A BYZANTINE AMBASSADOR TO THE WEST AND HIS OFFICE DURING THE FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES: A...

λ Β Υ Ζ Α Ν Τ Ι Ν Ε A M B A S S A D O R TO THE WEST AND HIS OFFICED U R I N G THE FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH C E N T U R I E S :

A PROFILE

SOPHIA MERCIALI-SAHAS/ WATERLOO

The topic of the Byzantine ambassador has not been the subject of any systematic re-search on the part of Byzantinists,1 especially in so far as his role and activities inmissions to the West during the late Byzantine period.are concerned,2 when such em-bassies, under the pressure of circumstances, were more frequent and crucial. In anattempt to define the office and recapture the collective portrait of the Byzantine am-bassador during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, we will examine, both separ-ately and comparatively, the character and the make-up of the diplomatic corps inthe service of three successive Palaeologan emperors, John V (1341-91), Manuel II(1391-1425) and John VIH (1425-48). As Byzantine foreign policy during thisperiod was orientated mainly towards the West in the continuous search of financialand military aid against the Turkish threat, we will focus exclusively on ambassadorssent to Western courts, the credentials which dictated their ambassadorial appoint-ment, the social status, as well as the position they eventually occupied in the admin-istration. The collective portrait of the Byzantine ambassador during this period mustinclude also the emperor himself. This is a unique phenomenon in Byzantine diplo-macy, contrary to the established imperial ceremonial and the diplomatic practiceduring the previous centuries, as negotiations conducted directly between heads ofstate was a common practice in the West and in many cases the prefered mode of di-plomacy, but not in Byzantium.3 Personal imperial diplomatic involvement was con-sidered unbecoming and degrading for the Byzantine emperor who, over the past cen-turies, was seen as the supreme head of all Christendom and God's representative onearth.4 '

1 An exception is the relevant study referring to ambassadors and embassies to the West fromthe fifth to the eleventh century by T.C. Lounghis, Les ambassades byzantines en Occident depuis jla fondation des etats barbares jusqu'aux Croisades (407-1096) (Athens 1980), and the Ph.D. dis- ;sertation by D. A. Miller, Studies in Byzantine Diplomacy: sixth to tenth centuries (Rutgers, The jState University, Ph.D.1963, New: Brunswick, N.J.). |

2 The only contribution thus far^ albeit a general one, is that of N. Oikonornides, Byzantine Di- jplomacy, A.D. 1204-1453: Means arid Ends in: Byzantine diplomacy. Papers from the Twenty- jfourth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies. Cambridge 1990, ed. J. Shepard and S. Franklin j(Brookfield, Vt Ϊ992) 73-88. " :

3 Cf. R L. Ganshof, The Middle Ages. A History of International Relations (New York 1970),127-9 and 283-5.

4 Cf. G. Osrrogorsky, The Byzantine Emperor and the Hierarchical World Order*7, The Slav-onic and East European Review 35 (1956-57) 1-14; Fr. Dvdrnik, Early Christiap and Byzantinepolitical philosophy. Origins and background, II (Washington 1966), 617; D. Nicol, ByzantinePolitical Thought in: The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350-c. 1450, ed. J.H. Burns (Cambridge 1988) 67-73; D. Obolensky, The principles and methods of Byzantine diplo-

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ι S. Mergi ali-Sanas, A Byzantine ambassador to the West 589

As a way of introducing the subject we begin by examining the terminology usedfor a Byzantine ambassador. One may wonder if there is any real significance behindthe variety of terms pertinent to the status, functions and ceremonial value of an am-

i bassadorial title mentioned in the Byzantine and Western sources of the fourteenthι and fifteenth centuries. If this is the case, one would be able to classify diplomats onthe basis of a precise terminology pertaining to different ranks of diplomatic agentsand different types of mission. As far as the Byzantine sources are concerned, the ter-

. minology appears to be general rather, meager in operational meaning, and withoutspecificity as to the exact type of diplomatic agent. Furthermore, Byzantine sources

• quite often refer to an .envoy only by his name, his civil or military office, arid his: blood relationship to the emperor, without any title. This is the case for some thirty: percent of John V's, ninety percent of Manuel IPs, and twenty four percent of JohnVHFs ambassadors.

Byzantine narrative sources and diplomatic documents, in general, yield oiuy threeterms for diplomatic agents: πρέσβυς, πρεσβευτής and άποκρισιάριος. The titles πρέσ-β»υς and πρεσβευτής, which are terms of Greek antiquity,5 are dominant in narrativesources; a prevalent ideal and tendency among Byzantine authors of the Palaeologanperiod to obstinately imitate the attic dialect.6 These terms, even in expressions suchas, ό του πάπα πρεσβευτής, or πρέσβις (sic) του πάπα,7 apply to papal envoys whohave been designated as λεγάτοι (legati).8 Some Byzantine historians however, likeKantakouzenos (ca. 1295-1383), used all three terms loosely,9 while others, like

tnacy in: Byzantium and the Slavs: Collected Studies (London 1971) 61; A. Kazhdan, The Byzan-tine Notion of Diplomacy in: Byzantine Diplomacy (as cited in n. 2) 17.

5 Cf. D. J. Mosley, Envoys and Diplomacy in Ancient Greece (Wiesbaden 1973) 89 and n. 93.6 See for example, in Theodoros Metochites, Πρεσβευτικός, ed. C. N. Sathas, Μεσαιωνική Βιβ-

λιοθήκη, I (Venice 1872) 155 and 156; Andreas Libadenos, Βίος και έργα, ed. 0. Lampsides(Athens 1975) 45; Demetrios Kydones, Letters, ed. R.-J. Loenertz. Demetrius Cydones Corre-spondance, l (Vatican City -1956),' no 93^70; no 9410·17; II (Vatican City I960), no 13728;no 24222~3; no 264*9; no 26755·89-90; no 29357: Manuel Palaeologos, Letters., ed. G. T. Dennis, TheLetters of Manuel Palaeologus (Washington., D. C. 1977), no 4124; Sylvester Syropouios. Memoirs,ed. V. Laurent, Les Memoires du Grand Ecclesiarque de Ffiglise de Constantinople Sylvestre Syro-pouios sur le concile de Florence (1438-1439) (Paris 1971), 10810-11; 112"; 11416; 11612-15: Ϊ181;21214"15; Chalkokondyles, ed. E. Darko, 9710. For characteristic examples before the Palaeologanperiod, see Constantine Porphyrogennetos, Πώς δει πρεσβεύεσθαι και πρεσβεύειν, PG 113, cols636-637: Nikephoros Bryennios, ed. P. Gautier, 755, 9l*-5, 129", 1879<13·15, 1896, 2252*, 23l26,25l14. 25915-23, 26l1«, 26315, 2651·5: Choniatcs, ed. 1. A. van bieten, 6l66»71; 9778-°.

7 Cf. Demetrios Kydones, Leuers, no 3344 = ό του πάπα πρεσβευτής, and Sylvester Syropouios,Memoirs. 1081CM1 = πρέσβις (sic) του πάπα. However, Kydones as both· Byzantine chancellor and

, familiar with the papal court was perfectly aware of the dominant papal diplomatic nomenclature;thus lie made frequent use of the term legatns as well (see next note).

8 ' V. E. Hrabar, De legatis et legationibus (Dorpat 1906) 32; D. Queller, The Office of Ambassa-dor in the Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ 1967) 5; K. Hamilton and R. Laughorne, The Practice of Di-plomacy. Its Evolution, Theory and Administration (London and New York 1995) 248, n. 30. Forthe use of the term λεγάτος by Byzantine authors and in diplomatic documents, see Demetrios Ky-dones, Letters, no 315(M*, no 9359, no 97s4, no 327*<29, no 33512; cf. A. Theiner-F. MiJdosich,Monumenta spectaiitia ad unionem ecclesiarum Graccae et Romanae (Vindohona 1872) 29; Syl-vester Syropouios, Memoirs. ΠΙ, 1726.-8; Sphrantzes, cd. R. Maisano, 7825-0.

9 Kantakouzenos, <ed. L-'Schopen, III, 5318 (πρέσβυς); 9314 (πρεσβευτής); 95™ and 9710 (άπο-κρισιάριος). Brought to you by | Universite Paris 1

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590 Byzantinische Zeitschrift Bd.. 94/2, 2001 r ί. Abteilung

Sphraiitzcs (1401-14/7/8), with one exception,10 used the term άποκρισιάριος exclus-ively.11 Having composed his Chronicon in the vernacular of his time, Sphrantzes istransmitting to us the popular term άποκρισιάριος for all kinds of diplomats which weencounter in the official diplomatic documents, the second category of Byzantinesources produced by the Chancellery of Constantinople. A good example is to befound in the Greek version of the Byzantine treaties with Venice, where the termάποκρισιάριος is attributed to both Byzantine and Venetian diplomats.12 In its sim-plicity and with its three equivalent terms, Byzantine terminology does not help us todetect the difference among various ranks of diplomats. Thus, as most of the in-formation about Byzantine missions to the West comes from Western sources, the ter-minology of office becomes distinctly Western, thus varied, complex and concernedwith specificity. We will examine whether such variations carried also any furtherspecific significance.

