Abelard - Historia Calamitatum

7/31/2019 Abelard - Historia Calamitatum

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HistoriaCalamitatum

PeterAbelard

(TranslatedbyHenryAdamsBellows

andwithIntroductionbyRalph

AdamsCram)


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HISTORIACALAMITATUM

THESTORYOFMYMISFORTUNES

AnAutobiographybyPeterAbelard

TranslatedbyHenryAdamsBellows

IntroductionbyRalphAdamsCram


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INTRODUCTION

TheHistoriaCalamitatumofPeterAbelardisoneofthosehuman

documents,out

of

the

very

heart

of

the

Middle

Ages,

that

illuminates

bytheglowofitsardourashadowyperiodthathasbeenmadeevenmoreduskyandincomprehensiblebyunsympatheticcommentatorsandtheilldigestedmatterofsourcebooks.LiketheConfessionsofSt.Augustineitisanauthenticrevelationofpersonalityand,likethe latter, it seems to show how unchangeable is man, howconsistent unto himselfwhether he is of the sixth century or thetwelfthor indeed of the twentieth century. Evolution maychange the flora and fauna of the world, ormodify its physical

forms,but

man

is

always

the

same

and

the

unrolling

of

the

centuries

affects him not at all. Ifwe can assume the vividpersonality, theenormous intellectual power and the clear, keen mentality ofAbelardandhiscontemporariesand immediatesuccessors, there isnoreasonwhyTheStoryofMyMisfortunesshouldnothavebeenwrittenwithinthelastdecade.

Theyarelargeassumptions,forthisisnotaperiodinworldhistorywhen the informing energy of life expresses itself through such

qualities,whereas

the

twelfth

century

was

of

precisely

this

nature.

The antecedent hundred years had seen the recovery from thebarbarismthatengulfedWesternEuropeafterthefallofRome,andthe generation of those vital forces that for two centurieswere toinfusesocietywithavigouralmostunexampledinitspotencyandinthethingsitbroughttopass.TheparaboliccurvethatdescribesthetrajectoryofMediaevalismwasthenemergentoutofchaosandoldnightandAbelardandhisopponent,St.Bernard,rodehighonthemountingforceinitsswiftandalmostviolentascent.

PierreduPallet,ycleptAbelard,wasbornin1079anddiedin1142,andhislifepreciselycoverstheperiodofthebirth,developmentandperfecting of thatGothic style of architecturewhich is one of thegreat exemplars of theperiod.Actually, theNormandevelopmentoccupied the years from 1050 to 1125 while the initiating anddetermining of Gothic consumed only fifteen years, from Bury,begun in1125, toSaintDenis, theworkofAbbotSuger, the friendandpartisanofAbelard,in1140.ItwasthetimeoftheCrusades,of

thefounding

and

development

of

schools

and

universities,

of

the

inventionor recoveryofgreatarts,of thegrowthofmusic,poetryandromance.Itwastheageofgreatkingsandknightsand leadersof all kinds,but above all itwas the epoch of a new philosophy,


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refounded on the newly revealed corner stones of Plato andAristotle,butwithanewcontent,anewimpulseandanewmethodinspiredbyChristianity.

All these things, philosophy, art, personality, character, were theproduct of the time, which, in its definiteness and consistency,standsapartfromallotherepochsinhistory.Thesocialsystemwasthat of feudalism, a scheme of reciprocal duties, privileges andobligationsasbetweenmanandmanthathasneverbeenexcelledbyanyother system that societyhasdevelopedas itsownmethodofoperation. As Dr. De Wulf has said in his illuminating bookPhilosophy andCivilization in theMiddleAges (a volume that

shouldbe

read

by

any

one

who

wishes

rightly

to

understand

the

spirit and quality of Mediaevalism), the feudal sentiment parexcellence ... is the sentiment of the value and dignity of theindividualman.Thefeudalmanlivedasafreeman;hewasmasterinhisownhouse;hesoughthisendinhimself;hewasandthisisascholasticexpression,propterseipsumexistens:allfeudalobligationswerefoundeduponrespectforpersonalityandthegivenword.

Ofcourse thisadmirableschemeofsocietywith itsguildsystemof

industry,its

absence

of

usury

in

any

form

and

its

just

sense

of

comparative values,was shot through and throughwith religionbothinfaithandpractice.Catholicismwasuniversallyandimplicitlyaccepted.Monasticism had redeemed Europe frombarbarism andClunyhadfreedtheChurchfromtheyokeofGermanimperialism.Thisunityand immanenceofreligiongaveaconsistency tosocietyotherwiseunobtainable, andpoured itsvitality into every form ofhumanthoughtandaction.

Itwas

Catholicism

and

the

spirit

of

feudalism

that

preserved

men

fromthedangersinherentintheimmenseindividualismofthetime.With thispowerful andpenetrating cooerdinating forcemenweresafe to go about as far as they liked in the line of individuality,whereas today, for example, the unifying force of a common andvitalreligionbeingabsentandnothinghavingbeenoffered to takeits place, the result of a similar tendency is egotism and anarchy.ThesethingshappenedintheendinthecaseofMediaevalismwhenthepowerand the influenceofreligiononcebegan toweaken,and

theRenaissance

and

Reformation

dissolved

the

fabric

of

aunified

society.Thereafter itbecamenecessary tobring someorderout ofthespiritual,intellectualandphysicalchaosthroughtheapplicationof arbitrary force, and so came absolutism in government, the


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tyrannyof thenew intellectualism, theCatholic Inquisitionand thePuritanTheocracy.

Inthe

twelfth

and

thirteenth

centuries,

however,

the

balance

is

justly

preserved,thoughitwasbutanunstableequilibrium,andthereforeduring the time of Abelard we find the widest diversity ofspeculationandfreedomofthoughtwhichcontinueunhamperedformorethanahundredyears.ThemysticalschooloftheAbbeyofSt.VictorinParisfollowsoneline(perhapsthemostnearlyrightofallthoughitwassubmergedbytheintellectualforceandvivacityoftheScholastics)withHugh of St.Victor as its greatest exponent. TheFranciscans and Dominicans each possessed great schools of

philosophyand

dogmatic

theology,

and

in

addition

there

were

a

dozen individual line of speculation, each vitalizedby some onepersonality, daring, original, enthusiastic. This prodigious mentaland spiritual activitywas largely fosteredby the schools, collegesanduniversitiesthathadsuddenlyappearedalloverEurope.Neverwas such activity along educational lines.Almost every cathedralhad its school,andmanyof theabbeysaswell,as for example, inFrance alone, Cluny, Citeaux and Bec, St.Martin of Tours, Laon,Chartres, Rheims and Paris. To these schools students poured in

fromall

over

the

world

in

numbers

mounting

to

many

thousands

for

suchasParisforexample,andthemutualrivalrieswereintenseandsometimesdisorderly.Groupsof studentswould choose theirownmastersandfollow themfromplace toplace,evensubjecting themtodisciplineifintheiropiniontheydidnotliveuptotheintellectualmark they had set as their standard. As therewas not only onereligionandonesocialsystem,butoneuniversal languageaswell,this gathering from all the four quarters of Europewas perfectlypossible, and hadmuch to dowith themaintenance of thatunity

whichmarked

society

for

three

centuries.

AtthetimeofAbelardtheschoolsofChartresandPariswereattheheightoftheirfameandpower.Fulbert,BernardandThierry,allofChartres,hadfixeditsfameforalongperiod,andatParisHughandRichard of St. Victor andWilliam of Champeauxwere names toconjurewith,whileAnselmofLaon,AdelardofBath,AlanofLille,John of Salisbury, Peter Lombard, were all from time to timestudentsorteachersinoneoftheschoolsoftheCathedral,theAbbey

ofSt.

Victor

or

Ste.

Genevieve.

Earlier in theMiddleAges the identityof theologyandphilosophyhadbeenproclaimed, following theNeoPlatonic andAugustinian


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theory,and the latter (cf.PeterDamienandDunsScotusEriugena)was even reduced to a position that made it no more than theobedienthandmaidoftheology.Intheeleventhcenturyhowever,St.

Anselmhad

drawn

aclear

distinction

between

faith

and

reason,

and

thereafter theology and philosophy were generally accepted asindividualbutallied sciences,both servingas linesofapproach totruthbut differing in theirmethod. Truthwas one and thereforethere couldbe no conflict between the conclusions reached afterdifferentfashions.InthetwelfthcenturyPeterofBlois ledacertaingroupcalledrigouristswhostilllookedaskanceatphilosophy,orratherat the intellectualmethodsbywhich itproceeded,and theywereinclinedtocondemnitasthedevilsart,buttheywereonthe

losingside

and

John

of

Salisbury,

Alan

of

Lille,

Gilbert

de

la

Porree

and Hugh of St. Victor prevailed in their contention thatphilosophers were humanae videlicet sapientiae amatores, whiletheologiansweredivinaescripturaedoctores.CardinalMercier, himself the greatest contemporary exponent ofScholastic philosophy, defines philosophy as the science of thetotalityof things.The twelfthcenturywasa timewhenmenwerestriving to see phenomena in this sense and established a great

rationalsynthesis

that

should

yet

be

in

full

conformity

with

the

dogmatictheologyofrevealedreligion.Abelardwasoneofthemostenthusiastic and daring of theseMediaeval thinkers, and it is notsurprisingthatheshouldhavefoundhimselfatissuenotonlywiththe duller type of theologians but with his philosophical peersthemselves.Hewasanintellectualforceofthefirstmagnitudeandamasterofdialectic;hewasalsoanegotistthroughandthrough,andamanofstrongpassions.Hewouldanddidusehis logicalfacultyandhismasteryofdialectictojustifyhisowndesires,whetherthese

werefor

carnal

satisfaction

or

the

maintenance

of

an

original

intellectual concept. Itwas precisely this danger that aroused thefearsoftherigouristsandinthelightofsucceedingeventsinthedomain of intellectualism it is impossible to deny that therewassomejustification for their gloomy apprehensions. In St. ThomasAquinas this intellectualizingprocessmarked itshighestpointandbeyondtherewasnomarginofsafety.Hehimselfdidnotoverstepthe verge ofdanger,but after him this limitwas overpassed. Theperfectbalancebetweenmindand spiritwasachievedbyHughof

St.Victor,

but

afterwards

the

severance

began

and

on

the

one

side

wastheunwholesomehyperspiritualizationoftheRhenishmystics,on the other the false intellectualism of Descartes, Kant and theentiremodern school ofmaterialistic philosophy. Itwas the clear


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previsionofthisinevitableissuethatmadeofSt.Bernardnotonlyanimplacable opponent of Abelard but of the whole system ofScholasticism aswell. For a time hewas victorious.Abelardwas

silencedand

the

mysticism

of

the

Victorines

triumphed,

only

to

be

superseded fiftyyears laterwhen the twogreatorders,Dominicanand Franciscan, produced their triumphant protagonists ofintellectualism, AlelanderHalesand AlbertusMagnus, and finallythe greatest pure intellect of all time, St. Thomas Aquinas. St.Bernard, St.Francis ofAssisi, theVictorines,maintained that afterall, asHenri Bergsonwas to say, seven hundred years later, themind of man by its very nature is incapable of apprehendingreality, and that therefore faith isbetter than reason.LordBacon

cameto

the

same

conclusion

when

he

wrote

Let

men

please

themselvesastheywill inadmiringandalmostadoringthehumankind, this iscertain; that,asanunevenmirrourdistorts the raysofobjectsaccordingtoitsownfigureandsection,sothemind...cannotbetrusted.AndHughofSt.Victorhimself,hadwritten,eveninthedaysofAbelard:Therewasacertainwisdom thatseemedsuch tothemthatknewnotthetruewisdom.Theworldfounditandbegantobepuffedup,thinkingitselfgreatinthis.Confidinginitswisdomitbecame presumptuous andboasted itwould attain the highest

wisdom.And

it

made

itself

aladder

of

the

face

of

creation.

