DEDICATIONTo my lovely and supportive wife and children. To those who have been tortured and

killed for peacefully protesting.

ABSTRACTCanada has had significant police-public demonstration interactions at

international gatherings in the last decade. There have been serious concerns about the way the police interacted with the crowds at most--but not all--of the intergovernmental meetings.

Given the important human rights implications that the police response to the protesting public has in demonstrations, I have recently studied some aspects of Canadian police officers’ education and their influence in upholding the protestors’ rights or abusing them. With original data collected in Canada and in Europe, my study compares two continental approaches and further examines particular theoretical assumptions that inform a particular Canadian police program planning, filling the apparent vacuum in this area of research. In my analysis, the Canadian police service’s training programs studied in Western Canada have institutional and planning constraints that appear to limit their ability to deliver the community servicing goals and do little to promote the need of the modern police to understand and uphold the rights of peaceful dissenters. Theoretical assumptions of alternative, democratic and community-based educational planning models are briefly discussed here.

Recent research findings confirm important inadequacies of the program planning model to achieve community/ human rights objectives. At the same time, those findings demonstrate new pedagogically sound initiatives that may indicate that some of institutional constraints could be dissipated allowing police planners more freedom to address important aspects of police human rights education. Nevertheless, those initiatives appear to be highly dependent on the current particular management policy priorities, and likely temporary.

In the end, if the improvement in the planning process is to be effective, important power asymmetries among the police institutional players have to be addressed. Positive strategies like the one discussed here will give the Canadian police educational programs’ planners and trainers more realistic opportunities to commit the law enforcers to uphold the right of the community to dissent without fear of police.

INTRODUCTIONI have been investigating the appropriateness of specific Canadian police’s

educational programs that, besides other inherent roles, are supposed to prepare officers to manage crowds and demonstrations made of protesting public. Or in simple terms, my question is, “How prepared are our police officers to police public demonstrations?”

The paradox here is that, as police officers engage in keeping the peace, in protecting the human rights of their citizens, and in enforcing the law of the State, many Western states have taken legislative steps and adopted law enforcement policies, which, in many cases, undermine basic human rights in those countries (Amnesty International [AI] 2002b; AI Canadian Section [AICS] 2003; AI Canadian Section [AICS] 2006; Human Rights Watch [HRW], 2002; HRW, 2006). Furthermore, historically, the use of security legislation and security--especially in cases where

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there has been a ‘war’ against political opponents--has led to human rights violations (AI; AICS; HRW). How are police officers to respond to these conflicting situations? How prepared are they to respond without violating basic rights of their citizens?

MARKET INFLUENCES ON POLICE PROGRAMS

Ericson and Stansfield (Ericson, 1982; Stansfield, 1996) charge that it is unfortunate that police have become reproducers of societal order. This critique will likely oppose the human capital concept of education for police since human capital is a reproductive concept.

Nevertheless, in the police educational program studied, I question whether the conceptualization of the role of adult education as reproductive is apparent. The question is important since, if an institution subscribes to the human capital interpretation of education, its programs will likely priorize the techno-scientific transfer of knowledge possibly to the detriment of integrating socio-cultural issues and to the loss of interest in community concerns. If these societal concerns are sacrificed, a program will not be appropriate to prepare learners to advocate for the community, least of all to understand and to respond to a community that voices dissent.

A more recent observation of mine is that there is a push from private industry (with a market-driven agenda within the neo-liberal framework) to increase the role of private security in policing (that traditionally has been a public domain) in North America and Australia (LCC, 2003). Almost simultaneously, international and national educational policy-setting organizations are also acting as though the private financing of lifelong learning is a “necessity”(Grace, 2002). This dual thrust of global privatization lobbying (from the educational field and from the policing domain) may account for the fact that the police program studied has remained anchored in a program planning model that appears to follow human capital concepts and that endorses instrumental and reproductive practices in its delivery (de Lint, 1998; D’Elia, 2002). My concern is that a program that inherently reproduces institutional and societal inequities and injustices will not be adequate to prepare police officers to understand and respect citizens who challenge the establishment. Nevertheless, the present study does assess the extent to which either that instrumental education does or does not intersect with social and cultural education, or whether the issues of accessibility and fairness in societal representation are entrenched in the program. These considerations may well represent an area for other research.