Latin terms for diplomatic agents and representatives were nuntius, legatus, am-baxator (with its variants arnbaxiator and ambassiator), orator and procurator.Latin documents show that the predominant term used by Westerners and Byzantinsalike was that of ambaxator, initially and customarily in use by the Venetians forevery diplomat of considerable status;13 a term for the most solemn type of diplomatfrom the thirteenth to the fifteenth centimes aiming at replacing the one previouslyused, legatus. Variations of the same term in vernacular languages, especially inFrench ambassadeur, are to be found in Western chronicles.14 Credentials of elevenrepresentatives of John V (Demetrios Kydones,15 George Manicaites,16 Paul titular

10 Sphrantzes., ed. R. Maisano, 707: πρέσβυς.11 Sphrantzes, ed. R. Maisano, 207; 224; 262; 66« (συναποκρισιάριος); 72r><H; 7826; 842; 902; 94s.12 Cf. MM, III, 121,125, 144, 163, 177,186. On the term apocrisiarius see A. Emereau, Apocri-

siaires et apocrisiarat, EO 17 (1914-15) 289-97 and 542-8.la Queller, The Office of Ambassador, 68. See also Ex actis senatus ct majoris consilii Venetia-

rum in: Demetrios Kydones, Letters, II, Appendix, 4345~6, doc. 2; 43528~29, doc. 2; 4367, doc. 3;4375-6, doc. 5; 444°, doc. 16; 446:il, doc. 17; 4496, doc. 20; Venice, Archivio di Stato, Deliberation!Mistc 1414-17, ed. Sp. Lambros, Παλαιολόγεια και Πελοποννησιακά, HI (Athens 1926) 1292-3;Religieux de Saint-Denys, Chronique de Charles VI, ed. M. L. Bellaguet, Collection de Documentsinedits sur l'histoire de France, 11 (Paris 1840) 560; Livre des faits du Bon Messire Jean le Maingre,dit Bouciquant, mareschal de France et gouverneur de Jennes in: Les Chroniques dc Sire JeanFroissart, ed. J. A. C. Buchon, III (Paris 1836) cli. XXIX, 601, ch. XVI, 662, ch. XVII, 663;Chronicon Adae d§ IJsk, A. D. 1377-1421, ed. E. M. Thompson (London 19042) 96; Diploumtaride lOrient Catala (1301-1409), ed. A. Ruhio i Lluch (Barcelona 1947) nos DCLIX, DCLXXI1;"Μανουήλ Παλαιολόγου γράμμα προς τους Σιεναίους", in: Παλαιολόγεια και Πελοποννησιακά,III, 1206"7 and 1212; "Littcrae Johannas Palaeologi iraperatoris ad Johannem Dclphino Ducem" in:Diplomatarium Veneto-Levanlinum sive Acta et Diplomata res Venetas Graecas atque Levantis il-'lustraiitia a. 1351-1454, ed. G. M. Thomas, II (New. York 1966) no 45, p. 77; G. Hofmann, Orien-talium documenta minora, vol. Ill, fasc. ΠΙ (Rome 1953) no 5, ΙΟ8·11·13·16·21-25; no 8, 1226 and 1310;no 10, 1516; no 13, 1827; no'14, 20"».

14 Livre des fails, 601, ch. XXIX; 662, ch: XVI; 663, ch. XVII; Juvenal des Ursiris, Histoire duroy Charles VI, ed. D. Godefroy, ch · XCXVII, 132, cited by Bergende Xivrey, Memoire-sur la vie etles ouvrages de Tempereur Manuel Paleologue (Paris 1853) 87. /

15 0. Haleclî, Un emperetir de Byzance Rome, Vingt ans de travail pour PUnion des eglises etpour la defense de Tempire dOrierit, 1355-1373 (Warsaw 1930, reprint. London 1972) Pieces jus-tificatives, no 12, p. 370.



S. Mergiali-Sahas. A Byzantine ambassador to the West 591

patxiarche of Constantinople, the parakoimomenos Theophylaktos, the metropolitanNeilos, the great chartophylax Theodores, the archimandrite Makarios, ConstantineVIetaxopoulos, Theodoros domes tikos proximos*1 Andronikos Oinaiotes18 and Theo-dore Tzykandyles19) refer to them as ambaxatores. These persons were given the taskof a very specific, albeit temporary mission, with the power to carry out also negoti-ations. The term atnbaxator applied also to the majority of Manuel IPs diplomats.Among his fourteen diplomats whose names in the sources are accompanied by sometitle, nine were ambaxatores: Angelos,20 Alexis Branas,21 Hilario Doria,22 NicholasEudaimonoioannis,2 * Galeoti Lomelini, Nicholas Notaras,24 Theodore PalaeologosKantakouzenos,25 Constantine Rales and Theodore Rales26· In addition, ambassadorManuel Chrysoloras, who was granted broader powers of semi-permanent ambassa-dorial office of sorts, was designated as ambasiator et general procurator11 The cor-responding title ambassiator and its equivalents orator, ÜðïêñéóéÜñéïò and ðñÝóâéò (sic)hiave been found in both Byzantine and Latin sources for the same person, John Dis-bypatos, ambassador of emperor John VIII, in reference to his credentials for thesame mission to Basil in 1437.20 The predilection for any one of these terms reflects

• t he kind of source, this being either diplomatic or narrative, the idiosyncrasy and• onentality of the sender, or the time. A good example of this last case is the use of theι term orator, equivalent to that of ambassador and reminiscent of classical antiquity,i which became the prefered term for a diplomatic representative by the Italian hu-manists during the Renaissance. We find this term applied particularly to the ambas-sadors of John VIII in fifteenth century Italian sources.29

16 ibidem, no 6, p. 364 and no 7, p. 366; also Ada Urbani PP. V (1378-89), ed. A. L. Tautui Rome 1970) no 109T p. 177 and no 111, p. 179.. 1? For these last ones, see E. Baluse, Vitae PaparunrAvenionensium, ed. G. Mollat, I (Paris 1916)388.

10 Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, no 49.19 Halecki. Un empereur, 307, n. 2.20 Diplomatari de lOrient Catala, no DCLXXXIH, 704.21 Ibidem, no DCLXV11, 692.22 D. Nicol, A Byzantine emperor in England. Manuel II's visit to London in 1400-1401 in: By-

zantium: its ecclesiastical history and relations with the western world (London 1972) 207, n. 7and St. A. Sussman, Anglo-byzanrine relations during the Middle Ages, (Ph. D. Dissertation, Uni-versity of Pennsylvania 1966, University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan) 239 and n. 19'= "knight of Genoa and ambassador of the emperor of Constantinople").

2:5 Venice Archivio di Stalo, Deliberation! Miste 1414-17 in: Παλαιολόγεια και Πελοποννησιακά,III, 129M.

-* For these two, see "Μανουήλ Παλαιολόγου γράμμα προς τους Σιεναίους" in: Παλαιολόγεια*αι Πελοποννησιακά, IJJ, 120°-".

1 2Γ> Religieux de Sainl-Denys, Chronique de Charles VI, 560.*· Dii)iomatari de lOrient" Catala, no DCLXXXI, 702 and no DCLXXXH, 703.27 Diplomatari de JOrieni CataJa. no DCXCiV, 717.'¢ Orator: O. Raynaldi. Annales ecclcsiastici ( arri-Ducis, Cuerin 1864-83), t. 28, ad. an 1437,

iio 13. p. 235; G. Hofmann, Epistolae Pontificiae ad Concilium Floreminuin spccfantes, vol. l, fasc.l, (Rorne 1940) β-»22"2'1 and 85!3"H; άποκρισιάριος, ambassiator: Ilofmann, Orientalin!n, no 4,&1"0: πρέσβις: Sylvester SyropouJos, Memoirs, 17416.

