Hebrews ldquooften inserts material between adjective andnoun (eg 1 4 10) and between article and noun (eg 10 12) and hisperiods are often long and contrived (1ndash 2ndash 3ndash 4 5ndashndash etc)

approaching the style of classical Greek as with Luke-Actsrdquo Turner herehighlights a number of signicant elementsmdashthough they are ldquoliteraryrdquo notldquoclassicalrdquo featuresmdashthat help group Hebrews and Luke-Acts within thesame domain of language formality He mentions discontinuous syntacticstructures in which intervening elements are nested within the modica-tion structure of a discontinuous group He also mentions periodic struc-ture Most of the New Testament is constructed using paratactic relationsIn more literary expressions the discourse is mapped onto hypotacticrelationsmdashthis latter phenomenon being most pervasive within the NewTestament in Hebrews and Luke-Acts

Allen notes a sustained similarity in the lexical stock employed byLuke-Acts and Hebrews Luke-Acts and Hebrews have the highest ratioof hapax legomena in the New Testament Only 337 (168 of which arehapax legomena) of its 1038 words do not occur in Luke-Acts meaningthat Hebrews shares 673 of its total vocabulary with the Lukan writingsThere are 53 words unique to Luke-Acts and Hebrews 56 words unique toPaul and Hebrews and 33 words unique to Luke Paul and Hebrews Sucha comparison becomes especially powerful when the relatively shorterlength of Hebrews is taken into consideration showing a high level of lexi-

cal anity between these two authors and Hebrews The following chartgathers information from Allenrsquos extensive study into a concise format in which lexical and syntactic similarities can be readily observed betweenLuke-Acts and Hebrews in comparison with Paul and the rest of the NewTestament We found that Allenrsquos statistics did not always line up with what we came up with in our independent searches on the same data

Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 32ndash33 N Turner Style vol 4 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek (ed JH Moulton Edin-

burgh TampT Clark 1976) 106 This paragraph builds on Allen ldquoAuthorship of Hebrewsrdquo 28ndash33

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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176

and so we have adjusted his numbers in many cases to more accurately

reect the data

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

φεσι (forgiveness)

καθαρζω (cleansing)

γοmicroαι (leaderor chief leader)

Similar phrase γρφω + ν and a dative ofοραν

τι

τι + theinnitive τι followed by δ

δκρυον (tear)

genitive(δακρων)preceded byκα and microετ

microα

τε

10times in Luke-Acts

10times in Luke-Acts

5times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke4times in Luke-Acts

4times in Luke-Acts

2times in Acts

160times in Luke-Acts

159times in Luke-Acts

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

6times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times Hebrews2times Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

4times in Hebrews

20times in Hebrews

3times in the NT2times in Paul

14times in the NT3times in Paul

6times in the NT11times in Paul

77times in the NT

16times in Paul0times0times

2times in the NT2times in Paul

0times in the NT8times in Paul

23times in the NT8times in Paul

10times in the NT25times in Paul

Only in Luke-Actsand Hebrews doesit refer to leadersor chief men inthe Church

Nowhere else inthe NT

It is used 7 times with θεο and θεο is only fronted inrelation to microα in two of theseinstances (Luke137 Heb 65)

This distributionhere isremarkablehighlight stronganities between

Paul Luke andHebrews

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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Page 35: 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

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177

Table (cont)

LinguisticElement

Occurrencesin Luke-Acts

Occurrencesin Hebrews

OtherOccurrences inNT and in Paul

Comments

Aorist activeindicative 3rdplural of λαλω

οτοι πντε

α microατο το δου

ε τν καιρν

with theinnitive

δι withπνεmicroατο

κα and ατ with a propername

δι followed byτ microηδεmicroαν

The article followed by τ and a noun orsubstantivalparticiple

τοτο τ α micro

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

1times in Acts

2times in Acts

1times in Acts

1times in Luke

2times in Luke-Acts

3times in Acts

3times in Luke-Acts

1times in Acts

8times in Luke-Acts

1times in Luke

10times in Luke-Acts

1times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

2times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

1times in Hebrews

3times in the NT1times in Paul

2times in the NT1times in Paul

0times in the NT4times in Paul

This form inthese passages isfollowed by thearticular accusative(τν λγον) and agenitive (θεο inHebrews κυρου in

Acts)

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

Nowhere else inthe NT

The Pauline usagedominates a thirdof NT material

In these passagesLuke and Hebrewsare the only thatelide the equative

verb while all theothers employ it

All occurrencesof this term areaccounted for

within PaulLuke-Acts and

Hebrews

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

$amp()+)amp-00 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 3742

179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 3842

180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

$amp()+)amp-00 5 233454 676759 8

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

$amp()+)amp-00 233454 676759 8

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httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4042

182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 4 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4142