THE RESEARCH

Personal reasons for engaging in this study. As a survivor of police and military brutality in my country of origin, Argentina, I have a special interest and a long-term commitment to contribute to the study of police education and to help prevent human rights violations by security forces. Moreover, and after knowing many Canadian and international police officers over a decade, I am more conscious of their struggle to respond to their vocational commitment to serve the community and to protect the people. I am also aware of (and understand) many of the stressful situations they face in which they have to make a conscious choice either to follow their principles or to fall into a police subculture that separates them from their community.

ROADMAPMy proposal. In searching for responses to the questions presented above, I

propose to look critically at program design aspects of particular Canadian police

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education and training that are important in shaping police conduct in managing protesting crowds. Specifically, I present possible improvements to the design of a specific police recruit and professional development program that will make it more appropriate for preparing officers for policing public protest. The long-term goal is to contribute to new and creative models that will enhance police-community relationship dynamics.

Personal commitment. I am engaged in constructive discussions between relevant community agencies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and police about police training and education strategies that address issues such as the ones discussed in this project.

My personal influence in the research. The inclusion in this work of my own experience with police and protesting groups may influence my perspective on the study. For this reason, I am determined to examine my own assumptions and to document the eventual process of change that I may experience (Mertens, 1998).

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METHODOLOGYSummary of points:

• Collection of qualitative data through semi-structured interviews

• Analyzing data by finding concepts that help understand the processes

• Organizing and sorting quotes from interviewees, listing concepts and relating one to another

• Organizing and formatting the results

• Performing “prolonged engagement" (providing time to achieve the research objectives, learning the culture of the participants, testing for possible misinformation and building trust with interviewees)

• Discussing, comparing and contrasting pertinent primary/secondary research literature

• Performing triangulation

• Developing and carrying out a plan to disseminate the study

Reference: N. Hisada (Eds.), (2003). Shakai Fukushi and Kenkû Nyûmon [Introduction to Social Work Research]. (pp. 115-147) Tokyo: Chûô Hôki. English Version: http://pweb.sophia.ac.jp/~t-oka/qrsw.html.

THE Ax POLICE PROGRAM

The Ax Police program. The Canadian police program studied was the Ax Police Service’s Training Standards (TS) (pseudonyms used). This program provides a link between education and training in an effort to give a consistent, high quality and measurable training program for the Ax Police Services (AxPS) (Chart I, Appendix A).

The Caffarella Model & the AxPS programAnalysis of objectives. Caffarella’s program planning model is an interactive, non-

linear one in which the different aspects of the program planning activity are related and do not follow a sequential order (Caffarella, 2002). Since Caffarella integrates many elements from other planning models into hers, she introduces the planning activity with a high degree of comprehensiveness: “Variety and difference are key words that characterize the what, who where, why, and how of planning education and training programs for adults” (p.16). Furthermore, Caffarella considers her model interactive because it has no ending or beginning, it is not linear and it considers the globality of the planning process (see Appendix G). In particular, Caffarella argues that her model takes cultures into account, allows for reflective practice by planners and allows for planning to be influenced and shaped by interests and power among people (Caffarella 2002, p.21).

Caffarella’s model ascertains the main driving force behind and the underlying themes (and philosophies) in an educational program. In the TS program these are reflected in the following themes:

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To meet the needs of the community, responding to AxPS motto of

responding to community needs (socio-cultural); and

To provide AxPS personnel with the tools required to fulfill the expectations of

their job responsibilities. (professional).

Caffarella’s model also investigates how much change occurs in individuals, the organization and the wider society as part of the objectives of the given program (Caffarella, 2002).

Some explanation on objectives. The AxPS is organized as a para-military system rather than as a business organization, and the positions held by the AxPS’s personnel are defined by “ranks” that have, nevertheless, “a job description for each [of them] and for which there are required skills, knowledge and abilities” (N. N.1, personal communication, February 26, 2002). Given2 this organizational structure, the objectives of the internal training programs are “based on competency for the organization, competency for each position [in the police rank], and competency for each rank” (ibid). Trainees are categorized as either striving to meet the next promotion (higher rank) or not meeting the expectations for performance. Consequently, candidates who take the professional development program are evaluated in terms of their readiness for promotion.