2q Cf. llaynaldi, Annales e<x*lesiastici, t. 28, rio 8, p, 85; no 11, pp. 232-3; no 28,154; Hofnumn,Oiientalium. no 22, p. 267; no 28. p. 317·16,· l lofmann, Epistolae Pontificiae, no 29, p, 2213; no 30,I*. 23": no 31. p. 2421 and p. 251Γ'; no 41, p. 314; no 42, p. 326·1-; no 43, p. 3319; no 45, p. 3611·15;Brought to you by | Universite Paris 1


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Ranked below the ambaxator, the term nuncius designated the simplest type ofdiplomatic representative and applied customarily to envoys functioning as message-bearers.30. Four envoys of John V, the Genoese Michael Malaspinas who delivered aletter to Pope Urbain V in 1364,31 Nicholas Sigeros and Paul of Smyrna, couriers ofan imperial chrysobull to Avignon in 1355,32 and Philip Tzykandyles carrier of aletter to Pope Gregory XI in 1374,33 served on missions under this title, and theirmission corresponded exactly to that of a messenger. A Catalan messenger of John Vin the vernacular language of the archives of Aragon was titled as missatge·?* so wasan agent of Manuel II charged with delivering a message.35

For diplomatic plenipotentiaries that is. for envoys of inferior rank but with legalpowers to negotiate and conclude a treaty or an agreement in the name of their prin-cipal, the term used was procurator.™ On three occasions diplomats represented JohnV as his procumtores: Manuel Kabasilas whose mission in Genua was to procureConstantinople with cereals,37 Theophylaktos Dermokaites and Constantine Kaballa-ropoulos who, in a joint mission, were empowered to negotiate the renewal of a five- \year treaty with Venice; their credentials included the titles ambaxatores etprocura-tores.3* There are also four other persons within the diplomatic personnel of ManuelII who were given the same title: the procurator et ambaxiator Angelos,39 theprocu-ratores Alexis Dishypatos and Constantine Rales, and the ambasiator et procuratorgeneral Manuel Chrysoloras.40

On the whole, with certain limitations, it is Western terminology that provides us withan insight into the different ranks of Byzantine diplomatic agents and the different

no 47, p. 3932; no 48, p. 419; no 66, p. 6520, p. 663 and p. 694'5; no 88, p. 9120~21, p. 9211-42 andp. 9416; no 89, p. 10019; idem, Fragmenta protocolli, diaria privata, sermones, vol. Ill, fasc. II ·(Rome 1951) 427-9.

30 For this type of a diplomatic representative, see D. E. Queller, Representative institutions andlaw, in: Medieval Diplomacy and the Fourth Crusade (London 1980) 375-6; G. Mattiiigly, Renais-sance diplomacy (New York 19882) 26-7.

31 Cf. P. Lecacheux-G. Mollat, Lettres secretes fet curiales du pape Urbain V (1362-1370) se rap-portant a la France (Paris 1902-1906) no 1305.

32 Cf. Baiuze, Vitae Paparum Avenionensium, 334.33 Cf. Raynaldi, Annales ecclesiastici, t. 26, ad. an, 1374, no 4, p. 233.34 Diplomatari de lOrient Catalδ, no CQCXIX, 406.35 Diplomatari de lOrient Catala, no DCLXXV, 697.36 Queller, The Office of Ambassador, 36; idem, Thirteenth-century diplomatic envoys: mined

and procurators in: Medieval Diplomacy and the "Fourth Crusade, 203-7.37 Qf p DΦlger, P. Wirtli, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des ostrφznischen Reiches. 5. Teil. Re-

gesten von 1341-1453 (Munich 1965) no 3191 (hereafter, Dφlger, Regesten); J. \V. Barker, John VIIin Genoa: A problem in Late Byzantine Source Confusion ΦCP 28 (1962) Appendices, 236-7.

38 Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, no 53; MM, III, 129-30.39 Raynaldi, Annales ecclesiastici, t. 27, no 2, p. 127.40 Berger de Xivrey, Memoire, 152: "Ex parte dilecti nostri Manuelis Chrisolori, militis, consilia- ;

rii, ambasiatoris et procuratoris generalis Serenissimi prόicipis carissimi consariguinei nostri Ma-nuelis imperatoris ConstantinopolftanL.. dictus consδnguineus noSter in procuratoricrsuo cassat etrevocat omnes alios in dicto negotio suo procuratores, et ab eis institutos, et specialiter cassat et re-vocat dictum Constantinum Rally, et Alexitim Bissipati, militem et consUiariuni suuiii, et substitu-tes vel deputatos ab eis...54; for Clirysoloras' credentials, see also Diplomatari de lOrient Catala,-no DCXCIV, 717. .



S. Mergiali-Sahas, A Byzantine ambassador to the West 593

types of diplomatic missions. Therefore, during the Palaeologan era we are unable toplace Byzantine diplomats under a definite list of titles indicative of their exact am-bassadorial office, especially as long as in a roster of a total of seventy ambassadors inthe service of the three. Palaeologan emperors only forty two have a specific title at-tached to them. What we can do is to sort out their distinctive features of service andpaint from this a plausible portrait of the fourteenth-fifteenth century Byzantine am-bassador, collectively.

Ambassadors in the service of emperor John V (1341-91)

\ list of twenty seven ambassadors in the service of John V41 reveals that these wereappointed, more or less, with precise criteria in mind. Their credentials included highsocial standing, knowledge of Latin, and confessional affiliation, meaning that theywere inclined towards or, even better, had converted to Catholicism. Noble back-ground and social status of diplomats were criteria of paramount importance, es-pecially for solemn missions, if for no other reason than as a sign of respect for theperson to whom they were sent. Names of noble lineage such as Angelos, Asanes, Der-rnokaites, Kabasilas, Kaballaropoulos, Kydones, Laskaris, Manikaites, Oinaiotes.,Eâlaeologos, Sebastopoulos, Sigeros, Strongylos and Tzykaiidyles form for the grea-test part John V's ambassadorial entourage. As for the other two criteria, knowledgeof Latin and confessional affiliation, these were pursued in cases aiming at achievinga greater success of the Western-oriented, pro-Latin and pro-Catholic policy of JohnV. Ten out of twenty-seven of John V ambassadors were Catholics,42 and eight wereLatin speaking.43 Above all embassies were entrusted to men of the emperor's per-sonal confidence from his immediate entourage, members of the imperial family,44 orclose relatives, carrying the characteristic title of oikeioi (ïéêåßïò lit. "those of one's

41 The numbers in bracketsJollowing names in the list correspond to the ProsopographischesLexikon der Palaiologenzeit citation (ed. E. Trapp, H.-V. Beyer, R. Walther and Katja Sturm-schnabl, fasc. 1-12, Vienna 1976-94; hereafter, PLP).Mamiel Angelos (PLP 214), ConstantineAsanes (PLP 1503). Kassianos, Theophylaktos Dermokaites (PLP 5209), Francesco Gattilusio(PLP 3584). Constantine Kaballaropoulos (PLP 10054), Manuel Kabasilas, Demetrios Kydones(PLP 13876), Alexis Hyalon Laskaris (PLP 14526), Alexis Listaris, Makarios archimandrite,Michael Malaspinas (PLP 16457), George Manikaites, Constantine Metaxopoulos, Neilos metro-politan (PLP 20045), Andronikos Oinaiotes (PLP 21024), Andronikos Palaeologos (PLP 21434),Demetrios Palaeologos (PLP 21455), Andren Pao, Paul bishop of Smyrna (PLP 22143), Androni-kos Sebastopoulos (PLP 25080), Nicholas Sigeros (PLP 25282), Michael Strongylos, TheodoreDomestikos Proximos (sic). Theodore megas chartophylax of the patriarchate, Theophylaktosparakoimomenos, Philip Tzykandyles (PLP 28131).

42 Manuel Angelos, Kassianos, Francesco Gattilusio, Demetrios Kydones, Michael Malaspinas,George Manikaites, Andren Pao, Paul bishop of Smyrna, Michael Strongylos, Philip Tzykandyles.

*3 Francesco Gattilusio, Demetrios Kydones., Michael Malaspinas, Andreu Pao, Paul of Smyrna,Nicholas Sigeros, Michael Strongylos, Philip Tzykandyles. For Strongylos and Tzykandyles, cf.Raynaldi, Aiinales ecclesiastici, t. 26,164: "... Michaele Strongilo inilite et Philippo Cichandelli do-nijcello Constantinopolitanis, ambobus ultimis scientibus linguas et grammaticas Graecas et Lali-nas. testibus ad haec specialiter vocatis et rogatis".

44 Constantine Asanes (uncle of John V), Francesco Gattilusio (brother-in-law of John V), Derne-irios Palaeologos (either John V's great uncle or the son of John V's great uncle; cf. n. 72), An-dronikos PalaeologOb (uncle of John V).