...

Then

those thingswhichwere seenwere known and therewere otherthings which were not known; and through those which weremanifest they expected to reach those thatwerehidden.And theystumbledand fell into the falsehoodsof theirown imagining ...SoGodmade foolish thewisdom of thisworld, andHe pointed outanother wisdom, which seemed foolishness and was not. For itpreached Christ crucified, in order that truthmightbe sought inhumility. But the world despised it, wishing to contemplate the

worksof

God,

which

He

had

made

asource

of

wonder,

and

it

did

notwish to veneratewhatHehad set for imitation,neitherdid itlooktoitsowndisease,seekingmedicineinpiety;butpresumingona falsehealth, itgave itselfoverwithvaincuriosity to thestudyofalienthings.

Theseconsiderations troubledAbelardnotatall.Hewasconsciousofamindofsingularacutenessandatongueofparts,bothofwhichwould dowhatever hewilled. Beneath all the tumultuous talk of

Paris,when

he

first

arrived

there,

lay

the

great

and

unsolved

problemofUniversalsandthishepromptlymadehisown,rushinginwhereothers feared to tread.WilliamofChampeauxhad restedonaPlatonicbasis,AbelardassumedthatofAristotle,andtheclash


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began.Itisnotalucidsubject,butthebestabstractmaybefoundinChapter XIV ofHenryAdams MontSaintMichel and Chartreswhilethisandthetwosucceedingchaptersgivethemostluminous

andvivacious

account

of

the

principles

at

issue

in

this

most

vital

of

intellectualfeuds.

Accordingtothelatestauthorities,thedoctrineofuniversalswhichconvulsed the schoolsof the twelfthcenturyhasnever receivedanadequateanswer.Whatisaspecies:whatisagenusorafamilyoranorder?Moreor lessconvenient termsofclassification,aboutwhichthetwelfthcenturycaredverylittle,whileitcareddeeplyabouttheessence of classes! Science hasbecome too complex to affirm the

existenceof

universal

truths,

but

it

strives

for

nothing

else,

and

disputestheproblem,withinitsownlimits,almostasearnestlyasinthe twelfth century, when the whole field of human andsuperhumanactivitywasshutbetween thesebarriersofsubstance,universals,andparticulars.Littlehaschangedexceptthevocabularyandthemethod.TheschoolsknewthattheirsocietyhungforlifeonthedemonstrationthatGod,theultimateuniversal,wasareality,outofwhichallotheruniversal truthsor realities sprang.Truthwasarealthing,outsideofhumanexperience.TheschoolsofParistalked

andthought

of

nothing

else.

John

of

Salisbury,

who

attended

Abelards lectures about 1136, andbecame Bishop of Chartres in1176, seems to havebeenmore surprised thanwe needbe at theintensityof theemotion. Onenevergetsaway from thisquestion,he said. Fromwhateverpoint adiscussion starts, it is always ledbackandattachedtothat.It isthemadnessofRufusaboutNaevia;He thinksofnothingelse; talksofnothingelse,and ifNaeviadidnotexist,Rufuswouldbedumb.

...In

these

scholastic

tournaments

the

two

champions

started

from

opposite points:one from the ultimate substance, God,theuniversal, the ideal, the type;the other from the individual,Socrates, theconcrete, theobservedfactofexperience, theobjectofsensualperception.The first championWilliam in this instanceassumed that theuniversalwasareal thing;andfor thatreasonhewascalledarealist.HisopponentAbelardheldthattheuniversalwas only nominally real; and on that account he was called anominalist.Truth,virtue,humanity,existasunitsandrealities,said

William.Truth,

replied

Abelard,

is

only

the

sum

of

all

possible

facts

thataretrue,ashumanityisthesumofallactualhumanbeings.Theidealbed is a form,madebyGod, said Plato. The idealbed is aname, imagined by ourselves, said Aristotle. I start from the


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universe, saidWilliam. I start from the atom, saidAbelard; and,once having started, they necessarily came into collision at somepointbetweenthetwo.

InthisStoryofMyMisfortunesAbelardgiveshisownaccountofthetriumphantmannerinwhichheconfoundedhismaster,William,but as Henry Adams says, We should be more credulous thantwelfthcenturymonks, ifwebelieved,onAbelardsword in1135,thatin1110hehaddrivenoutoftheschoolsthemostaccomplisheddialectician of the age by an objection so familiar that no otherdialecticianwas ever silencedby itwhatevermay havebeen thecasewiththeologiansandsoobviousthatitcouldnothavetroubled

ascholar

of

fifteen.

William

stated

aselected

doctrine

as

old

as

Plato;

Abelard interposedanobjectionasoldasAristotle.ProbablyPlatoand Aristotle had received the question and answer fromphilosophers ten thousand years older than themselves. Certainlythewholeofphilosophyhasalwaysbeeninvolvedinthisdispute.

Sobegan thebattle of the schoolswith all itsmore thanmilitarystrategyandtactics,andintheenditwasadrawnbattle,inspiteofits marvels of intellectual heroism and dialectical sublety. Says

HenryAdams

again:

Ineveryagemanhasbeenapttodreamuneasily,rollingfromsidetoside,beatingagainstimaginarybars,unless,tiredout,hehassunkinto indifference or scepticism. Religiousminds prefer scepticism.The true saint is a profound sceptic; a total disbeliever in humanreason,whohasmore thanoncejoinedhandson thisgroundwithsomewhowere atbest sinners.Bernardwas a totaldisbeliever inScholasticism; sowasVoltaire. Bernardbrought the society of his

timeto

share

his

scepticism,

but

could

give

the

society

no

other

intellectualamusementtorelieveitsrestlessness.Hiscrusadefailed;hisasceticenthusiasmfaded;Godcamenonearer.IftherewasinallFrance,between 1140 and 1200, amore typicalEnglishman of thefutureChurchofEnglandtypethanJohnofSalisbury,hehasleftnotrace; and John wrote a description of his time which makes apicturesque contrastwith the picture paintedbyAbelard, his oldmaster,of the centuryat itsbeginning.JohnweighedAbelardandthe schools againstBernard and the cloister,and coolly concluded

thatthe

way

to

truth

led

rather

through

Citeaux,

which

brought

him

toChartres asBishop in1176,and to amild scepticism in faith. Iprefer todoubthesaid, rather thanrashlydefinewhat ishidden.Thebattlewith theschoolshadthenresultedonly increatingthree


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kinds of sceptics: the disbelievers in human reason; the passiveagnostics; and the sceptics proper,whowould havebeen atheistshadtheydared.ThefirstclasswasrepresentedbytheSchoolofSt.

Victor;the

second

by

John

of

Salisbury

himself;

the

third,

by

aclass

of schoolmenwhom he called Cornificii, as though theymade apractice of inventing horns of dilemma on which to fix theiropponents;as,forexample,theyaskedwhetherapigwhichwasledtomarketwasledbythemanorthecord.Oneasksinstantly:Whatcord?WhetherGrace,forinstance,orFreeWill?

BishopJohnused thesciencehehad learned in theschoolonly toreachtheconclusionthat,ifphilosophywereascienceatall,itsbest

practicaluse

was

to

teach

charitylove.

Even

the

early,

superficial

debatesoftheschools,in110050,hadsoexhaustedthesubjectthatthemostintelligentmensawhowlittlewastobegainedbypursuingfurther those lines of thought. The twelfth century had alreadyreached the point where the seventeenth century stood whenDescartesrenewedtheattempttogiveasolid,philosophicalbasisfordeismbyhiscelebratedCogito,ergosum. Althoughthatultimatefactseemed new to EuropewhenDescartes revived it as the startingpoint of his demonstration, it was as old and familiar as St.

Augustineto

the

twelfth

century,

and

as

little

conclusive

as

any

other assumption of theEgoor theNonEgo.The schools argued,according to their tastes, from unity to multiplicity, or frommultiplicitytounity;butwhattheywantedwastoconnectthetwo.They tried realism and found that it led to pantheism.They triednominalismandfoundthatitendedinmaterialism.Theyattempteda compromise in conceptualismwhichbegged thewholequestion.Then they lay down, exhausted. In the seventeenth centurythesameviolent strugglebrokeoutagain,andwrung fromPascal the

famousoutcry

of

despair

in

which

the

French

language

rose,

perhaps

for the last time, to the grand style of the twelfth century.To thetwelfthcenturyitbelongs;tothecenturyoffaithandsimplicity;notto the mathematical certainties of Descartes and Leibnitz andNewton, or to themathematical abstractions of Spinoza.DescarteshadproclaimedhisfamousconceptualproofofGod:Iamconsciousofmyself,andmustexist;IamconsciousofGodandHemustexist.PascalwearilyrepliedthatitwasnotGodhedoubted,butlogic.Hewas tortured by the impossibility of rejecting mans reason by

reason;unconsciously

sceptical,

he

forced

himself

to

disbelieve

in

himself rather thanadmitadoubtofGod.Manhad tried toproveGod,andhadfailed:ThemetaphysicalproofsofGodaresoremote(eloignees) from the reasoning of men, and so contradictory


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(impliquees,farfetched)thattheymadelittleimpression;andevenifthey served to convince somepeople, itwouldonlybeduring theinstantthattheyseethedemonstration;anhourafterwardstheyfear

tohave

deceived

themselves.