Knowles’s Model and the AxPS Program Planning

Analysis of objectives according to Knowles’ Model. In contrast to Caffarella’s model, Knowles’ model of program planning has a linear and sequential design. That is, this model involves a clear sequence of steps that the planner needs to follow in a defined hierarchical sequence. And although it requires that adults are involved in the planning and evaluation of their instruction, and that this instruction has to be relevant, experiential, and problem-based (as opposed to content-based), Knowles’ planning model does not takes into consideration the reality of the context where the planning process occurs (institutional constraints, socio-cultural and political realities, stakeholders’ interests and power relationships) (Cervero & Wilson,1994; Knowles, 1980 & 1984).

Needs AssessmentAccording to the Ax Police training program planner, and in order to achieve the

institutional goals, proper training must be identified and developed. This means that there “has to be a process to identify needs and gaps” (N. N., personal communication, January 31, 2002). Yet the planner has indicated that currently there is no mechanism in place to do needs-identification. Furthermore, the planner considers that an analysis of gaps (i.e., deficits in services) will lead to the identification of needs. However, due to the rapidly changing nature of the police affairs, the determination of needs ideally has to go beyond a one-time event and has to become, in the planner’s words, “an ecology”, (an on-going process) (N.N., personal communication). Since the TS doesn’t have a 1 N. N. is the pseudonym used for the AxPS’ senior program planner and evaluator.

2 The concentration or focusing of power at the top (i.e., the Chief) in a para-military structure has

been described by Stansfield (1996) as being similar to a magnifying glass that “focuses light, at

the top of the hierarchy” (p. 99).

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continuous, on-going needs assessment as Caffarella’s model prescribes (Caffarella, 2002) (see Appendix G), it would appear that the TS is following Knowles’ model more closely.

Program stakeholders. According to the planner, the core stakeholders are the officers themselves and the community (the community defined in various forms: citizens, businesses, and so on). Other, ancillary stakeholders include Police Supervisors, people at Town Hall Meetings, students (Senior Officers) taking the particular In-training Courses, the University of X, AxPS Evaluation Section (pseudonym used), AxPS Instructors, the AxPS Training Support Board, the AxPS management (Chief's Committee), the AxPolice Commission, and the Ax Government Body. In fact, the five categories of interest groups (“learners, teachers, planners, institutional leadership and the affected public”) listed by Cervero and Wilson (1994, p.116) are represented in this list of stakeholders. The stakeholders should be able to influence a particular planner. However, since the TS program appears to be a case where the program is mandated and the audience prescribed (Cervero & Wilson), there is little room for the planner to make changes or other decisions about the program. In fact, considering that the planner is internal to the organization and in a hierarchical work structure, the power relationships that this planner will develop will reflect this condition (alliance to the institution and dependency on higher authorities). In fact, those relationships reflect the hierarchical differences among institutional players and the division of labor. At the same time, it is predictable that the type of strategy that the planner will be using in negotiating interests among players in this context will be based on networking (mostly among training staff) and bargaining (mostly with the management) (Cervero & Wilson). In fact, given the constraints that the planner faces, there should be mechanisms in the planning by which the interests of the stakeholders are heard and included, considering the fact that the planner may not have enough power and influence to accommodate the interests of the different players who are influenced by the program.

The question of interests and answerability. In spite of the rigid hierarchical power relationships, the decisions made by the planner and some players will be based on consensus (Cervero & Wilson, 1994) reached on prearranged choices. Given this highly structured planning context, it is extremely important to ask “to whom is the adult educator-planner ethically and politically answerable?” (p.5). Given that the AxPS is a para-military, hierarchical organization, decisions made at a lower rank are going to be greatly dependent on approval from the higher ranks. Consequently, in the context of the internal training programs of the AxPS, the planners are answerable ultimately to the Chief. On another - lower level - the training planner is responsible to some of the main stakeholders, but still in relation to the Chief since ultimate decisions on training (e.g., funding) are made at this management level.

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RECENT FINDINGS – CONFIRMATION & SURPRISES

Needs-assessment and decision making at the Ax Police Service (AxPS)

In my earlier discussions with planning managers I had asked them about the possibility of establishing mechanisms in the planning, defined by policy, by which the interests of the stakeholders (community organizations, institutions, and so on) were clearly heard and included. I had asked this taking into consideration the fact that the planner may not have enough power and influence to accommodate the interests of the different players who are influenced (as ‘customers’ of the service) by the program. The managers agreed with it, with some reservations.