:-*8 Byzaut. Zeit^rifi 9*/2



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house", relatives, domestics).'*5 Of the twenty-seven, twenty-three ambassadors werelaymen. The pattern displays a striking lack of clerics even for embassies which hadsome religious objective. OnJy four of these ambassadors belonged to the ecclesiasti-cal circle, representing a mere fifteen percent of the whole. Of these four only one hadbeen repeatedly involved in diplomatic affairs and this was a Catholic bishop: Paul,originally bishop of Smyrna, later bishop of Thebes and finally titular patriarch ofConstantinople, Calabrian by birth, perfectly bilingual and familiar with the Ortho-dox mentality and the Byzantine political scene. He had the emperor's confidence andhe was entrusted with three important missions related to the Union of theChurches.46 The other three Orthodox ecclesiastics, a high official of the patriarchate(megas chartophylax}*1 a metropolitan and an archimandrite, played a limiteddiplomatic role; they, along with other seven envoys, participated in a single missionto Pope Urbain V in 1367. The mission included these three, as well as Paul, whomwe just mentioned, the "parakoimomenos" Theophylaktos, Theodoros Domestikos ;Proximos (sic), and Constantine Metaxopoulos who served as representatives of thecity of Constantinople, Amadeus of Savoie, and two others whose names are un-known.48

As knowledge of Latin was a highly required skill for the emperor's frequent diplo-matic encounters with the Papacy and Western Europe, John V included also in hismissions Westerners, such as the Genoese Michael Malaspina49, and the Catalan An-dreu Pao who was appointed for a unique mission to Tarragona in Catalonia, in1370.50 This type of envoy represented fifteen percent of John V's diplomatic person-nel. Prominent among them was the Genoese Francesco Gattiluso, brother-in-law andclose associate of the emperor, 51 since 1355, especially in matters related to theUnion of the Churches, Gattiluso's diplomatic status was enhanced by the fact that hewas seen both by the emperor and the Pope as a reliable supporter of the Union.52

In the second-half of the fourteenth-century the office of mesazon (μεσάζων) be-came important in Byzantine diplomacy and was given to those occupied mainly with

45 Manuel Angelos, Theophylaktos Dermokaites, Constantm Kaballaropouios, Nicholas Sigeros,Philip Tzykandyles. On the term oikeios, see J. Verpeaux, Les oikeioi. Notes d'histoire institutio-nelle et sociale, REB 23 (1965) 89-99.

46 On Paul of Smyrna see Halecki, Un einpereur, 36-8, 141-3, 147-52, 155-64, 170, 173-5T

188, 190, 196 and 206-7; J. Gill, Byzantium and the Papacy. 1198-1400 (New Brunswick. NJ1979) 208. On his missions on behalf of the Byzantine emperor, see D lger, Regesten, 3052, 3115,3120.

47 See J. Darrouzes, Recherches sur les Όφφίκια de TEglise byzantine (Paris 1970) 64-6 and334-53.

48 Cf. D lger, Regesten, 3115; Halecki, Un empereur, 164 and 369, doc. 10; Baluse, Vitae Papa-rum Avenionensium, 364 and 388;.cf. also below n. 84.

49 On Michael Malaspina and his mission to Avignon in 1364, see Halecki, Un empereur, 86 and89; Francis Kianka, Byzantine-Papal Diplomacy: The Role of Demetrius Cydones, The Inter-national History Review T (1985) 192; T. Bertele, "Azzolino Malaspina", Giornale storico dellaLunigiana n.s. 7 (1956) 59.

50 On Andreu Pao, see Diplornat ri de l'Orient Catala, no CCCXIX, 406.51 On Francesco Gatlilusio and the Gattilusio family in general, see W, Miller, The Gattilusi of

Lesbos (1355-1462), BZ 22 (1913) 406-47; M. Balard, La Romanic genoise (XlK-debut du XV-siecle), 1 (Rome 1978) 171-2. .

52 Miller, The Gattilusi of Lesbos, 410.Brought to you by | Universite Paris 1


S. MergiaJi-Sahas, A Byzantine ambassador to the West 595

external affairs along with chancellery activities.53 Demetrios Kydones held this officefor almost thirty years (ca. 1356-ca. 1386)54 because of his exceptional personalityand abilities. A man of an acknowledged social, political and intellectual prestige, a

f convert to Catholicism, Latin speaking, respected and trusted by the Pope and theWesterners, Kydones was, undoubtedly, the most outstanding figure among John V'sofficials and diplomats. Having learned Latin in order to carry on his duties as chan-cellor,55 Kydones headed the pro-Latin party .of his generation which strove for a re-ligious, cultural and political rapprochement with the West. Renowned as a scholar,he became the principal promoter of Latin scholastic theolog)7 in Byzantium throughthe translation of the writings of Thomas Aquinas and of other Latin theologians.56

For his journey to Rome in 1369/70 the emperor Jolin V relied on this mesazon, whoserved him also as his personal interpreter57 and ambassador.58 The supposition thatKydones may have been instrumental in the selection of some of other of the emper-or's diplomats is not improbable, since a number of them were among his friends,such as Andronikos Oinaiotes,59 Constantine Asanes,60 Demetrios Palaeologos,61 Der-mokaites,62 and Andronikos Sebastopoulos63 with whom Kydones carried a corre-spondence.

A similar case to Kydones is that of George Manicaites, the emperor's main ambas-sador during his diplomatic visit to the court of Louis the Great of Hungary(1365/66). In Latin sources Manicaites carries the title of emperor's chancellor.6* Un-known to the Byzantine sources of the second half of the fourteenth century,65 Mani-

53 Cf. N. Oikonomides, La chancellerie imperiale de Byzance flu 13' au 15C siecle, REB 43 (1985)169-170: idem. Byzantine diplomacy A. D. 1204-1453: means and ends in: Byzantine Diplomacy,78. For the mesazon in general, see H.-G. Beck, Der byzantinische iMinisteqjr sident, BZ 48

'(1955) 309-38: J. Verpeaux, Contribution a l'etude de Padministration byzantine: ό μεσάζων,ByzSlav 16 (1955) 270-96; R.-J. Loenertz, Le chancelier imperial a Byzance au XIV* et au XIlle

si'ecle, OCP 26 (1960) 275-300.5* Cf. Demetrios Kydones, Letters, II, no 3388~9; R.-J. Loenertz, Demetrius Cydones II. De 1373

a 1375. OCP 37 (1971) 6 and n. 4; Sophia Mergiali, Lenseignemeiit et les lettres pendant l'epoquedes Paleologues (1261-1453) (Athens 1996) 115, n. 552.

55 Demetrios Kydones, Leiters, II, no 333, 267-8.56 Mergiali, Uenseignement, 113-34.57 Acta Urbani PP. V (1378-1389), ed. A. L. Tautu, (Rome 1970) no 168, p. 288: "... sicut iidem

interpretes retulerunt, dictus dominus Imperator mandavit nobili viro domino Domitrio Cydonim h u cancellario suo, scienti praefatas liriguas. litt eras et grammaticas graecas et lalinas..."; Ha-lecki, Un empereur. 196, n. 4.

58 Halecki, Un empereur, Pieces justificatives, no 12, p. 370; cf. also Gill, Byzantium and die Pa-pacy, 218-9; Mergiali, Uenseignement, 131-2.

59 Demetrios Kydones. Letters, nos 36, 71, 109.460 Jbidem. no 116*-5 and nos 155, 186.

61 Ibidem, no 28. no 292°-24, nos 106,157,184.62 Ibidem., no 9315.6:i Ibidem, no 1969, no 26487-'0, no 26719-25 and «|-56.<* Raynaldi. Annales ecclesiastic*, t. 26, ad. an. 1366, no 5, p. 123: cSane tarn tu per nobilem

viruni Georgium Magnicartlies inilitein Constantinopolitanurn cancellarium mum...*; Malecki, Uncmpereun Pieces justificatives, no 6, p. 364: "Supplicat Sanctitati vestre humilis et devotus virGeorgius, cancellarius et ambaxiator imperatoris Grecoruiu ac miles Constantinopolitanus...n.