Abelardwasalways,ashehasbeencalled,ascholasticadventurer,aphilosophicalandtheologicalfreelance,anditwasaftertheCalamitythathe followed those courses that resulted finally inhis silencingandhisobscuredeath.Itisalmostimpossibleforusofmoderntimesto understand the violence of partisanship arousedby his actionsandpublishedwords that centreapparentlyaround theplacingofthehermitagehehadmade forhimselfunder thepatronageof the

thirdPerson

of

the

Trinity,

the

Paraclete,

the

Spirit

of

love

and

compassion and consolation, and the consequent arguments bywhichhejustifiedhimself.Tousitseemsthathewasonlytryingtoexalt thepoweroftheHolySpirit,apiousactionatthe leastbuttothe episcopal andmonastic conservators of the faith he seems tohavebeenguiltyof trying to rationalizeanunsolvablemystery, tofindanintellectualsolutionforbiddentoman.InsomeobscurewaythequestionseemstobeinvolvedinthatotherofthefunctionoftheBlessedVirgin as the fount ofmercy and compassion, and at this

timewhen

the

cult

of

the

Mother

of

God

had

reached

its

highest

point of potency and poignancy anything of the sort seemedintolerable.

Fora time the affairsofAbelardprospered:AbbotSugerofSaintDeniswashisdefender,andheenjoyedthefavorofthePopeandtheKing. He wasmade an abbot and his influence spread in everydirection.In1137theKingdiedandconditionsatRomechangedsothatSt.BernardbecamealmostPopeandKing inhisownperson.

Withinayear

he

proceeded

against

Abelard;

his

Theology

was

condemnedatacouncilofSens,thisjudgmentwasconfirmedbythePope, and the penalty of silence was imposed on the authorprobably themost severe punishment he couldbe called upon toendure.Asamatteroffactitwasfataltohim.HestartedforthwithforRomebutstoppedat theAbbeyofCluny in thecompanyof itsAbbot,Peter theVenerable,themostamiablefigureof the twelfthcentury,andnoverydevotedadmirerofSt.Bernard,towhom,asamatter of fact, he had oncewritten, Youperform all thedifficult

religiousduties;

you

fast,

you

watch,

you

suffer;

but

you

will

not

enduretheeasyonesyoudonotlove.Herehefoundtwoyearsofpeace after his troubled life, dying in the full communion of theChurchon21April,1142.


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Theproblemsofphilosophyand theology thatweresovital in theMiddleAges interestusnomore,evenwhen theyare lessobscure

thanthose

so

rife

in

the

twelfth

century,

but

the

problem

of

human

love is always near and so it is not perhaps surprising that theabiding interest concerns itself with Abelards relationship withHeloise.Sofarasheisconcerneditisnotaverysavourymatter.Hedeliberatelyseducedapupil,abeautifulgirlentrustedtohimbyheruncle, a simpleminded old canon of theCathedral ofParis,underwhoseroofheensconcedhimselfbyfalsepretencesandwiththefullintention of gaining the niece for himself.Abelard seems to haveexercisedan irresistible fascination formenandwomenalike,and

hisplot

succeeded

to

admiration.

Stricken

by

abelated

remorse,

he

finallymarriedHeloiseagainstherunselfishprotestsandpartly tolegitimatizehisunbornchild,andshortlyafterhewassurprisedandoverpowered by emissaries of Canon Fulbert and subjected toirreparablemutilation.Hetellsthestorywithperfectfranknessandwith hardly more than formal expressions of compunction, andthereafter follows the narrative of their separation, he to amonastery, she to a convent, and of his care for her during herconventual life,orat leastfor thatpartof it thathadpassedbefore

theHistory

was

written.

Through

the

whole

story

it

is

Heloise

who shinesbrightlyasa curiouslybeautifulpersonality,unselfish,selfsacrificing,andalmostvirginalinherpurityinspiteofherfault.OnehasforheronlysympathyandaffectionwhereasitisdifficulttofeeleitherforAbelardinspiteofhisbelatedeffortsatrectifyinghisownsinandhislifelongdevotiontohissolitarywifeinherhiddencloister.

The whole story was instantly known, Abelards assailants were

punishedin

kind,

.and

he

himself

shortly

resumed

his

work

of

lecturingonphilosophyand,a little later,on theology.Apparentlyhis reputationdidnot suffer in the least,nordidhers; in factherpietybecame almost abyword and his name as a great teacherincreased by leaps and bounds: neither his offence nor itspunishmentseemedtobringlastingdiscredit.Thisfact,whichseemsstrangetous,doesnotimplyalackofmoralsenseinthecommunitybut rather theprevalenceof standardsalien toourown. It isonlysince theadventofPuritanism thatsexualsinshavebeenplacedat

thehead

of

the

whole

category.

During

the

Middle

Ages,

as

always

underChristianity, themostdeadly sinswerepride, covetousness,slander and anger. These implied inherent moral depravity, butillicit love was love outside the law of man, and did not of


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necessityandalways involvemoralguilt.ChristwasHimselfverygentleandcompassionatewiththesinsofthefleshbutrelentlessinthecaseof thegreatersinsof the spirit.Puritanismoverturned the

balanceof

things,

and

by

concentrating

its

condemnation

on

sexual

derelictionsbecameblind to the greater sins ofpride, avarice andanger. We have inherited the prejudice without acquiring theabstention,buttheMiddleAgeshadaclearersenseofcomparativevaluesandtheycouldforgive,orevenignore,thesinofAbelardandHeloisewhentheycouldlesseasilyexcusethesinofspiritualprideor deliberate cruelty.Moreover, these sameMiddleAgesbelievedveryearnestlyintheDivineforgivenessofsinsforwhichtherehadbeenrealrepentanceandhonesteffortatamendment.Abelardand

Heloisehad

been

grievously

punished,

he

himself

had

made

every

reparationthatwaspossible,hispenitencewascharitablyassumed,and therefore itwas not for society to condemnwhatGodwouldmercifullyforgive.

Thetwelfthandthirteenthcenturieswerenotanageofmorallaxity;idealsand standards and conductwere immeasurablyhigher thantheyhadbeenforfivehundredyears,higherthantheyweretobeinthe centuries that followed the crest of Mediaevalism. It was

howeveratime

of

enormous

vitality,

of

throbbing

energy

that

was

constantlyburstingitsbounds,andaswellatimeofpersonallibertyandfreedomofactionthatwouldseemstrangeindeedtousinthesedays of endless legal restraint and inhibitionsmitigatedby revolt.There were few formal laws but there was Custom which was asovereignlawinitself,andabovealltherewasthemorallawoftheChurch, establishing its great fundamental principles but leavingdetailstotheworkingoutoflifeitself.BehindthesinofAbelardlayhis intolerable spiritual pride, his selfishness and his egotism,

qualitiesthat

society

at

large

did

not

recognize

because

of

their

devotion to his engaging personality and their admiration for hisdazzling intellectual gifts. Their idol had sinned, he had beensavagelypunished,hehadrepented;thatwasalltherewasaboutitandthequestionwasatanend.

InreadingtheHistoriaCalamitatum there isoneconsiderationthatsuggests itself that is subject for serious thought.Writtenas itwassomeyearsafter thegreat tragedyofhis life, itwasaportrait that

somehowseems

out

of

focus.

We

know

that

during

his

early

years

in

Paris Abelard was a bold and daring champion in the lists ofdialectic;brilliant, persuasive,masculine to a degree; yet this selfportrait is of a man timid, suspicious, frightened of realities,


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shadows, possibilities. He is in abject terror of councils, hiddenenemies, even of his life. The tone is querulous, even peevish attimes,andalwaystheegotismandthepridepersist,whileheseems

drivenby

the

whip

of

desire

for

intellectual

adventure

into

places

whereheshrinksfromdefendinghimself,orisunabletodoso.Theantithesis is completeandone isdriven tobelieve that the terriblemutilation towhich he hadbeen subjected hadbroken down hispersonalityandlefthiminallthingslessthanman.Hisnarrativeisfull of accusations against all manner of people, but it is notnecessary to takeall these literally,for it isevident thathisnaturalegotism,overlaidbythecircumstancesofhiscalamity,producedanalmost pathological condition wherein suspicions became to him

realitiesand

terrors

established

facts.

It isdoubtful ifAbelard shouldbe rankedveryhigh in the listofMediaevalphilosophers.Hewasmoreadialecticianthanacreativeforce, and until the development of the episodewith Heloise heseems to have cared primarily for the excitement of debate,withsmall regard for thevalueor the subjectsunderdiscussion.AsanintellectualisthehadmuchtodowiththesubsequentabandonmentofPlatoinfavourofAristotlethatwasamarkofpurescholasticism,

whilethe

brilliancy

of

his

dialectical

method

became

amodel

for

futuregenerations.AfertheCalamityheturnedfromphilosophytotheology and ethics and here he reveals qualities of nobility notevidentbefore.Particularlydoesheinsistuponthefactthatitisthesubjective intention that determines the moral value of humanactionsevenifitdoesnotchangetheiressentialcharacter.

Thestoryofthisphilosophicalsoldieroffortune isaromancefrombeginning to end, a poignant human drama shot through with

passion,adventure,

pathos

and

tragedy.

In

asense

it

is

an

epitome

of

theearlierMiddleAgesandthrough itshines thebright lightofaneraoffervidliving,ofexcitingadventure,ofphenomenalintellectualforceandoflargeandcomprehensiveliberty.Asasingleepisodeofpassion it isnotparticularlydistinguishedexcept for theappealingpersonalityofHeloise;asaphase in thedevelopmentofChristianphilosophy it is of only secondary value.United in one, the twofactorsachieveabrilliantdramaticunitythathasmadethestoryofAbelardandHeloiseimmortal.


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HISTORIACALAMITATUM

FOREWORD

Oftentheheartsofmenandwomenarestirred,aslikewisetheyaresoothed in their sorrows,moreby example thanby words. Andtherefore,because I toohaveknownsomeconsolation fromspeechhadwithonewhowasawitnessthereof,amInowmindedtowriteof thesufferingswhichhavesprungoutofmymisfortunes,for theeyesofonewho,thoughabsent,isofhimselfeveraconsoler.ThisIdosothat,incomparingyoursorrowswithmine,youmaydiscoverthatyoursare in truthnought,orat themostbutofsmallaccount,

andso

shall

you

come

to

bear

them

more

easily.