183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

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178

A few of the more compelling distinctive linguistic features Allen mentions

are worth expanding upon apart from the chart For example ρχηγ and σωτηρα collocate together in the New Testament only in Acts 531 andHeb 210 Acts 531 is part of a speech that Peter gives to the high priests indefence of his preaching Similarly ρχηγ occurs only four times in theNew Testament Acts 315 531 Heb 210 and 122 As is the case with Acts531 so too Acts 315 appears in a speech of Peterrsquos recorded by Luke TheGreek word for ldquostarrdquo appears in the New Testament with two di ferentforms στρ and στρον This word in its two forms appears twenty-eighttimes in the New Testament Four of these are found in Luke-Acts and

Hebrews However these four uses all take the same form στρον whilethe other twenty-four occurrences in the New Testament use στρ Inother words Luke-Acts and Hebrews use one form that remains distinctto them while the rest of the New Testament uses another form

In addition to the evidence Allen provides we note further that whilethe Greek term microονογεν is employed nine times in the New Testament(Luke 712 842 938 John 118 316 18 Heb 1117 and 1 John 49) only Lukeand Hebrews use the term to refer to a physical descendant The otheruses refer to Christ and his relation to the Father

That Lukersquos distinct vocabulary and syntax appears in Hebrews pointsagain to his involvement in its composition but further evidence can bemarshalled still for Lukersquos collaborative e forts with Paul in the produc-tion of Hebrews based in a comparative analysis between Paulrsquos speechesin Acts and Hebrews If our interpretation of the data is correct thesespeeches of Paul collected by Luke form the closest literary parallel wehave to Hebrews in the New Testament The main di ference betweenthe two would be that Lukersquos record of Paulrsquos speeches in Acts repre-sent intentionally condensed (or sometimes interrupted) versions of thespeeches that were suited for his narrative purposes in Acts If Hebrews

is a Pauline speech or compilation of speeches (but we think the formeris much more likely) independently published by Luke then its writtenlength likely approximates its original spoken length We might expectthen to nd signicant parallels between the Pauline speech materialrecorded in Acts and Hebrews

The rst Pauline speech that Luke records is found in Acts 1316ndash47Paul is speaking to the ldquoMen of Israelrdquo (Acts 1316) a Jewish audienceperhaps parallel to the one Hebrews addresses Both this speech andHebrews are referred to as a word of encouragement (Acts 1315 Heb

1322) The speech opens in the same way Hebrews opens in emphasizingGodrsquos revelation to the fathers and then moving on to the revelation of

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

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180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 4 233454 676759 8

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 233454 676759 8

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Page 37: 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

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179

Jesus Paulrsquos speech here in Acts 13 covers this terrain with much greater

detail than the Hebrews prologuemdashnevertheless both open with Godrsquosrevelation in terms of a statement of Israelrsquos history In Acts 1326 Paulemploys the rare genitive phrase τ σωτηρα This exact phrase is usedonly two other times in the New Testament once by Paul in Eph 113 andonce in Heb 210 The genitive for Abraham (19times in the NT) in Acts 1326is represented extensively in Paulrsquos letters (6times) and Luke-Acts (7times) andoccurs in Hebrews (1times) as wellmdashonly occurring 4 times outside of thiscollection As we have already noted the fact that Ps 27 appears onlyin a speech by Paul in Acts and in Hebrews is highly suggestive of our

proposal After arguing for the resurrection Paul moves on in v 34 tostate that since Christ is raised from the dead he will no longer return tocorruption (διαφθορ) Hebrews 925ndash28 echoes this idea by stating thatChrist will return again ldquonot to deal with sin but to save those who areeagerly waiting for himrdquo Thus in this passage from Hebrews Christ willnot be under sin when he returns Similarly in Acts 1339 Paul makes thepoint that the ldquolaw of Mosesrdquo could not free anyone from sin This samepoint is made in Heb 719 when the author states that ldquothe law madenothing perfectrdquo

A number of parallels can be located in the Pauline speech Lukerecords in Acts 1722ndash31 as well In 1728 Paul emphasizes Godrsquos all perva-sive providence when he states that ldquoin him we live and move and haveour beingrdquo A similar point is made in Heb 13 where Jesus upholds theentire universe by the word of his power and in Heb 211 where God isthe source of all who are being sanctied In all three passages the stressrests upon God being the one behind what transpires on earth Further Acts 1729 Heb 12 and 129 all acknowledge GodJesusrsquo universal creativepower Acts 1731 Heb 927 and 1030 make the case that Christ who is theman God has appointed (Acts 1731) and the Lord (Heb 1030) will judge

the world including his people (Heb 927)In his address to the Ephesian elders Paul insists upon the importance

of repentance and faith (Acts 2021) The writer to the Hebrews makes thesame point in 61 Acts 2028 Heb 912 and Heb 1312 all speak of the bloodused by God in redemption Although Hebrews is replete with referencesto the blood atonement what makes these two passages particularly inter-esting is with Acts 2028 they represent the only usages of διο to modifyα microα Towards the end of Paulrsquos speech to the elders he exhorts them toldquobe alertrdquo as they watch over the ock of God (Acts 2031) Hebrews 1317

reminds the ock of God that the elders are ldquokeeping watchrdquo over theirsouls In other words there is evidence of a parallel paraenetic strategy