05 A certain Μανικαΐτης. who was correspondent of Demetxios Kydones (cf. Letters, nos 116,144, H6 and 158) does not fit the characteristics of John V's chancellor and diplomat. AnotherBrought to you by | Universite Paris 1


596 Byzantinische Zeitschrift Bd. 94/2, 200t: I. Abteilung« *

caitcs is described in Papal correspondence as a man of noble origin, and a Cath-olic.66 Papal documents reveal that he was acquainted with personalities in Hungaryeven before his involvement with the emperor, something which made his partici-pation in the emperor's journey indispensable. Dispatched by John V and Louis theGreat from Buda to Avignon, Manicaites, in addition to his official mission, inter-ceded with the Pope on behalf of his friends in Hungary, some of whom, both clericsand laymen, belonged to the immediate entourage of the Hungarian royal house.67

Of the twenty-seven diplomats in. the service of John V eleven were also civil andmilitary officials. In fourteenth-century lists which contain ninety-one offices, theseofficials are ranked between the seventh (the office of megas domestikos] and thetwenty-seventh rank (the office of megas hetaireiarhes}.(}* The nature of these officesdoes not permit us to conclude that there was a professional diplomatic class whichdealt specifically with foreign affairs. A diplomatic assignment seems to have de-pended on at least three factors: experience in diplomatic negotiations, professionalqualifications, and blood relationship with the emperor. A clear example of the firstcase is Nicholas Sigeros, whose appointment as a diplomat came as a result of his pre-vious experience in the negotiations on behalf of the former emperor John VI Kanta-kouzenos with the Papal court.69 Professional qualifications required for the positiveoutcome of a particular mission was another factor. An example of this is the appoint-ment of two high-ranking officials with judicial authority for a mission of a politicaland juridical nature, the katholikos krites, or "universal judge", Theophylaktos Der-mokaites and the krites, or "judge" Constantine Kaballaropotilos, because of theirprofessional training and authority on legal matters.70

In another instance, Manuel Angelos accompanied John V to Rome in his profes-sional capacity as one of the emperor's private secretaries (epi tou kanikleiou}. 71 Fin-ally, blood relationship with the emperor combined with a high-ranking office en-hanced considerably the status and ceremonial value of an ambassador, two qualifi-cations indispensable for any solemn mission. Such is the case of Demetrios Palaeolo-gos,72 holder of the office of megas domestikos (commander in chief of the army), the

Γεώργιος ό Μανικαίτης was known as imperial notary, but his activity took place much later dur-ing the years 1418-1442; cf. MM, 162-3,171,185,194, 215; PLP 16633.

66 Cf. Acta Urbani V, 174, n. 3: "Cancellarius iste imperatoris et eius socius in gravibus negotiistractandis, erat catholicus"; ibidem, no 109, p. 177; no 111, p. 179; no 113, p. 181.

67 Halecki, Un empereur, 113,116 and 364-5; Acta Urbani V, 174-5, n. 3.68 Cf. J. Verpeaux, Pseudo-Kodiiios. Traite des offices (Paris 1976) 3005 and 20.69 Cf. D lger, Regesten, 3007; Halecki, Un empereur, 18; R.-J. Loenertz, Ambassadeurs grecs

aupres du pape Clement VI (1348), OCP 19 (1953)' 185, 194-5; Kianka, Byzantine-Papal Diplo-macy, 177; Gill, Byzantium and the Papacy, 208.

70 Cf. PLP 5209 and 10049; Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, nos 52, 53; MM, ill, 129-30;P. Lemerle, Recherches sur les institutions judiciaires a Pepoque des Paleologues. I. Le tribunal im-perial in: Le monde de Byzance: Histoire et Institutions (London 1978) 381 and idem, Le jugegeneral des Grecs et la reforme judiciaire d'Andronic HI in: ibidem, 312.

71 Dipiomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, no 89, A. D. 1370,156: c*rios imperator et/iiriperium nos-trum presentes treugas fieri et scribi mandavimus literis grecis et latinis, ...; presfentibus epi toncanicliu domini Manueli Angeli...". . .

72 The Emperor's great uncle (according to Halecki, Un empereur, 191), or the son of the Em-peror's great uncle (according to R. Guiiland, Le grand domesticat a Byzance, EO 37 (1938) 70).




highest military office in the fourteenth century, who accompanied the emperor toHome.73

Particular mention should be made of the office of megas hetaireiarches (the twen-ty-seventh rank in the fourteenth century list of offices) and its place in diplomaticnegotiations. This semi-military office, intended initially for the emperor's personalsecurity, entailed also from the twelfth century onwards diplomatic missions of amilitary, as well as a civic nature.74 Three of John V's diplomats, Alexis Hyalon Las-karis,75 Alexis Listaris,76 and Nicholas Sigeros77, were holders of this office.

Unlike the above, six of John V's ambassadors appear to have held no office: Ma-nuel Kabasilas, a ship-owner and the emperor's agent in Pera, was assigned to asingle mission as a procurator™ Michael Stroiigylos and Philip Tzykandyles as oi-A*e/o/,79 Andronikos Oenaiotes and Andronikos Sebastopoulos as ambaxiatores^ anda certain Kassianos mentioned only by name who was probably selected because hewas a convert to Catholicism.81

As far as the size of embassies is concerned, this was determined by the importanceof the mission and the significance of its host. Western European embassies werenormally large, at least during the period under discussion.82 In contrast, in the thir-teen Byzantine missions to Western courts during the reign of John V the number ofambassadors for which the names of the ambassadors are known,83 was limited toonly one or two. An exception is the mission to Avignon in 1367 which comprised tenambassadors. This could be characterized as a full-size and well balanced embassysince among its members were representatives of the clergy, laity, and of the city ofConstantinople.84 Of the two missions in which the emperor himself also took part,

73 Diplomatariuin Veneto-Levantinum, no 89, A, D. 1370, 156.74 On this office see Verpeaux, Traite des offices, T7816"23; Patricia Karlin-Hayter, L'heteriarque.

devolution de son role du De Cerimoniis au Traite des Offices, JOB 23 (1974) 130-1 and 138; A. F.Stone, The Grand Hetaireiarch John Do okas: the career of a twelfth-century soldier and diplo-mate, Byz 69 (1999) 159 andJ64.

75 PLP 14526.76 Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, no 89, 156.77 Theiner-Miklosich, Monumenta spectantia, 30; Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, no 21, A.

D. 1357. 42; MM, I1L 125-6.78 Cf. Balard, La Romanic genoise, 1, 337 and 758; A. Angelopoulos, To νενεαλογικόν δένδρον

της οικογενείας των Καβασίλων, Maked 17 (1977) 378-9; see also above, n. 37.70 On Strongylos. see Halecki, Un empereur, 156 and n. 2; on Tzykandyles, see MM, II, 329 and

422: III, no XXXIII. 143: on dieir missions, see Raynaldi, Aniiales ecclesiastici, t. 26, no 3, p. 164,no 4, p. 233: Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, no 89, p. 156; no 135, p. 229; D lger, Regesten,3122 and 3142; Gill, Byzantiujn and the Papacy, 222.

00 Kydones's correspondents and friends, conducted each of them a unique mission to Venice in1362 and 1382 correspondingly. On Andronikos Oinaiotes, see R.-J. Loenertz, Lettre de DemetriusCydone* a Andronic Oeneote, grand juge des Romains (1369-1371), REB 29 (1971) 305; on hisintellectual interests see Mergiali, Uenseignernent, 36 and 80, n. 372 and on his mission D lger,Regesten, 3081 and Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, no 49. On Andronikos Sebastopoulos, seeDemetrios Kydones, Letters. Π, no 264^° and no 26753-6; on his mission D lger, Regesten, 3178.

01 Cf. Gill, Byzantium and the Papacy, 225, n. 88.82 Canshof, The Middle Ages. 288.83 Cf. D lger.. Regesten, 3052, 3056, 3081, 3089, 3097, 3107, 3115. 3120, 3129, 3191,. 3142,

3178. 3l81a.* Cf. above, n. 48. Brought to you by | Universite Paris 1


598 Byzantinische Zeitschrift Bd. 94/2, 2001:1. Abteilungo %

one in the winter of 1365/66 and the other in 1369, only the second can be con-sidered a full- size embassy. In the first mission to the court of Louis the Great ofHungary the members of the imperial retinue were so few that Kydones reports thatthere would not have been enough persons to serve the emperor at table if necess-ary. «"> On his second journey to Rome in 1369 John V was accompanied by a muchlarger entourage consisting of at least nine very prominent members such as Deme-trios Kydones, Paul titular Patriarch of Constantinople, Francesco Gattilusio, Deme-trios Palaeologos, Manuel Angelos, Androriikos Palaeologos, Alexis Laskaris, MichaelStrongylos and Philip Tzykandyles86, as well as various individuals of a more modestbackground. This entourage travelled by ship and recpzired four galleys.87

Ambassadors in the service of Manuel II (1391-1425)

The diplomatic personnel of Manuel II was characterized by bonds of kinship andfriendship. From the records of some thirty missions to the West80 we learn of twenty-one ambassadors in the service of Manuel II. Of these twenty-one ambassadors89

seven were the emperor's own relatives: Hilario Doria (son-in-law),90 Nicholas Eudai-monoioannis (sympetheros = father of one's son or daughter-in-law),91 TheodorePalaeologos Kantakouzenos (uncle),92 Demetrios Palaeologos (cousin?),93 ManuelPhilanthropenos (cousin),94 Constantine Rales and Theodore Rales (of undetermined

85 Demetrios Kydones, 'Ρωμαίοις συμβουλευτικός, PG 154, 1000D: ''ήκε δε μετ' ολίγων, και όϊμηδ' αν δειπνουντι παρεστώτες άρκεΐν προς διακονίαν έδόκουν".