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CHAPTERI

OFTHEBIRTHPLACEOFPIERREABELARDANDOFHIS

PARENTS

Know,then,thatIamcomefromacertaintownwhichwasbuiltontheway into lesser Brittany, distant some eightmiles, as I think,eastward from the city of Nantes, and in its own tongue calledPalets.Suchisthenatureofthatcountry,or,itmaybe,ofthemwhodwellthereforintruththeyarequickinfancythatmymindbentitselfeasilytothestudyofletters.Yetmore,Ihadafatherwhohadwonsomesmatteringoflettersbeforehehadgirdedonthesoldiers

belt.And

so

it

came

about

that

long

afterwards

his

love

thereof

was

sostrong thathesaw to it thateachsonofhisshouldbe taught inlettersevenearlierthaninthemanagementofarms.Thusindeeddiditcometopass.AndbecauseIwashisfirstborn,andforthatreasonthemoredear tohim,hesoughtwithdoublediligence tohavemewiselytaught.Formypart,themoreIwentforwardinthestudyofletters,andevermore easily, thegreaterbecame theardourofmydevotiontothem,untilintruthIwassoenthralledbymypassionforlearning that, gladly leaving tomybrothers thepomp of glory in

arms,the

right

of

heritage

and

all

the

honours

that

should

have

been

mineas theeldestborn,Ifledutterlyfrom thecourtofMars that ImightwinlearninginthebosomofMinerva.AndsinceIfoundthearmoryoflogicalreasoningmoretomylikingthantheotherformsofphilosophy, Iexchangedallotherweapons for these,and to theprizesofvictoryinwarIpreferredthebattleofmindsindisputation.Thenceforth,journeyingthroughmanyprovinces,anddebatingasIwent,goingwhithersoever Iheard that thestudyofmychosenartmostflourished,IbecamesuchanoneasthePeripatetics.


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CHAPTERII

OFTHEPERSECUTIONHEHADFROMHISMASTERWILLIAM

OFCHAMPEAUXOF

HIS

ADVENTURES

AT

MELUN,

AT

CORBEILANDATPARISOFHISWITHDRAWALFROMTHECITYOFTHEPARISIANSTOMELUN,ANDHISRETURNTO

MONTSTE.GENEVIEVEOFHISJOURNEYTOHISOLDHOME

I cameat length toParis,whereabove all in thosedays the artofdialecticswasmost flourishing, and there did ImeetWilliam ofChampeaux,my teacher, amanmost distinguished in his sciencebothbyhisrenownandbyhistruemerit.WithhimIremainedfor

sometime,

at

first

indeed

well

liked

of

him;

but

later

Ibrought

him

greatgrief,becauseIundertooktorefutecertainofhisopinions,notinfrequentlyattackinghimindisputation,andnowandtheninthesedebatesIwasadjudgedvictor.Nowthis,tothoseamongmyfellowstudents who were ranked foremost, seemed all the moreinsufferable because of my youth and the brief duration of mystudies.

Out of this sprang thebeginning ofmymisfortunes,which have

followedme

even

to

the

present

day;

the

more

widely

my

fame

was

spreadabroad,themorebitterwastheenvythatwaskindledagainstme. Itwasgivenout that I,presumingonmygifts farbeyond thewarrantyofmyyouth,wasaspiringdespitemytender,yearstotheleadershipofa school;nay,more, that Iwasmaking read theveryplace inwhich Iwould undertake this task, the placebeing noneotherthanthecastleofMelun,atthattimearoyalseat.Myteacherhimself had some foreknowledge of this, and tried to removemyschoolasfaraspossiblefromhisown.Workinginsecret,hesought

inevery

way

he

could

before

Ileft

his

following

to

bring

to

nought

the school Ihadplanned and theplace I had chosen for it. Since,however, in thatveryplacehehadmany rivals,andsomeof themmenof influenceamongthegreatonesoftheland,relyingontheiraid Iwon to the fulfillmentofmywish; the supportofmanywassecured formeby reasonofhisownunconcealedenvy.From thissmallinceptionofmyschool,myfameintheartofdialecticsbegantospreadabroad,sothatlittlebylittletherenown,notaloneofthosewhohadbeenmyfellowstudents,butofourvery teacherhimself,

grewdim

and

was

like

to

die

out

altogether.

Thus

it

came

about

that,

stillmoreconfident inmyself,ImovedmyschoolassoonasIwellmighttothecastleofCorbeil,whichishardbythecityofParis,for


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there I knew therewouldbe givenmore frequent chance formyassaultsinourbattleofdisputation.

Nolong

time

thereafter

Iwas

smitten

with

agrievous

illness,

brought uponmebymy immoderate zeal for study. This illnessforcedme to turn homeward tomy native province, and thus forsomeyears Iwas as if cutoff fromFrance.Andyet, for thatveryreason,Iwassoughtoutallthemoreeagerlybythosewhoseheartswere troubledby the lore of dialectics. But after a few years hadpassed,andIwaswholeagainfrommysickness,Ilearnedthatmyteacher, that sameWilliamArchdeacon of Paris, had changed hisformergarbandjoinedanorderof the regularclergy.Thishehad

done,or

so

men

said,

in

order

that

he

might

be

deemed

more

deeply

religious,andsomightbeelevatedtoaloftierrankintheprelacy,athingwhich, in truth, very soon came to pass, for hewasmadebishopofChalons.Nevertheless,thegarbhehaddonnedbyreasonofhisconversiondidnoughttokeephimawayeitherfromthecityofParis or fromhiswonted study ofphilosophy; and in the verymonasterywhereinhehadshuthimselfupforthesakeofreligionhestraightwaysettoteachingagainafterthesamefashionasbefore.

Tohim

did

Ireturn,

for

Iwas

eager

to

learn

more

of

rhetoric

from

his

lips;andinthecourseofourmanyargumentsonvariousmatters,Icompelled himbymost potent reasoning first to alter his formeropinion on the subject of theuniversals, and finally to abandon italtogether.Now, thebasis of thisold conceptofhis regarding thereality of universal ideas was that the same quality formed theessencealikeoftheabstractwholeandoftheindividualswhichwereitsparts:inotherwords,thattherecouldbenoessentialdifferencesamong these individuals, allbeing alike save for such variety as

mightgrow

out

of

the

many

accidents

of

existence.

Thereafter,

however,he corrected thisopinion,no longermaintaining that thesame quality was the essence of all things, but that, rather, itmanifested itself in them through diverseways. This problem ofuniversals is ever themost vexed one among logicians, to such adegree, indeed, that even Porphyry, writing in his Isagogeregarding universals, dared not attempt a final pronouncementthereon, saying rather: This is the deepest of all problems of itskind.Wherefore it followed thatwhenWilliam had first revised

andthen

finally

abandoned

altogether

his

views

on

this

one

subject,

his lecturing sank into such a state of negligent reasoning that itcouldscarcebecalled lecturingon thescienceofdialecticsatall; it


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wasas ifallhissciencehadbeenboundup in thisonequestionofthenatureofuniversals.

Thusit

came

about

that

my

teaching

won

such

strength

and

authoritythateventhosewhobeforehadclungmostvehementlytomy formermaster, andmostbitterly attackedmy doctrines, nowflocked to my school. The very man who had succeeded tomymasterschairintheParisschoolofferedmehispost,inorderthathemightputhimselfundermytutelagealongwithalltherest,andthisintheveryplacewhereofoldhismasterandminehadreigned.Andwhen, insoshorta time,mymastersawmedirecting thestudyofdialecticsthere,itisnoteasytofindwordstotellwithwhatenvyhe

wasconsumed

or

with

what

pain

he

was

tormented.

He

could

not

long,intruth,beartheanguishofwhathefelttobehiswrongs,andshrewdlyheattackedmethathemightdrivemeforth.Andbecausethere was nought inmy conductwhereby he could come atmeopenly, he tried to steal away the schoolby launching the vilestcalumnies against him who had yielded his post to me, and byputting in his place a certain rival ofmine. So then I returned toMelun,andsetupmyschool thereasbefore;and themoreopenlyhisenvypursuedme,thegreaterwastheauthorityitconferredupon

me.Even

so

held

the

poet:

Jealousy

aims

at

the

peaks;

the

winds

stormtheloftiestsummits.(Ovid:RemedyforLove,I,369.)

Not long thereafter,whenWilliambecame aware of the fact thatalmostallhisstudentswereholdinggravedoubtsastohisreligion,and were whispering earnestly among themselves about hisconversion,deemingthathehadbynomeansabandonedthisworld,he withdrew himself and his brotherhood, together with hisstudents, to a certain estate far distant from the city. Forthwith I

returnedfrom

Melun

to

Paris,

hoping

for

peace

from

him

in

the

future. But since, as I have said, he had causedmy place to beoccupiedbya rivalofmine, Ipitched the camp,as itwere,ofmyschooloutside the cityonMontSte.Genevieve.Thus Iwasasonelayingsiegetohimwhohadtakenpossessionofmypost.Nosoonerhadmymasterheardofthisthanhebrazenlyreturnedposthastetothe city,bringingbackwith him such students as he could, andreinstatinghisbrotherhoodintheirformermonastery,muchasifhewouldfreehissoldiery,whomhehaddeserted,frommyblockade.

Intruth,

though,

if

it

was

his

purpose

to

bring

them

succour,

he

did

noughtbuthurt them.Before that timemy rivalhad indeedhadacertain number of students, of one sort and another, chiefly byreason of his lectures on Priscian, inwhich hewas considered of


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great authority. After ourmaster had returned, however, he lostnearlyallofthesefollowers,andthuswascompelledtogiveupthedirection of the school.Not long thereafter, apparently despairing

furtherof

worldly

fame,

he

was

converted

to

the

monastic

life.

Following the return of our master to the city, the combats indisputationwhichmy scholarswagedbothwith him himself andwith his pupils, and the successeswhich fortune gave to us, andabove all to me, in these wars, you have long since learned ofthroughyourownexperience.TheboastofAjax, though Ispeak itmoretemperately,Istillamboldenoughtomake:

...if

fain

you

would

learn

now

How

victory

crowned

the

battle,

by

himwasInevervanquished.(Ovid,Metamorphoses,XIII,89.)

ButevenwereItobesilent,thefactproclaimsitself,anditsoutcomerevealsthetruthregardingit.

Whilethesethingswerehappening,itbecameneedfulformeagainto repair tomyoldhome,by reasonofmydearmother,Lucia, forafter theconversionofmy father,Berengarius, to themonastic life,

sheso

ordered

her

affairs

as

to

do

likewise.