$amp()+)amp-00 2 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 3842

180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

$amp()+)amp-00 5 233454 676759 8

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4042

182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 4 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4142

183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4242

Page 38: 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 3842

180

presented from two di ferent angles In Acts 20 Paul encourages the elders

to rule in a certain way while the writer of Hebrews tells the people howto respond to the elders The terminology employed to describe the lead-ership in the speech is also distinctive of the lexical usage in HebrewsPaulrsquos speech here and Hebrews are alone in using γοmicroαι to refer toChurch leaders

In addition to these patterns it is worth highlighting that a good bit ofthe material which Allen points to in his analysis is derived from Paulrsquosspeech material in Acts We represent the evidence derived fromPaulrsquos speech material including the additional insights highlighted in

the preceding paragraphs in the following chart What this shows is that a good number of Allenrsquos supposed Lukanfeatures for Hebrews are actually Lukan-Pauline features (ie features ofLukersquos recorded Pauline speeches) precisely the authorial and literarydesignation we are proposing for Hebrews

Paulrsquos speeches in Acts could easily be mined for further parallelsmdashand this may be a worthwhile ambition for future researchmdashbut thesepatterns are we think sucient to highlight the signicant linguistic and

Linguistic Element Occurrences in Pauline Speeches and in Hebrews

φεσι (forgivness)

γοmicroαι (leader) or (chiefleader)

genitive (δακρων) precededby κα and microετ

microα

Aorist active indicative 3rd

plural of λαλωα microατο το δου

δι followed by τ microηδεmicroαν

The article immediatelyfollowed by the untranslatedτ

διαmicroαρτροmicroαι

Genitive phrase τ σωτηρα

διο to modify α microα

Acts 1338 2618 Heb 922 1018

Acts 262 Heb 1029 1111 26 137 17 24

Acts 2019 2031 Heb 57 1217

Acts 2625 2825 Heb 13 65 113 1219

Acts 2825 Heb 12 714

Acts 2028 Heb 912

Acts 2818 Heb 102

Acts 2623 Heb 211 91ndash2

Acts 2021 23 Heb 26

Acts 1326 Heb 210

Acts 2028 Heb 912 1312

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181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

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182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 4 233454 676759 8

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183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

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Page 39: 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 3942

181

theological overlap between Lukersquos documentation of Paulrsquos speeches in

Acts and the speech preserved for us in Hebrews The internal evidenceappears to us to most strongly favour a Lukan collaboration with Paul inthe context of a specic literary-historical relationship Luke in his his-torical endeavours seems to have documented Paulrsquos speech material andlater published it in what we now know as Hebrews

A Few Possible Objections

The current view in New Testament scholarship denies a strict Paulineauthorship of Hebrews probably making our thesis dicult to sustainin the minds of some The most enduring of these criticisms has beenthe argument from style As DeSilva argues ldquoNone of Paulrsquos other writ-ings come close to the rhetorical nesse and stylistic polish of Hebrewsrdquo This objection is closely linked with the objection that the vocabulary ofHebrews is not Pauline We are willing to grant the legitimacy of theseclaims at some level but on our theory we would not expect the linguisticstyle and vocabulary to be precisely Pauline since the practice among ste-nographers in Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric was to preservethe major content of the speech while adapting the language and styleto the highest level attainable by the stenographer making for a nicelypolished composition So far from constituting an objection to our theoryin a backhanded way it actually provides support for itmdashthat is on ourexplanation the data that presents itself to us is exactly what we wouldexpect to nd Lukan stylelanguage with Pauline theological content

Others object that Paul could never have written (or spoken) Heb 23 where the author of Hebrews states that the message of salvation wasldquoconrmedrdquo (βεβαιω) ldquoto usrdquo by those who heard from Christ Paul who

wrote Gal 112 which states that Paul did not ldquoreceiverdquo (παραλαmicroβνω)the Gospel from men could not have also written Hebrews 23mdashor sothe argument goes However this objection is hardly denitive Noticerst that Paul says that he did not ldquoreceiverdquo his message from men Thismeans that the source of Paulrsquos message is not human On the other handthe author of Hebrews says that men ldquoconrmedrdquo his message The use of

DA DeSilva An Introduction to the New Testament Contexts Methods and Ministry Formation (Downers Grove InterVarsity Press 2004) 787