86 D lger, Regesten, 3122; Halecki, Un empereur, 190-3.87 BaJuze, Vitae Paparum Avenionensium, I, 392.88 Cf. D lger, Regesten, 3255, 3269, 3270, 3271, 3273, 3275, 3281, 3285, 3286, 3287, 3297,

3298, 3302, 3303, 3308, 3317, 3318, 3319, 3326, 3329, 3339, 3345, 3354, 3355, 3357, 3374,3377,3378,3379,3381.

89 Angelos, John Bladynterqs (PLP 2780), Alexis Branas, Theodore Clirysoberges bishop of Ole-nos (PLP 31113), Manuel Chrysoloras (PLP 31165), John Chrysoioras (PLP 31160), Alexis Dishy-patos (PLP 5528), Hilario Doria (PLP 29091), Nicholas Eudaitiionoioamiis (PLP 6223), Androni-kos Eudaimonoioannis, Juvenis Catalanus, Galepti Lomelini, John Moschopoulos, Nikolaos Nota-ras (PLP 20733), Tlieodoros Palaeologos Kantakouzenos (PLP 10966), Demetrios Palaeologos(PLP 4335?), Constant! Palliolobo (sie), Manuel Philanthropenos (PLP 29769), ConstantineRales, Theodore Rales, Paul Sophianos (PLP 26413).

90 J. W. Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus (1391-1425): A Study in Late Byzantine Statesmanship(New Brunswick, NJ 1968) 474; B. Ch. Lymperopulos, Βυζαντινές διπλωματικές αποστολές στηΔύση στα τέλη τοο 14ου αι. Ή περίπτωση του Ίλάριου Ντόρια, Diachronia 2 (1997) 46-7.

91 Cf. G. de Andres, Catalogo de los Codices griegos de la Real Biblioteca de el Escorial, III (Mad-rid 1967) 26: ms. Ψ. II.5, fol. 266v: "Έγράφή το παρόν βιβλίον δια συνδρομής και επιμελείας τουενδοξότατου και περιποθήτου συμπενθεροΰ του αγίου του βασιλέως κυροϋ Νικολάου του Εύδαι-μονοιωάννου...".

92 Religieux de Saint-Denys, Chronique de Charles VI, A. D. 1397, 560: "... ordinamus ambassi-atorem nostrum strenuum et desideratissimuin avuncuium,..."; D. M. Nicol, The Byzantine Familyof Kantakouzenos ca. 1100-1460. A Genealogical and Prosopographical Study (Washington, D. C.1968) no 57,166 and n. 8.

9;J Cf. Παλαιολόγεια και Πελοποννησιακά, III, 1242"7: "... Dimitrius Palleologiis, frater vestreCelsitudinis patrnelis..."; Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum, no 163, A. d. 1406,p02: "... dilcctoconsobrino imperil nostri domino Demetrio Palaeologo Gudeli,...".

94 MM, II, 379: "... ό περιπόθητος εξάδελφος του κρατίστου και αγίου μου αύτοκράτορος, κυρΜανουήλ ό Φιλανθρωπηνός.,Λ Brought to you by | Universite Paris 1


S. Mergiali-Sahas, A Byzantine ambassador to tlie West 599

relationship).95 Manuel Chrysoloras, Manuel IFs most important and most active am-bassador all over Europe, was his closest friend and counsellor.

Clerical participants are almost non-existant in Manuel IPs missions. In a periodcharacterized by a flurry of diplomatic activity with the West only one delegate was aclergyman. Competence in Latin, however, remained a key factor in the recruitmentof ambassadors. Ten known Latin-speaking ambassadors in the service of Manuel IIrepresent forty-eight percent of the total.96 An analysis of the ambassadorial person-nel in terms of social background shows that fifteen were descendants of great Byzan-tine families97 and three belonged to prominent Western families;98 only .one, Nicho-las Notaras, belonged to the middle class.99 An interesting characteristic of ManuelIFs diplomats is that in the sources almost all of them are mentioned by name and re-lationship to the emperor, without indication of office or title. Nicholas Notaras andNicholas Eudaimonoioaniies are the only exceptions. Notaras is identified as dienne-neutes, fifty-fifth rank in the fourteenth-century lists of offices,100 associated withdiplomatic endeavour. His was a unique case: a merchant-diplomat, very rich, one ofthe main creditors of Genoa, holder of double citizenship, Genoese and Venetian.101

Nicholas Eudaimonoioamiis appears as megas stratopedarches^ a high-ranking mili-tary office102 which he held in the court of the despot Theodore II.103 A noblemanfrom Morea and a man of letters, the most influential and richest man in the penin-sula, fluent in Latin,104 Eudaimonoioannis was appointed ambassador by Manuel IIand entrusted with very complex missions during the period 1415-1420.105

95 Diploinatari de FOrient Catal , no DCLXXXI: "... Constantinus Rali et Theodorus Rali eius fi-lius Paleologi affines..."; cf. no DCLXXXII: "Theodori Rali Paleologii filii nobilis et dcvoti nostriConstantinii Rali Paleologii consaiiguineique...".

00 John Bladynteros, Theodore Chrysoberges, Manuel Chrysoloras, John .Chrysoloras, HilarioDoria, Nicholas Eudaimonoioamiis., Andronikos Eudaimonoioaimis, Nicholas Notaras, JuvenisCatalan us. Caleoti Lonielini.

q? Angelos, Alexis Branas,-T-heodore Chrysoberges, Manuel Chrysoloras, John Chrysoloras,Alexis Dishypatos, Nicholas Eudaimonoioannis, Andronikos Eudaimonoioannis, John Moschopou-los. Theodore Paiaeologos Kantakouzenos, Demetrios Palaeologos, Manuel Philanthropenos, Con-stantiiie Rales, Theodore Rales, Paul Sophianos.

98 Hilario Doria, Juvenis Caialanus, Galeoti Lomelini.1)0 Cf. note 101.

100 Verpeaux, Traite des offices, 18417"19 and 3019.101 On Nicholas Notaras, see Balard, La Romanic genoise, L 271-2, 337, 347-8; N. Oikonoinicles,

Homines d'affaires Grecs et Latins a Constantinople (XIIIC-XVC siecles) (Montreal 1979) 20, n. 4and -127.

102 Vorpeaux. Traite des offices, 1741(M:J and 3007. Eudairaonoioannis appears with this title onlyonce, in his mission to the Council of Constance in 1416.

V*1 Cf. R.-J. Loenertz, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca (Rome 1978) 95 and n. 2.104 Cf. Epistolae Isidorfhieroraonachi, ed. A. W. Ziegler, OCP 18 (1952) 40, letier no 5: "... και

αρχοντας πολλών μεν εθνών πολλών δε πόλεων καθ'έκάστην όραν, και τιμών άξιοϋσθαί σε τωνπρώτων παρ'αύτοϊς, εν δε τηλικο6τοις θαυμαζόμενον, και νυν μεν τη Ρωμαίων, νυν δε τη Ιταλώντούτοις ομιλούντα φωνή, ..Λ

105 On Nicholas Eudaimonoioaniies, see Mazaris' Journey to Hades or Interviews with Dead Menabout Officials of the Imperial Court (New York 1975) 81·«* and 101; Barker, Manuel II, 315,324-5. 327; Haris A. Kalligas, Byzantine Monemvasia! The Sources (Monemvasia 1990) 162-7;Mergiali, L'enseigneinent. 204-5.; on his missions, see Dolger, Regesten, 3345, 3354, 3355, 3378,3380 and Thiriet, Regestes, II, 1599,1734,1757,1782,1833.Brought to you by | Universite Paris 1


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Manuel IPs personal mission to the West between the years 1399-1402106 con-tributed to building a network of semi-permanent ambassadors in certain states. Inthis respect five members of Manuel IFs entourage to the West are not to be includedin the list of his ambassadors, as they do not seem to have performed any specific-diplomatic duty. One of them Manuel Holobolos, of modest background, was the em-peror's personal secretary, physician, and member of his inner circle.107 The second.Makarios, bishop of Ancyra, accompanied the emperor as his ecclesiastical advisor.108

The three others, Antiochos,109 Aspietes110 and Stafidakis,111 were all servants. On theother hand, four members of the emperor's retinue, Alexis Branas, Constantine andTheodore Rales, and Demetrios Palaeologos, served him extensively as agents inSpain, France and Italy. Thus, when the emperor was once in Paris, with the supportof the French king, he initiated diplomatic contacts with the Spanish kingdoms andthe Avignonese Anti-Pope Benedict XIII through his representative Alexis Branas.Branas' presence in Aragon, Castille, Navarre and Avignon is attested for the periodfrom 1400 to 1403.112 He was replaced by emperor's kinsman Constantine Rales andhis son Theodore,113 whose diplomatic activity in the Spanish kingdoms and Francecan be confirmed for the period 1404-1410.m Demetrios Palaeologos was the onlyperson to be sent on a temporary mission to Florence, in 1401.11δ In addition to these,latter, Manuel Chrysoloras, after three years of teaching in Florence which made himfamous among the first Italian humanists, while in Milan in 1400,116 was charged bythe emperor with the administration of funds generated by the indulgences which)Pope Boniface IX (1389-1404) had issued in aid of Constantinople.117 He remainedin northern Italy for this purpose for three years, until 1403, when he probably re-

106 Cf. Berger de Xivrey, Memoire, 94-116; J. Delaville le Roulx, La France en Orient an XIV0'siecle (Paris 1886) 376-83; M. Jugie, Le voyage de Pempereur Manuel Paleologue en Occident(1399-1403), EO 15 (1912) 322-32; Barker, Manuel II, 167-99; Nicol, A Byzantine Emperor inEngland, 204-25.