When

all

this

had

been

completed,IreturnedtoFrance,aboveallinorderthatImightstudytheology,sincenowmyoftmentioned teacher,William,wasactiveintheepiscopateofChalons.InthisheldoflearningAnselmofLaon,whowashisteachertherein,hadforlongyearsenjoyedthegreatestrenown.


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CHAPTERIII

OFHOWHECAMETOLAONTOSEEKANSELMASTEACHER

Sought out, therefore, this same venerable man, whose fame, intruth,wasmore the result of longestablished custom than of thepotency of his own talent or intellect. If any one came to himimpelledbydoubtonanysubject,hewentawaymoredoubtfulstill.Hewaswonderful,indeed,intheeyesofthesewhoonlylistenedtohim, but those who asked him questions perforce held him asnought. He had a miraculous flock of words, but they werecontemptibleinmeaningandquitevoidofreason.Whenhekindled

afire,

he

filled

his

house

with

smoke

and

illumined

it

not

at

all.

He

wasa treewhichseemednoble tothosewhogazedupon its leavesfrom afar, but to those who came nearer and examined itmorecloselywasrevealed itsbarrenness.When, therefore,Ihadcome tothistreethatImightpluckthefruitthereof,IdiscoveredthatitwasindeedthefigtreewhichOurLordcursed(Matthewxxi,19;Markxi,13),orthatancientoaktowhichLucanlikenedPompey,saying:

...hestands,theshadeofanameoncemighty,Liketothetowering

oakin

the

midst

of

the

fruitful

field.

(Lucan,

Pharsalia,

IV,

135.)

Itwasnot longbefore Imade thisdiscovery,and stretchedmyselflazily in theshadeof thatsame tree.Iwent tohis lectures lessandless often, a thingwhich some among his eminent followers tooksorelytoheart,becausetheyinterpreteditasamarkofcontemptforsoillustriousateacher.Thenceforththeysecretlysoughttoinfluencehim againstme, andby their vile insinuationsmademe hated ofhim. It chanced, moreover, that one day, after the exposition of

certaintexts,

we

scholars

were

jesting

among

ourselves,

and

one

of

them, seeking to drawme out, askedme what I thought of thelecturesontheBooksofScripture.I,whohadasyetstudiedonlythesciences, replied that following such lectures seemed tomemostusefulinsofarasthesalvationofthesoulwasconcerned,butthatitappeared quite extraordinary tome that educated persons shouldnotbeabletounderstandthesacredbookssimplybystudyingthemthemselves,togetherwiththeglossesthereon,andwithouttheaidofany teacher.Most of thosewhowere presentmocked atme, and

askedwhether

Imyself

could

do

as

Ihad

said,

or

whether

Iwould

daretoundertake it.Iansweredthat iftheywished,Iwasreadytotry it.Forthwith they criedoutandjeeredall themore.Wellandgood, said they; we agree to the test. Pick out and give us an


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expositionofsomedoubtfulpassageintheScriptures,sothatwecanput thisboastofyours to theproof.And theyallchose thatmostobscureprophecyofEzekiel.

Iacceptedthechallenge,andinvitedthemtoattendalectureontheverynextday.Whereupontheyundertooktogivemegoodadvice,sayingthatIshouldbynomeansmakeunduehasteinsoimportantamatter,butthatIoughttodevoteamuch lonerspace toworkingoutmyexpositionandoffsettingmyinexperiencebydiligenttoil.TothisIrepliedindignantlythatitwasmywonttowinsuccess,notbyroutine, but by ability. I added that I would abandon the testaltogetherunlesstheywouldagreenottoputofftheirattendanceat

mylecture.

In

truth

at

this

first

lecture

of

mine

only

afew

were

present,for itseemedquiteabsurd toallofthem thatI,hithertosoinexperiencedindiscussingtheScriptures,shouldattemptthethingsohastily.However, this lecturegave such satisfaction toall thosewho heard it that they spread its praises abroad with notableenthusiasm,andthuscompelledmetocontinuemyinterpretationofthesacredtext.Whenwordofthiswasbruitedabout,thosewhohadstayedawayfromthefirstlecturecameeagerly,sometothesecondandmoretothethird,andallofthemwereeagertowritedownthe

glosseswhich

Ihad

begun

on

the

first

day,

so

as

to

have

them

from

theverybeginning.


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CHAPTERIV

OFTHEPERSECUTIONHEHADFROMHISTEACHERANSELM

NowthisvenerablemanofwhomIhavespokenwasacutelysmittenwithenvy,andstraightwayincited,asIhavealreadymentioned,bythe insinuations of sundrypersons,began topersecuteme formylecturingon theScripturesno lessbitterly thanmy formermaster,William,haddone formywork inphilosophy.At that time therewereinthisoldmansschooltwowhowereconsideredfartoexcelall the others:Alberic ofRheims and Lotulphe the Lombard. Thebetter opinion these two held of themselves, themore theywere

incensedagainst

me.

Chiefly

at

their

suggestion,

as

it

afterwards

transpired,yondervenerable cowardhad the impudence to forbidme to carry on any further in his school the work of preparingglosseswhichIhadthusbegun.ThepretextheallegedwasthatifbychanceinthecourseofthisworkIshouldwriteanythingcontainingblundersaswaslikelyenoughinviewofmylackoftrainingthethingmightbe imputed tohim.When this came to theearsofhisscholars, they were filled with indignation at so undisguised amanifestation of spite, the like ofwhich had neverbeen directed

againstany

one

before.

The

more

obvious

this

rancour

became,

the

more it redounded tomyhonour, andhispersecutiondidnoughtsavetomakememorefamous.


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CHAPTERV

OFHOWHERETURNEDTOPARISANDFINISHEDTHE

GLOSSESWHICH

HE

HAD

BEGUN

AT

LAON

And so,aftera fewdays, I returned toParis,and there for severalyears I peacefully directed the school which formerly had beendestinedforme,nay,evenofferedtome,butfromwhichIhadbeendriven out. At the very outset of my work there, I set aboutcompletingtheglossesonEzekielwhichIhadbegunatLaon.TheseprovedsosatisfactorytoallwhoreadthemthattheycametobelievemenolessadeptinlecturingontheologythanIhadprovedmyself

tobe

in

the

held

of

philosophy.

Thus

my

school

was

notably

increased insizebyreasonofmy lecturesonsubjectsofboththesekinds,and theamountof financialprofitaswellasglorywhich itbroughtmecannotbeconcealedfromyou,forthematterwaswidelytalkedof.Butprosperity alwayspuffsup the foolish, andworldlycomfort enervates the soul, rendering it an easy prey to carnaltemptations.ThusI,whobythistimehadcometoregardmyselfastheonlyphilosopherremaininginthewholeworld,andhadceasedtofearanyfurtherdisturbanceofmypeace,begantoloosentherein

onmy

desires,

although

hitherto

Ihad

always

lived

in

the

utmost

continence. And the greater progress Imade inmy lecturing onphilosophyortheology,themoreIdepartedalikefromthepracticeofthephilosophersandthespiritofthedivinesintheuncleannessofmy life.For it iswellknown,methinks, thatphilosophers,andstillmore thosewho have devoted their lives to arousing the love ofsacred study, have been strong above all else in the beauty ofchastity.

Thusdid

it

come

to

pass

that

while

Iwas

utterly

absorbed

in

pride

andsensuality,divinegrace, thecure forbothdiseases,was forceduponme,eventhoughI,forsooth,wouldfainhaveshunnedit.Firstwas Ipunished formy sensuality, and then formypride.Formysensuality I lost those thingswhereby Ipracticed it; formypride,engenderedinmebymyknowledgeoflettersanditisevenastheApostlesaid:Knowledgepuffeth itselfup(ICor.viii,1)Iknewthe humiliation of seeingburned the verybook inwhich Imostgloried.Andnowitismydesirethatyoushouldknowthestoriesof

thesetwo

happenings,

understanding

them

more

truly

from

learning

theveryfactsthanfromhearingwhatisspokenofthem,andintheorder in which they came about. Because I had ever held inabhorrencethefoulnessofprostitutes,becauseIhaddiligentlykept


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myself from all excesses and from associationwith thewomen ofnoblebirthwhoattendedtheschool,becauseIknewso littleof thecommon talk of ordinary people, perverse and subtly flattering

chancegave

birth

to

an

occasion

for

casting

me

lightly

down

from

theheightsofmyownexaltation.Nay,insuchcasenotevendivinegoodness could redeem one who, having been so proud, wasbroughttosuchshame,wereitnotfortheblessedgiftofgrace.


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CHAPTERVI

OFHOW,BROUGHTLOWBYHISLOVEFORHELOISE,HEWAS

WOUNDEDIN

BODY

AND

SOUL

Now there dwelt in that same city of Paris a certain young girlnamedHeloise, the niece of a canonwhowas called Fulbert.Herunclesloveforherwasequalledonlybyhisdesirethatsheshouldhavethebesteducationwhichhecouldpossiblyprocureforher.Ofnomeanbeauty,shestoodoutaboveallbyreasonofherabundantknowledgeofletters.Nowthisvirtueisrareamongwomen,andforthatveryreasonitdoublygracedthemaiden,andmadeherthemost

worthyof

renown

in

the

entire

kingdom.

It

was

this

young

girl

whom I, after carefully considering all those qualities which arewonttoattractlovers,determinedtounitewithmyselfinthebondsoflove,andindeedthethingseemedtomeveryeasytobedone.Sodistinguishedwasmy name, and I possessed such advantages ofyouthand comeliness, thatnomatterwhatwoman Imight favourwithmylove,Idreadedrejectionofnone.Then,too,IbelievedthatIcouldwinthemaidensconsentallthemoreeasilybyreasonofherknowledge of letters and her zeal therefor; so, even if we were

parted,we

might

yet

be

together

in

thought

with

the

aid

of

written

messages. Perchance, too,wemightbe able towritemoreboldlythanwecouldspeak,and thusatall timescouldwe live injoyousintimacy.