Eg Ellingworth The Epistle to the Hebrews 11ndash12 Eg Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 62

$amp()+)amp-00 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4042

182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 4 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4142

183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4242

Page 40: 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4042

182

βεβαιω here indicates not a new revelation but a rming up of an exist-

ing one which is exactly what happened when Paul eventually did meetup with the apostles So on the assumption of a Pauline origin for thespeech to the Hebrews Paul seems to be communicating that after havingreceived his message from Jesus it was conrmed by the apostles and alsothrough signs and wonders

What about the objections to Lukan authorship Kistemakerrsquos com-ments represent a fairly standard protest ldquoLuke as a Gentile Christian would not be able to write lsquoIn the past God spoke to our forefathersthrough the prophetsrsquo (11 NIV)rdquo He goes on to argue that ldquo[Luke] only

reports Old Testament passages spoken by others but he does not expounda single quotation for doctrinal purposes as is the case in Hebrewsrdquo Butthis is not a stylistic feature rather it references the main content of thespeech Our view remains immune to such objections since it argues thatthe content of Hebrews originates with Paul a Jew Again the phenom-enon that Kistemaker recognizes is exactly what we would expect on theinterpretation of the data that we are suggesting If Hebrews is a Paulinespeech recorded by Luke then we would anticipate a good number ofOld Testament citations within the speech as we nd in Lukersquos recordedspeeches of Paul in Acts Neither would Paul a Jew be uncomfortableexpressing the words contained in the prologue of Hebrews

The traditional arguments against Pauline and Lukan authorship ofHebrews can be weighty when either Paul or Luke are thought to haveauthored the letter alone However on a collaborative proposal in the socialcontext of historical-rhetorical speech recording many of the argumentsagainst either or the other of the authors fail to convince Now it mightbe objected that the very structure of our argument is fallacious becauseit is non-falsiable whatever features are not Pauline are Lukan and vice versa But notice that this has not been the structure of our argument We

have argued for Lukan style and Pauline content and have been careful toshow where each departure is a feature of the other In other words wehave sought to positively establish each feature in the respective corpusinstead of making universal appeals where the evidence remains silentBut this leaves a third body of evidence If we have stylistic features dis-tinctive of Luke-Acts and Hebrews and content features distinctive of Paul

Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 Kistemaker ldquoThe Authorship of Hebrewsrdquo 59 On the same page Kistemaker admits

that there are ldquolinguistic similarities in the vocabulary of Lukersquos writings and that ofHebrewsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 4 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4142

183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4242

Page 41: 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4142

183

and Hebrews what about material that cannot be accounted for within

Luke-Acts or Paul What about material distinctive just to Hebrews Wellas we noted at the end of the section on the Pauline evidence a certainamount of unique material should be expected due to the rhetorical exi-gency of the situation especially given the very unique literary status ofHebrews In fact assuming that our theory is correct the amount of theo-logical and linguistic parallel material that we do nd is staggering giventhe vast di ference in register from other Pauline and Lukan writings Interms of Pauline material this is his only independently published speechin extended form From Lukersquos perspective too Hebrews would be his

only Pauline speech published independent of a narrative framework So we cannot hope to correlate every feature of Hebrews to some previousrhetorical-literary situation and so the amount of material we can cor-roborate in this way does seem highly suggestive of our Paul-Luke speechcollaboration theory

Conclusions

Although Hebrews has been handed down to us without an author wehave argued that both external and internal considerations suggest thatHebrews constitutes Pauline speech material recorded and later pub-lished by Luke Paulrsquos traveling companion The speech (or possiblyspeeches) was likely a prophetic discourse delivered in a Diaspora syna-gogue very much parallel to the speech by Paul that Luke records in Acts13 Luke very probably took stenographic notes on the essential contentof Paulrsquos discourse that he later converted and expanded using his owndiction and style as was the practice for speech publication among Greco-Roman historians and apparently among early Christians as wellmdasheg

Markrsquos Gospel We believe that a possible point of origin for the docu-ment could have been Rome where Luke may have been inspired to do with Paulrsquos speech material what Mark had done with Peterrsquos This alsomakes sense in light of Paul being locked up and perhaps executed (if it was published after Paulrsquos death) In such an event Hebrews might serveto continue Paulrsquos Jewish mission in a way that his other letters wereserving his Gentile mission If this scenario is correct then it certainlyfurthers our understanding of the social relationship between Paul andLuke from a distinctively literary standpoint but at the end of the day we

must acknowledge with Origen regarding the authorship of Hebrews thatldquoin truth God [only] knowsrdquo

$amp()+)amp-00 233454 676759 8

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4242

Page 42: 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

8132019 9789004242111_Porter_07-Pitts-Walker_proof-01

httpslidepdfcomreaderfull9789004242111porter07-pitts-walkerproof-01 4242


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