107 Cf. PLP 1568; Mazaris' Journey to Hades, xv-xvii and 123~21; Mergiali, L'enseignement, 196and n.951.

108 Cf. Manuel Palaeologos, Letters, Hii-liv.109 PLP |038; Mazaris, 4029-427, 111; Manuel Palaeologos, Letters, lv. no 4415'9; Barker, Manuel

II, 405-6 and n. 15.110 PLP 1568; Mazaris' journey to Hades, 4430-468 and 112.111 PLP 26733; Mazaris' journey to Hades, 463A112 Cf. Diplomatari de 1'Orient Catala, nos DCLXV, DCLXVII, DCLXXVI; C. Marinesco, Du nou-

veau sur les relations de Manuel II Paleologue (1391-1425) avec l'Espagne, SBN 7 (1953) 421-9;D lger, Regesten, 3281, 3285, 3287.

113 Marinesco, op. at., 430-2. '114 D lger, Regesten, 3298; S. Fassoulakis, The Byzantine Family of Raoul-Ral(l)es (Athens

1973) no 53, pp. 66-7 and no 54, p. 67; Diplomatari de lOrient Catala, nos DCLXXXI,DCLXXXII and DCLXXXV; Berger de Xivrey, Memoire, 140-1.

115 D lger, Regesten, 3286; Παλαιολόγεια και Πελοποννησιακά III, 124-5; Barker, Manuel II,188. ' ,

116 Cf. E. Legrand, Bibliographie hellenioê des XV« et XVI« siecles, I (Paris 1962) XXIII andn. 1; C. Cammelli, I dotti Bizantini e le origini deirumanesimo I. Manuele Cr olora (Florence1941) 108-9 (hereafter, Crisolora); D. Nicpl, Byzantium and Venice. A Study in diplomatic andcultural relations (Cambridge 1988) 340.

117 See R.-J. Loenertz, Correspondance de Manuel Calecas (Vatican City 1950) 68.Brought to you by | Universite Paris 1Authenticated | 194.214.27.178



turned to Constantinople with the emperor.118 Manuel Chrysoloras, the most repre-sentative case of a scholar-ambassador,119 must also be seen as a forerunner of theresident ambassador.120 He was the only one to be given broad powers for such a longperiod of time. His fame as a teacher of Greek among the first generation of Italianhumanists in Florence had prepared the ground for his subsequent extensive diplo-matic activity. Since 1407, when he left Byzantium, until his death in 1415, he wentback to Constantinople only once (in 1410).and this for a very short time.121 On an-other mission to the Curia in 1410,122 he was persuaded to join the papal court whichhad become the focal point of Florentine humanists,123 and he even conductedmissions for Pope JohnXXIII,124 thus acting as a kind of "double agent".

Three cases illustrate that .diplomacy had become a family tradition, passingusually from father to son. Andronikos Eudaimonoioannes went for the first time asan ambassador to the Council of Constance along with his father;125 Theodore Ralesaccompanied his father Constantine on a mission to the king of Aragon Martin I and,while his father left for France, remained in Spain to collect financial aid for the waragainst the Turks;126 and a third case, that of John Chrysoloras, nephew of ManuelChrysoloras, was known as the teacher of such famous Italian humanists in Con-stantinople as Francesco Filelfo and Guarino of Verona. Chrysoloras was trusted withan important diplomatic mission to the court of Sigismund by Manuel II in 1414.127

As far as the size of Manuel IPs embassies are concerned, the number of diplomatswas usually limited to one. Four missions were conducted by two,128 and two by threemembers.129 The only full-size embassy of more than forty members was that inwhich the emperor himself took part (1399-1402). The exact size of his entourage is

118 Cammelli. Crisolora, 127-30; R. Sabbadini, Uultimo ventennio della vita di Manuele Criso-lora, Giornale ligustico 17 (1890) 328; Jr. Albert Rabil, Humanism in Milan in: Renaissance Hu-manism. Foundations, Forms, and Legacy, vol. 1. Humanism in Italy (Philadelphia 1988) 239.

m Cf. Sophia Mergiali-SahasvMariuel Chrysoloras (ca. 1350-1415), an Ideal Model of a Scholar-Ambassador, Byzantines Studies/Etudes Byzantines, n.s. 3 (1998) 1-12, especially 6-7.

120 On the first resident ambassadors see G. Mattingly, The First Resident Embassies: MedievalItalian Origins of Modem Diplomacy, Speculum 12 (1937) 423-39; C. J. H. Hayes, Medieval Di-plomacy in: The History and Nature of International Relations, ed. E. A. Walsh (New York 1969)86-7; Ganshof, The Middle Ages, 293-4.

121 Cammelli, Crisolora, 150-1: Sylvester Syropoulos. Memoirs, 109, n. 7.122 R.-J. Loenertz, Les dominicains byzantins Theodore et Andre Chrysoberges et les negotiations

pour J "union des Eglises grecque el latine de 1415 a 1430, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 9(1939) 13 and n. 33 (hereafter, Chrysoberges); Cammelli, Crisolora, 147 and n. 1.

123 Cf. G. Hohnes, The Florentine Enlightenment. 1400-50 (London 1969) 9 and 60-1.124 Cf. Mergiali-Sahas, Ideal Model of a Scholar-Ambassador, 10. On Chrysoloras" missions on

behalf of both, the Pope and the Byzantine emperor, see F. Palacky, Documenta Mag. Joannis Hus.Vitam. doctrinam, causain in Constanticnsi concilio actam (Prague 1869; repr. Osnabrόck 1966)513-6: C. J. Hefele, Histoire des Conciles, 1. VII, 1 (Paris 1916) 101 and n. 1; Cammelli, CrisoJora,161, 162 and n. 1: bφiger, Regesten, 3329; Loenertz, Chrysoberges, 13-4.

J25 Dφlger, Regesten, 3345.120 On Theodore Rales, sec above n. 95, 113 and 114.127 Cf. Dφlger, Regesten, 3339: Loenertz, Chrysobcrges, 12-3; Dennis, Letters of Manuel II, Ivi,

no 25.128 Dφlger, Regesten, 3275, 3297, 3298, 3374.129 Ibidem, 3345,3355. Brought to you by | Universite Paris 1


602 · Byzantinische Zeitschrift φd. 94/2,2001: I. Abteihing

not known. Allusiori&Vxwccrning the means of transport have led scholars to suggesta group of fifty members.130

Ambassadors in the service of John fill (1425-48).

The list of John VIII's diplomats consists of twenty-three names.131 Thirteen of themwere laymen and ten were recruited from the ecclesiastical community. Five of theselatter were abbots of Constantinopolitan monasteries, one a Catholic monk of the re-ligious order of the Friars Minor, and two high-ranking clergymen, an OrthodoxArchbishop and a Catholic bishop. In view of the fact that most embassies of JohnVIII had to do with matters pertaining to the Church, especially the Union of theChurches, the reintroduction of ecclesiastics into diplomacy confirms a new state ofaffairs and provides us with an insight into the emperor's own political pursuits.