Thus,utterly aflamewithmypassion for thismaiden, I sought todiscovermeanswherebyImighthavedailyandfamiliarspeechwithher, thereby themoreeasily towinherconsent.For thispurpose Ipersuadedthegirlsuncle,withtheaidofsomeofhisfriends,totake

meinto

his

householdfor

he

dwelt

hard

by

my

schoolin

return

forthepaymentofasmallsum.Mypretextforthiswasthatthecareofmy own householdwas a serious handicap tomy studies, andlikewise burdened me with an expense far greater than I couldafford.Now, hewas aman keen in avarice, and likewise hewasmostdesirous forhisniece thatherstudyof lettersshouldevergoforward, so, for these two reasons, I easilywonhis consent to thefulfillmentofmywish,forhewasfairlyagapeformymoney,andatthe same timebelieved that his niecewould vastlybenefitbymy

teaching.More

even

than

this,

by

his

own

earnest

entreaties

he

fell

in

withmydesiresbeyondanythingIhaddaredtohope,openingtheway for my love; for he entrusted her wholly to my guidance,beggingmetogiveherinstructionwhensoeverImightbefreefrom


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thedutiesofmyschool,nomatterwhetherbydayorbynight,andtopunishhersternlyifeverIshouldfindhernegligentofhertasks.Inall this themans simplicitywasnothing shortofastounding to

me;Ishould

not

have

been

more

smitten

with

wonder

if

he

had

entrustedatenderlambtothecareofaravenouswolf.Whenhehadthusgivenherintomycharge,notalonetobetaughtbuteventobedisciplined,whathadhedonesavetogivefreescopetomydesires,and to offerme every opportunity, even if I had not sought it, tobendhertomywillwiththreatsandblowsifIfailedtodosowithcaresses?Therewere,however,twothingswhichparticularlyservedtoallayanyfoulsuspicion:hisownloveforhisniece,andmyformerreputationforcontinence.

Why should I saymore:Wewereunited first in thedwelling thatshelteredourlove,andthenintheheartsthatburnedwithit.Underthepretextofstudywespentourhoursinthehappinessoflove,andlearning held out to us the secret opportunities that our passioncraved.Our speechwasmore of love than of thebookwhich layopenbeforeus;ourkissesfaroutnumberedourreasonedwords.Ourhandssoughtlessthebookthaneachothersbosoms;lovedrewoureyestogetherfarmorethanthelessondrewthemtothepagesofour

text.In

order

that

there

might

be

no

suspicion,

there

were,

indeed,

sometimes blows, but love gave them, not anger; they were themarks,notofwrath,butofatendernesssurpassingthemostfragrantbalminsweetness.Whatfollowed?Nodegreeinlovesprogresswasleft untriedby our passion, and if love itself could imagine anywonderasyetunknown,wediscoveredit.Andourinexperienceofsuchdelightsmadeusallthemoreardentinourpursuitofthem,sothatourthirstforoneanotherwasstillunquenched.

Inmeasure

as

this

passionate

rapture

absorbed

me

more

and

more,

I

devotedeverlesstimetophilosophyandtotheworkoftheschool.Indeed itbecame loathsome tome togo to the schoolor to lingerthere;the labour,moreover,wasveryburdensome,sincemynightswere vigils of love andmy days of study.My lecturingbecameutterlycarelessandlukewarm;Ididnothingbecauseofinspiration,but everythingmerely as amatter ofhabit. Ihadbecomenothingmorethanareciterofmyformerdiscoveries,andthoughIstillwrotepoems, theydealtwith love,notwith thesecretsofphilosophy.Of

thesesongs

you

yourself

well

know

how

some

have

become

widely

known and havebeen sung inmany lands, chiefly,methinks,bythosewhodelighted in the thingsof thisworld.As for thesorrow,thegroans,thelamentationsofmystudentswhentheyperceivedthe


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preoccupation,nay,ratherthechaos,ofmymind,itishardeventoimaginethem.

Athing

so

manifest

could

deceive

only

afew,

no

one,

methinks,

save

himwhose shame it chieflybespoke, the girlsuncle,Fulbert.Thetruthwasoftenenoughhintedtohim,andbymanypersons,buthecouldnotbelieveit,partly,asIhavesaid,byreasonofhisboundlessloveforhisniece,andpartlybecauseofthewellknowncontinenceofmypreviouslife.Indeedwedonoteasilysuspectshameinthosewhomwemostcherish,norcantherebetheblotoffoulsuspicionondevoted love.Of thisSt.Jerome inhisepistle toSabinianus (Epist.48)says:Wearewont tobe the last toknow theevilsofourown

households,and

to

be

ignorant

of

the

sins

of

our

children

and

our

wives,thoughourneighbourssingthemaloud.Butnomatterhowslowamattermaybe indisclosing itself, it issuretocomeforthatlast,norisiteasytohidefromonewhatisknowntoall.So,afterthelapseofseveralmonths,did ithappenwithus.Oh,howgreatwastheunclesgriefwhenhe learnedthetruth,andhowbitterwasthesorrowoftheloverswhenwewereforcedtopart!Withwhatshamewas I overwhelmed,withwhat contrition smittenbecause of theblowwhichhadfallenonherIloved,andwhatatempestofmisery

burstover

her

by

reason

of

my

disgrace!

Each

grieved

most,

not

for

himself, but for the other. Each sought to allay, not his ownsufferings,butthoseoftheoneheloved.Theverysunderingofourbodiesservedbuttolinkoursoulsclosertogether;theplentitudeofthe lovewhichwasdeniedtous inflamedusmorethanever.Oncethe firstwildness of shame had passed, it left usmore shamelessthanbefore,andasshamediedwithinusthecauseofitseemedtousevermoredesirable.Andsoitchancedwithusas,inthestoriesthatthe poets tell, it once happenedwithMars andVenuswhen they

werecaught

together.

Itwasnot longafterthisthatHeloisefoundthatshewaspregnant,andofthisshewrotetomeintheutmostexultation,atthesametimeaskingme to considerwhat hadbestbe done.Accordingly, on anightwhenherunclewasabsent,we carriedout theplanwehaddeterminedon,andIstolehersecretlyawayfromheruncleshouse,sendingherwithoutdelay tomyowncountry.Sheremained therewith my sister until she gave birth to a son, whom she named

Astrolabe.Meanwhile

her

uncle,

after

his

return,

was

almost

mad

withgrief;onlyonewhohadthenseenhimcouldrightlyguesstheburningagonyofhissorrowand thebitternessofhisshame.Whatsteps to take againstme, orwhat snares to set forme,hedidnot


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know. If he should killme ordome somebodily hurt, he fearedgreatly lest his dearloved niece should be made to suffer for itamongmykinsfolk.Hehadnopowertoseizemeandimprisonme

somewhereagainst

my

will,

though

Imake

no

doubt

he

would

have

donesoquicklyenoughhadhebeenableordared,forIhad takenmeasurestoguardagainstanysuchattempt.

At length, however, in pity for his boundless grief, and bitterlyblamingmyself for thesufferingwhichmy lovehadbroughtuponhimthroughthebasenessofthedeceptionIhadpracticed,Iwenttohim toentreathisforgiveness,promising tomakeanyamends thathe himselfmight decree. I pointed out that what had happened

couldnot

seem

incredible

to

any

one

who

had

ever

felt

the

power

of

love, or who remembered how, from the very beginning of thehuman race,womenhad castdown even thenoblestmen toutterruin.Andinordertomakeamendsevenbeyondhisextremesthope,IofferedtomarryherwhomIhadseduced,providedonlythethingcouldbe kept secret, so that Imight suffer no loss of reputationthereby.Tothishegladlyassented,pledginghisownfaithandthatofhiskindred,andsealingwithkissesthepactwhichIhadsoughtofhimandallthisthathemightthemoreeasilybetrayme.


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CHAPTERVII

OFTHEARGUMENTSOFHELOISEAGAINSTWEDLOCKOF

HOWNONE

THE

LESS

HE

MADE

HER

HIS

WIFE

Forthwith I repaired tomyowncountry,andbroughtback thencemymistress, that Imightmake hermywife. She, however,mostviolentlydisapprovedofthis,andfortwochiefreasons:thedangerthereof,andthedisgracewhichitwouldbringuponme.Shesworethatherunclewouldneverbeappeasedbysuchsatisfactionasthis,as, indeed, afterwards proved only too true. She asked how shecouldeverglory inme ifsheshouldmakeme thus inglorious,and

shouldshame

herself

along

with

me.

What

penalties,

she

said,

would

theworldrightlydemandofherifsheshouldrobitofsoshiningalight!What curseswould follow such a loss to theChurch,whattears among thephilosopherswould result from such amarriage!Howunfitting,how lamentable itwouldbe forme,whomnaturehadmade for thewholeworld, to devotemyself to onewomansolely, and to subjectmyself to such humiliation! She vehementlyrejected this marriage, which she felt would be in every wayignominiousandburdensometome.

Besidesdwellingthusonthedisgracetome,sheremindedmeofthehardships ofmarried life, to the avoidance ofwhich the Apostleexhortsus,saying:Artthouloosedfromawife?seeknotawife.Butand if thoumarry, thouhastnotsinned;and ifavirginmarry,shehathnot sinned.Nevertheless such shallhave trouble in the flesh:butIspareyou(ICor.vii,27).Andagain:ButIwouldhaveyoutobe free fromcares (ICor.vii,32).But if Iwouldheedneither thecounselof theApostlenor theexhortationsof the saints regarding

thisheavy

yoke

of

matrimony,

she

bade

me

at

least

consider

the

advice of the philosophers, and weigh carefully what had beenwrittenonthissubjecteitherbythemorconcerningtheirlives.Eventhesaintsthemselveshaveoftenandearnestlyspokenonthissubjectfor the purpose ofwarning us. Thus St.Jerome, in his firstbookagainstJovinianus,makesTheophrastussetforth ingreatdetailtheintolerableannoyancesandtheendlessdisturbancesofmarriedlife,demonstratingwith themost convincing arguments that nowiseman should ever have awife, and concluding his reasons for this

philosophicexhortation

with

these

words:

Who

among

Christians

wouldnotbeoverwhelmedbysuchargumentsastheseadvancedbyTheophrastus?


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Again, in the same work, St. Jerome tells how Cicero, asked byHircius after hisdivorce of Terentiawhether hewouldmarry thesisterofHircius,repliedthathewoulddonosuchthing,sayingthat

hecould

not

devote

himself

to

awife

and

to

philosophy

at

the

same

time.Cicerodoesnot,indeed,preciselyspeakofdevotinghimself,buthedoesadd thathedidnotwish toundertakeanythingwhichmightrivalhisstudyofphilosophyinitsdemandsuponhim.

Then,turningfromtheconsiderationofsuchhindrancestothestudyofphilosophy,Heloisebademeobservewhatweretheconditionsofhonourablewedlock.Whatpossibleconcordcouldtherebebetweenscholarsanddomestics,betweenauthorsandcradles,betweenbooks

ortablets

and

distaffs,

between

the

stylus

or

the

pen

and

the

spindle?

Whatman, intentonhisreligiousorphilosophicalmeditations,canpossibly endure thewhiningof children, the lullabiesof thenurseseekingtoquietthem,orthenoisyconfusionoffamilylife?Whocanendure the continual untidiness of children? The rich, you mayreply, cando this,because theyhavepalacesorhouses containingmanyrooms,andbecausetheirwealthtakesnothoughtofexpenseandprotectsthemfromdailyworries.Buttothistheansweristhattheconditionofphilosophersisbynomeansthatofthewealthy,nor

canthose

whose

minds

are

occupied

with

riches

and

worldly

cares

find time for religious or philosophical study. For this reason therenowned philosophers of old utterly despised theworld, fleeingfrom itsperils rather than reluctantlygiving themup, anddeniedthemselves all its delights in order that theymight repose in theembracesofphilosophyalone.Oneof them,and thegreatestofall,Seneca,inhisadvicetoLucilius,says:Philosophyisnotathingtobestudiedonlyinhoursofleisure;wemustgiveupeverythingelsetodevoteourselves to it, fornoamountof time is really sufficient

thereto(Epist.

73).

Itmatterslittle,shepointedout,whetheroneabandonsthestudyofphilosophy completely or merely interrupts it, for it can neverremain at the point where it was thus interrupted. All otheroccupations must be resisted; it is vain to seek to adjust life toinclude them, and theymust simplybe eliminated. This view ismaintained,forexample,intheloveofGodbythoseamonguswhoare truly calledmonastics, and in the love ofwisdomby all those

whohave

stood

out

among

men

as

sincere

philosophers.

For

in

everyrace,gentilesorJewsorChristians,therehavealwaysbeenafewwhoexcelledtheirfellowsinfaithorinthepurityoftheirlives,


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andwhoweresetapartfromthemultitudebytheircontinenceorbytheirabstinencefromworldlypleasures.

Amongthe

Jews

of

old

there

were

the

Nazarites,

who

consecrated

themselves to theLord,someof them thesonsof theprophetEliasand others the followers of Eliseus, themonks of whom, on theauthority of St. Jerome (Epist. 4 and 13), we read in the OldTestament.More recently therewere the three philosophical sectswhichJosephusdefines inhisBookofAntiquities (xviii,2), callingthem the Pharisees, the Sadducees and the Essenes. In our times,furthermore, thereare themonkswho imitateeither thecommunallifeoftheApostlesortheearlierandsolitarylifeofJohn.Amongthe

gentilesthere

are,

as

has

been

said,

the

philosophers.

Did

they

not

applythenameofwisdomorphilosophyasmuchtothereligionoflifeas to thepursuitof learning,aswe find from theoriginof theworditself,andlikewisefromthetestimonyofthesaints?

There is a passage on this subject in the eighth book of St.Augustines City ofGod,wherein he distinguishesbetween thevariousschoolsofphilosophy.TheItalianschool,hesays,hadasitsfounderPythagorasofSamos,who,itissaid,originatedthevery

wordphilosophy.

Before

his

time

those

who

were

regarded

as

conspicuousforthepraiseworthinessoftheirliveswerecalledwisemen,buthe,onbeingaskedofhisprofession,repliedthathewasaphilosopher,thatistosayastudentoraloverofwisdom,becauseitseemed tohimundulyboastful tocallhimselfawiseman.In thispassage, therefore, when the phrase conspicuous for thepraiseworthinessoftheirlivesisused,itisevidentthatthewise,inotherwords thephilosophers,were so called lessbecause of theireruditionthanbyreasonoftheirvirtuouslives.Inwhatsobrietyand

continencethese

men

lived

it

is

not

for

me

to

prove

by

illustration,

lestIshouldseemtoinstructMinervaherself.

Now,sheadded,iflaymenandgentiles,boundbynoprofessionofreligion, lived after this fashion, what ought you, a cleric and acanon, to do in order not to preferbase voluptuousness to yoursacred duties, to prevent this Charybdis from sucking you downheadlong,andtosaveyourselffrombeingplungedshamelesslyandirrevocably into such filth as this? If you care nothing for your

privilegesas

acleric,

at

least

uphold

your

dignity

as

aphilosopher.

If

youscorn thereverencedue toGod, letregard foryourreputationtemperyourshamelessness.RememberthatSocrateswaschainedtoawife,andbywhatafilthyaccidenthehimselfpaidforthisbloton


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philosophy, in order that others thereafter might be made morecautiousbyhis example.Jerome thusmentions this affair,writingaboutSocrates inhis firstbookagainstJovinianus:Oncewhenhe

waswithstanding

astorm

of

reproaches

which

Xantippe

was

hurling

athim from anupper story, hewas suddenlydrenchedwith foulslops; wiping his head, he said only, I knew there would be ashowerafterallthatthunder.

Her finalargumentwas that itwouldbedangerous forme to takeherbacktoParis,andthatitwouldbefarsweeterforhertobecalledmymistressthantobeknownasmywife;nay,too,thatthiswouldbemorehonourableformeaswell.Insuchcase,shesaid,lovealone

wouldhold

me

to

her,

and

the

strength

of

the

marriage

chain

would

notconstrainus.Evenifweshouldbychancebepartedfromtimetotime, thejoyofourmeetingswouldbeall thesweeterbyreasonofits rarity. Butwhen she found that she could not convinceme ordissuademefrommyfollybytheseandlikearguments,andbecauseshecouldnotbear tooffendme,withgrievoussighsand tearsshemadeanendofher resistance, saying:Then there isnomore leftbut this, that inourdoom the sorrowyet to come shallbeno lessthanthelovewetwohavealreadyknown.Norinthis,asnowthe

wholeworld

knows,

did

she

lack

the

spirit

of

prophecy.

So,afterourlittlesonwasborn,welefthiminmysisterscare,andsecretly returned toParis.A fewdays later, in the earlymorning,havingkeptournocturnalvigilofprayerunknowntoallinacertainchurch,wewere united there in thebenediction ofwedlock, heruncleandafewfriendsofhisandminebeingpresent.Wedepartedforthwithstealthilyandbyseparateways,northereafterdidweseeeach other save rarely and in private, thus striving our utmost to

concealwhat

we

had

done.

But

her

uncle

and

those

of

his

household,

seeking solace for theirdisgrace,began todivulge the storyofourmarriage,and thereby toviolate thepledge theyhadgivenmeonthis point.Heloise, on the contrary, denounced her own kin andswore that theywere speaking themost absolute lies.Her uncle,aroused to fury thereby, visited her repeatedlywithpunishments.NosoonerhadIlearnedthisthanIsenthertoaconventofnunsatArgenteuil,not far fromParis,wheresheherselfhadbeenbroughtupandeducatedasayounggirl.Ihadthemmakereadyforherall

thegarments

of

anun,

suitable

for

the

life

of

aconvent,

excepting

onlytheveil,andtheseIbadeherputon.


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Whenheruncleandhiskinsmenheardofthis,theywereconvincedthat now I had completely played them false and had ridmyselfforever of Heloise by forcing her to become a nun. Violently

incensed,they

laid

aplot

against

me,

and

one

night,

while

I,

all

unsuspecting, was asleep in a secret room in my lodgings, theybrokeinwiththehelpofoneofmyservants,whomtheyhadbribed.There they had vengeance on me with a most cruel and mostshamefulpunishment,suchasastoundedthewholeworld,fortheycutoffthosepartsofmybodywithwhichIhaddonethatwhichwasthecauseoftheirsorrow.Thisdone,straightwaytheyfled,buttwoofthemwerecaptured,andsufferedthelossoftheireyesandtheirgenital organs.One of these twowas the aforesaid servant,who,

evenwhile

he

was

still

in

my

service,

had

been

led

by

his

avarice

to

betrayme.


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CHAPTERVIII

OFTHESUFFERINGOFHISBODYOFHOWHEBECAMEA

MONKIN

THE

MONASTERY

OF

ST.

DENIS

AND

HELOISE

A

NUNATARGENTEUIL

When morning came the whole city was assembled before mydwelling. It is difficult, nay, impossible, for words of mine todescribe the amazementwhichbewildered them, the lamentationstheyuttered, theuproarwithwhich theyharassedme,or thegriefwithwhichtheyincreasedmyownsuffering.Chieflytheclerics,andabove all my scholars, tortured me with their intolerable

lamentationsand

outcries,

so

that

Isuffered

more

intensely

from

theircompassionthanfromthepainofmywound.IntruthIfeltthedisgracemorethanthehurttomybody,andwasmoreafflictedwithshame thanwithpain.My incessant thoughtwasof therenown inwhich I had so much delighted, now brought low, nay, utterlyblottedout,soswiftlybyanevilchance.Isaw,too,howjustlyGodhadpunishedmeinthatverypartofmybodywherebyIhadsinned.I perceived that therewas indeedjustice inmybetrayalby himwhom I had myself already betrayed; and then I thought how

eagerlymy

rivals

would

seize

upon

this

manifestation

of

justice,

how this disgrace would bring bitter and enduring grief to mykindredandmy friends,andhow the taleof thisamazingoutragewouldspreadtotheveryendsoftheearth.

Whatpath layopen tome thereafter?HowcouldIeveragainholdupmyheadamongmen,wheneveryfingershouldbepointedatmein scorn, every tongue speak my blistering shame, and when Ishouldbeamonstrousspectacletoalleyes?Iwasoverwhelmedby

theremembrance

that,

according

to

the

dread

letter

of

the

law,

God

holds eunuchs in such abomination that men thus maimed areforbiddentoenterachurch,evenastheuncleanandfilthy;nay,evenbeasts in such plight were not acceptable as sacrifices. Thus inLeviticus (xxii,24) is it said:Ye shallnotofferunto theLord thatwhichhathitsstonesbruised,orcrushed,orbroken,orcut.AndinDeuteronomy (xxiii,1),He that iswounded in the stones,orhathhisprivymembercutoff,shallnotenterintothecongregationoftheLord.

Imustconfess that inmymisery itwas theoverwhelmingsenseofmydisgrace rather thananyardour forconversion to the religiouslife that droveme to seek the seclusion of themonastic cloister.


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Heloise had already, atmybidding, taken the veil and entered aconvent.Thus itwas thatwebothputon the sacredgarb, I in theabbeyofSt.Denis,andsheintheconventofArgenteuil,ofwhichI

havealready

spoken.