The names of twelve ambassadors attest to their descent from prominent Byzantinefamilies,132 a number of them even from the same family. In a list of twenty-twonames three brothers from the family of Dishypati and three more from the family oflagaris comprise a sizeable proportion. Diplomacy was often a family tradition. Threesenators, Manuel Tarchaniotes Boullotes,133 Andronikos Palaeologos lagaris and hisbrother Manuel,134 the emperor's personal secretary (chancellor), Demetrios AngelosKleidas 135 and high-ranking officials were also involved in diplomatic missions. Twoof these latter, Nicholas Eudaimonoioannis and Mark Palaeologos lagaris, held themilitary office of megas stratopedarches™ another, John Dishypatos, the office of

130 Cf. Barker, Manuel. , 170, n. 81, 228-9 and 232, n. 60.131 Manuel Tarchaniotes Boullotes (PLP 3088), Theodore Chrysoberges bishop of Olenos (PLP

31113), John Dishypatos (PLP 5537), George Dishypatos (PLP 5529), Manuel Dishypatos (PLP5540), Nicholas Eudaimonoioannis (PLP 6223), Benedetto Fulcho, Gregorios abbot of St. Deme-trios, Andronikos Palaeologos lagaris (PLP 7808), Manuel Palaeologos lagaris (PLP 7810): MarkPalaeologos lagaris (PLP 7811), loasaph abbot of the monastery of Prodromos (PLP 8916), Isido-ros abbot of St. Demetrios (PLP 8300), Brother Jacob of the religious Order of the Friars Minor,Theodore Karystinos (PLP 11297), Demetrios Angelos (Pilommates) Kleidas (PLP 29927), Ma-nuel Koressis (PLP 13180?), Makarios Kourounas abbot of Manganes (PLP 13550), MakariosMakres abbot of the Pantocrator (PLP 16379), Demetrios Palaeologos Metochites (PLP 17981),Pachomios archibishop of Amaseia (PLP 22221), Manuel Palaeologos (PLP 21512), John Torcello(PLP 29360).

132 Manuel Tarchaniotes Boullotes, Theodore Chrysoberges, John, George and Manuel Dishypati,Nicholas Eudaimonoioannis, Andronikos, Manuel and Mark Palaeologi lagaris, Demetrios Angelos(Philommates) Kleidas, Demetrios Palaeologos Metochites, Manuel Palaeologos.

133 V. Laurent, La profession de foi de Manuel Tarchaniotes Boullotes au Concόe de Florence, 'REB (1953) 60-9.

134 Sylvester Syropoulos, Memoirs, 162, n. 5, 261, n. 6, 3203'6, 62839-*3 and 6301.135 Cf. Sylvester Syropoulos, Memoirs, 103, n. 11,11810-13, 119, n. 9, 123, n. 6, 1541()-H and 155,

n.2.136 Sylvester Syropoulos, Memoirs, US1'11 and n. 2, 27629'31 and.277, n. 4. Sylvester, Syropoulos

falsely attributes to Demetrios'Palaeologos Metochites the office of megas stratopedarches (cf.Memoirs, 2612"16), office which in fact held later (cf. V. Laurent, Le dernier gouverneur byzantinde Constantinople. Demetrius Paleologue Metochite, grand stratopedarque, REB 15 (1957) 203—Iand n. 4).



S. Mergiali-Sahas, A Byzantine ambassador to die West 603

megas hetaireiarches (only in one mission, Basil 1437)13? and yet another, Deinetrios'Palaeologos Metochites, tliat of protovestiarit.es.™ Five diplomats, George Dishypa-tos,139 Manuel Dishypatos,140 Theodore Karystinos,141 Manuel Koressis,142 and Ma-iiuel Palaeologos,143 are known only by name, without any office or title.

The practice of employing Westerners continued also under John VIII. The mostimportant among them was John Torcello, consul of die Catalans and Sicilians inConstantinople until 1434, who was later appointed as the emperor's chamberlainand servitor on two or three missions.144

The number of ambassadors taking part in a mission was limited. In some twenty-one missions to the West during John VIIPs reign, for which we know the names ofthe ambassadors,145 five were conducted by two146 and three by three ambassa-dors;147 all the others were conducted by a single ambassador. The glaring exceptionof course, was the second embassy,148 conducted by the emperor himself to Ferrara-Florence (1437—40) in connection with the Council of Union. John VIII departed inNovember 1437 from Constantinople with Patriarch Joseph (1416-39) and someseven hundred clerics and courtiers.

137 Cf. Dφlger, Regesten, 3470; Hofmunn, Orientalium, no 22. 267~9; idem. Epistolae pontificiae.no 85, 864°. On that person, see Sylvester Syropoulos. Memoirs, 127, n. 13.

138 cf Theiiier-MikJosich, Monumenta spectantia, 44. In the Latin sources (Raynalcli. Annales ec-elesiastici, t. 28, ad. an. 1433, no 28, p. 154: ad. an 1434, no 15, p. 170 and Hofmann, Orienta-lium. no 3, p. 727""30), the same person figures inaccurately with the title ntprotovestiarios.

13Q Sylvester Syropoulos, Memoirs, 679.140 Ibidem, 181, n. 6 and 679.141 C. Marinesco, Notes sur quelques ambassadeurs byzantins en Occident a la veille de la chute

. tie Constantinople sous les Turcs, Annuaire de Plnstitiit de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales etSlaves 10 (1950) 421; Thiriet, Regestes. III. nos 2603, 2656; N. Jorga. Notes et extraits pour servir

» a rhistoire des Croisades au XV1' siecle. Revue de lOrient Latin 7 (1964) 95-6; Sylvester Syropou-los. Memoirs. 230, n. 2.

i 142 C. Marinescu. Contribution a Fhistoire des relations economiques entre TEmpire byzantin, laSicUe et le royaurae de Naples de 1419 δ 1453. SBN 5 (1939) 212-4.

143 C. Marinescu, Le pape Nicolas V (1447-1455) et son attitude envers PEmpire byzantin, Bulle-tin de Tlnstitut Archeologique Bulgare 10 (1935) 336; idem, Notes sur quelques ambassadeurs

.. byzantins. 423-5.144 Dφlger, Regesten. 3494T 3504, 3512; Thiriet, Regestes, III, no 2568; Jorga, Notes et extraits,

56: Bertrandon de la Broquiere. Le voyage dOutremer, ed. Ch. Schefer (Paris 1972) 266: "Jo-hannes Torzelo. chevalόer. serviteur et chambelJan de Tempereur de Constantinople'"; Marinescu,Contribution. 211-2. 217; idem, Notes sur quelques ambassadeurs byzantins, 423, n. 4.

145 bφigen Regesten, 3406, 3424, 3425, 3431, 3432, 3437, 3441, 3444, 3466, 3469, 3471,* 3480. 3485. 3494. 3498,3503? 3504, 3505, 3510,3512, 3515.

• l46 Ibidem, 3406, 3425,3444,3466, 3480.H7 Ibidem. 3431,3432,3437.148 liiere is no reference at all on John VIIFs suite in his first embassy to Hungary fron) Novem-

ber 1423 to October 1424 in order to seek the aid of Sigismund; cf. Sphrantzes, ed. R. Maisano,24"-16 and 2611-14; N. Jorga. HLstoire des Rouinains, vol. IV (Bucarest 1937) 21: J. Gill, The Councilof Florence (Cambridge 1961) 38-9; J. M. Buckley, Diplomatic Background of Byzantine Supportfor the Papacy at Ferrare-Florence, 1438-1439 (Ph. D. Dissertation. Georgetown University,Washington, D. C. 1970) 99, 116, 120-1. Regarding John VHfs second journey to Ferrara-Flo-rence. cf. J. Gill, Personalities of die Council of Florence and other essays (Oxford 1964) 106; Syl-vester Syropoulos, Memoirs, 198-9, n. 2 and n. 5 and 2065-°.



604 * Byzantinische Zeitschrift.ίd. 94/2,2001: L Abteilung

In conclusion, the profile of a Byzantine ambassador can. with all its contradictionfand fluidity, perhaps be constructed by consideration of certain statistics. Out olseventy Byzantine diplomats during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, fifty-sb(or, eighty percent) were laymen; only thirteen (or, nineteen percent) ecclesiastics. Aileast forty (or, fifty-seven percent) were members of prominent Byzantine families,twenty-one (or, thirty percent) Latin speaking, and sixteen (or, twenty-two percent]of the Catholic confession. Nineteen out of seventy (or, twenty-seven percent) werehigh-ranking officials who were not usually involved in diplomatic service, with theexception of the offices of diermeneutes and rnegas hetaireiarches. The office of me-sazon, or chancellor, became central within the diplomatic corps, especially duringthe reign of John V. Tins office was held by the most prominent scholar of the time.Demetrios Cydones. The scholar-ambassador was the dominant model during thereign of Manuel II while ecclesiastics and especially abbots dominated the diplomaticpersonnel of John VIII. It appears therefore, that the type of the Byzantine ambassa-dor during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, follows a vague though explicablepattern, depending on convenience and circumstances.



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