She,

Iremember

well,

when

her

fond

friends

soughtvainly todeterher from submittingher freshyouth to theheavy and almost intolerable yoke ofmonastic life, sobbing andweepingrepliedinthewordsofCornelia:

... O husbandmost noble,Who neer shouldst have sharedmycouch!HasfortunesuchpowerTosmitesoloftyahead?WhythenwasIweddedOnlytobringtheetowoe?Receivenowmysorrow,ThepriceIsogladlypay.(Lucan,Pharsalia,viii,94.)

With thesewordsonher lipsdidshegoforthwith to thealtar,andliftedtherefromtheveil,whichhadbeenblessedbythebishop,andbeforethemallshetookthevowsofthereligiouslife.Formypart,scarcelyhadIrecoveredfrommywoundwhenclericssoughtmeingreatnumbers,endlesslybeseechingbothmyabbotandmemyselfthat now, since Iwas donewith learning for the sake of gain orrenown, Ishould turn to it for thesole loveofGod.Theybademecare diligently for the talent which God had committed to my

keeping(Matthew,

xxv,

15),

since

surely

He

would

demand

it

back

frommewithinterest.Itwastheirpleathat,inasmuchasofoldIhadlabouredchieflyinbehalfoftherich,Ishouldnowdevotemyselftotheteachingofthepoor.ThereinaboveallshouldIperceivehowitwasthehandofGodthathadtouchedme,whenIshoulddevotemylifetothestudyoflettersinfreedomfromthesnaresofthefleshandwithdrawn from the tumultuous life of thisworld.Thus, in truth,shouldIbecomeaphilosopherlessofthisworldthanofGod.

Theabbey,

however,

to

which

Ihad

betaken

myself

was

utterly

worldlyandinitslifequitescandalous.Theabbothimselfwasasfarbelow his fellows in hisway of living and in the foulness of hisreputation ashewas above them inpriestly rank.This intolerablestate of things I often and vehemently denounced, sometimes inprivate talkand sometimespublicly,but theonly resultwas that Imademyselfdetestedofthemall.Theygladlylaidholdofthedailyeagerness ofmy students to hearme as an excusewhereby theymightberidofme;andfinally,attheinsistenturgingofthestudents

themselves,and

with

the

hearty

consent

of

the

abbot

and

the

rest

of

thebrotherhood,Idepartedthencetoacertainhut,theretoteachinmywontedway.Tothisplacesuchathrongofstudentsflockedthat


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theneighbourhoodcouldnotaffordshelter for them,nor theearthsufficientsustenance.

Here,as

befitted

my

profession,

Idevoted

myself

chiefly

to

lectures

ontheology,butIdidnotwhollyabandontheteachingoftheseculararts, towhich Iwasmoreaccustomed,andwhichwasparticularlydemandedofme. Iused the latter,however,asahook, luringmystudentsbythebaitoflearningtothestudyofthetruephilosophy,evenas theEcclesiasticalHistory tellsofOrigen, thegreatestofallChristian philosophers. Since apparently the Lord had giftedmewith no less persuasiveness in expounding the Scriptures than inlecturingonsecularsubjects,thenumberofmystudentsinthesetwo

coursesbegan

to

increase

greatly,

and

the

attendance

at

all

the

other

schoolswas correspondinglydiminished.Thus I aroused the envyandhatredoftheotherteachers.Thosewhosoughttobelittlemeinevery possible way took advantage of my absence to bring twoprincipal charges against me: first, that it was contrary to themonasticprofessiontobeconcernedwiththestudyofsecularbooks;and, second, that I had presumed to teach theologywithout everhavingbeen taught thereinmyself.This theydid inorder thatmyteaching of every kindmightbe prohibited, and to this end they

continuallystirred

up

bishops,

archbishops,

abbots

and

whatever

otherdignitariesoftheChurchtheycouldreach.


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CHAPTERIX

OFHISBOOKONTHEOLOGYANDHISPERSECUTIONATTHE

HANDSOF

HIS

FELLOW

STUDENTSOF

THE

COUNCIL

AGAINSTHIM

Itsohappened thatat theoutset Idevotedmyself toanalyzing thebasis of our faith through illustrations based on humanunderstanding, and Iwrote formy students a certain tract on theunity and trinity of God. This I did because they were alwaysseekingforrationalandphilosophicalexplanations,askingratherforreasons theycouldunderstand than formerewords, saying that it

wasfutile

to

utter

words

which

the

intellect

could

not

possibly

follow, that nothing could be believed unless it could first beunderstood,andthatitwasabsurdforanyonetopreachtoothersathingwhichneitherhehimselfnor thosewhomhesought to teachcould comprehend.OurLordHimselfmaintained this same thingwhenHesaid:Theyareblind leadersof theblind (Matthew,xv,14).

Now,agreatmanypeople saw and read this tract, and itbecame

exceedinglypopular,

its

clearness

appealing

particularly

to

all

who

soughtinformationonthissubject.Andsincethequestionsinvolvedaregenerallyconsideredthemostdifficultofall,theircomplexityistaken as the measure of the subtlety of him who succeeds inansweringthem.Asaresult,myrivalsbecamefuriouslyangry,andsummonedacouncil totakeactionagainstme, thechief instigatorsthereinbeingmytwointriguingenemiesofformerdays,AlbericandLotulphe. These two, now that both William and Anselm, ourerstwhile teachers,weredead,weregreedy to reign in their stead,

and,so

to

speak,

to

succeed

them

as

heirs.

While

they

were

directing

theschoolatRheims,theymanagedbyrepeatedhintstostiruptheirarchbishop, Rodolphe, against me, for the purpose of holding ameeting, or rather an ecclesiastical council, at Soissons, providedtheycouldsecuretheapprovalofConon,BishopofPraeneste,atthattime papal legate in France. Theirplanwas to summonme tobepresent at this council,bringingwithme the famousbook I hadwritten regarding the Trinity. In all this, indeed, they weresuccessful,andthethinghappenedaccordingtotheirwishes.

Before I reached Soissons, however, these two rivals of mine sofoullyslanderedmewithboththeclergyandthepublicthatonthedayofmyarrival thepeoplecamenear tostoningmeand the few


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students ofminewho had accompaniedme thither. The cause oftheirangerwasthattheyhadbeenledtobelievethatIhadpreachedandwritten toprove the existenceof threegods.No soonerhad I

reachedthe

city,

therefore,

than

Iwent

forthwith

to

the

legate;

to

him

Isubmittedmybookforexaminationandjudgment,declaringthatifIhadwrittenanything repugnant to theCatholic faith, Iwasquiteready to correct it or otherwise tomake satisfactory amends. Thelegatedirectedme torefermybook to thearchbishopand to thosesametworivalsofmine, totheendthatmyaccusersmightalsobemyjudges.Soinmycasewasfulfilledthesaying:Evenourenemiesareourjudges(Deut.Xxxii,31).

Thesethree,

then,

took

my

book

and

pawed

it

over

and

examined

it

minutely,butcouldfindnothingthereinwhichtheydaredtouseasthebasisforapublicaccusationagainstme.Accordinglytheyputoffthecondemnationofthebookuntilthecloseofthecouncil,despitetheireagerness tobring itabout.Formypart,everydaybefore thecouncilconvenedIpubliclydiscussedtheCatholicfaith inthe lightofwhat Ihadwritten, and allwhoheardmewere enthusiastic intheir approval alike of the frankness and the logic ofmywords.When thepublicand theclergyhad thus learnedsomethingof the

realcharacter

of

my

teaching,

they

began

to

say

to

one

another:

Behold, now he speaks openly, and no one brings any chargeagainsthim.Andthiscouncil,summoned,aswehaveheard,chieflyto take action upon his case, is drawing toward its end.Did thejudgesrealizethattheerrormightbetheirsratherthanhis?

Asaresultofallthis,myrivalsgrewmoreangrydaybyday.OnoneoccasionAlberic,accompaniedbysomeofhisstudents,cametomefor thepurpose of intimidatingme, and, aftera fewblandwords,

saidthat

he

was

amazed

at

something

he

had

found

in

my

book,

to

theeffect that,althoughGodhadbegottenGod, Idenied thatGodhadbegottenHimself, since therewas only oneGod. I answeredunhesitatingly:Icangiveyouanexplanationofthisifyouwishit.Nay, he replied, I care nothing for human explanation orreasoning in suchmatters,but only for the words of authority.Verywell.Isaid;turnthepagesofmybookandyouwillfindtheauthority likewise. Thebookwas at hand, for he hadbrought itwithhim.IturnedtothepassageIhadinmind,whichhehadeither

notdiscovered

or

else

passed

over

as

containing

nothing

injurious

to

me.And itwasGodswillthatIquicklyfoundwhatIsought.Thiswas the followingsentence,under theheadingAugustine,On theTrinity,BookI:Whosoeverbelievesthat it iswithinthepowerof


42/76

HistoriaCalamitatum

26

God tobegetHimself is sorely in error; thispower isnot inGod,neither is it inanycreated thing,spiritualorcorporeal.For there isnothingthatcangivebirthtoitself.

Whenthoseofhisfollowerswhowerepresentheardthis,theywereamazed andmuch embarrassed.He himself, in order to keep hiscountenance,said:Certainly,Iunderstandall that.ThenIadded:WhatIhavetosayfurtheronthissubjectisbynomeansnew,butapparentlyithasnothingtodowiththecaseatissue,sinceyouhaveasked for thewordofauthority only, andnot for explanations. If,however,youcaretoconsiderlogicalexplanations,Iampreparedtodemonstrate that, according to Augustines statement, you have

yourselffallen

into

aheresy

in

believing

that

afather

can

possibly

be

hisownson.WhenAlbericheardthishewasalmostbesidehimselfwithrage,andstraightwayresortedtothreats,assertingthatneithermyexplanationsnormycitationsofauthoritywouldavailmeaughtinthiscase.Withthisheleftme.

Onthelastdayofthecouncil,beforethesessionconvened,thelegateandthearchbishopdeliberatedwithmyrivalsandsundryothersastowhatshouldbedoneaboutmeandmybook,thisbeingthechief

reasonfor

their

having

come

together.

And

since

they

had

discovered nothing either inmy speech or inwhat I had hithertowrittenwhichwould give them a case againstme, theywere allreducedtosilence,oratthemosttomaligningmeinwhispers.ThenGeoffroi,BishopofChartres,whoexcelledtheotherbishopsalikeinthesincerityofhis religionand in the importanceofhissee,spokethus:

Youknow,mylords,allwhoaregatheredher

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Abelard - Historia Calamitatum

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