Indeed, recent important implementations of hate & discrimination-prevention strategies in training have been incorporated into police policy. This newer pedagogical strategy merits a closer look (D’Elia, 2006).

The hate & discrimination-prevention strategy impacts not only the training unit but also the entire Ax police service. Actually, the strategy has been implemented in many aspects of police work. Moreover, different community stakeholder representatives appear to be involved in the formulation of the strategy. The strategy is intended to educate recruits, officers and some Ax police personnel on prevalent issues of hate & discrimination.

This limited participation of community representatives in the design of educational strategies is an important breakthrough for this police service. Nevertheless, the decisions in the process of incorporation of the needs of the community are not ultimately the planners’ in the model studied. Because of the police hierarchical power relationships, the planner will be making consensual decisions based on prearranged choices. Given that the para-military nature of the AxPS, planning decisions are highly dependent on approval from the higher ranks. After all, the AxPS planners are answerable ultimately to the Chief. Yet, at a lower level, those planners are responsible and answerable to some of the main stakeholders. Nevertheless, ultimate decisions on training (e.g., funding) are made at the chief committee management level. How these inadequacies can be resolved?

The AxPS management argued that in the past there have not been significant problems in lobbying the chief committee on issues of training.

In spite of this commendable positive experience, it is clear to me that the decision-making on training program planning could not be left to the existence or not of good will or empathy of chief committee members towards professional, sound educational decisions. A more democratic process has to be made into policy to give the educator managers the autonomy that most program planners enjoy in other professional organizations.

Ax POLICE PROGRAM & DECISION PROCESS

Planning and Decision-MakingWho makes the decisions on implementation of programs under the Human

Resources Division and how are those decisions made? The HR Division has a Training Consulting Board (TCB) (pseudonym used) made up of different people from within the AxPS organization. This body makes decisions regarding internal training. However the

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Chief makes final decisions with the assistance of Deputy-Chiefs, specifically through funding allocations and control of the HR Division (see below). The TCB’s membership includes the Chief or a Deputy-Chief, one Superintendent, one Inspector, one representative each from HR, Patrol Division, Information Section, and other staff (some pseudonyms used) (see Chart I, Appendix A). In fact, this board consists of staff from various ranks and from different areas in order to provide different views and perceptions of the program. Its decisions are reached by consensus (Cervero et al, 1994).

Funding and decisions. How much of total HR budget is allocated to In-Training (including TS) and who determines this budget? Funds spent on the construction and maintenance of the TS program encompasses about 5% of the total HR budget (or 0.5% of the total AxPS budget). The total budget for professional development training and education for the Ax Police Service represents approximately 1% of the general budget. Decisions concerning the allocation of money for training under HR Division are made mainly by the Chief. The HR Division Manager makes these decisions based on the budget already allocated by the Chief to HR (e.g., in 2001 this amount was approximately 1% of total budget).

Furthermore, the A Government Body makes decisions with respect to the total budget for the police, but does not earmark it. The Chief does the budgetary allocations with assistance from the Deputy-Chiefs. In the event that an AxPS manager feels the need for more funding, he/she may “put in a request” and attempt to justify additional funding. It is up to the Chief to determine the merit of each request.

On Program EvaluationAll of the courses under the TS program are approved by the designer of the

course at the University of X via a course evaluation process. This, according to the planner, ensures that all courses meet a minimum acceptable level of quality and have some consistency. The course evaluation process occurs twice a year. In the curriculum design course at the university, police instructors (trainers) learn about the design of the particular police course that they are going to teach. Furthermore, these police instructors also have to pass that university curriculum design course in order for them to be able to teach police courses. Only when those officers pass the university course are there assurances that they are capable of delivering police courses of acceptable quality. Ultimately, this evaluation is done by the University (through the TS course) and in advance of the actual delivery of the police course that the police instructor is going to teach. This evaluation, furthermore, is a pre-service evaluation and an academic evaluation of both program and instructor. In addition, it is a form of quality control for the AxPS training. This quality control is important since it provides a certain training validity for the AxPS that may be used in courts and with the community. Additionally, there are selection criteria that screen and allocate students to the internal courses. AxPS personnel qualify for TS training according to two categories:

Career development trainees: officers interested in promotion who are deemed to

have the knowledge, skills and abilities required of the next higher rank

Performance evaluation of trainees: officers who are achieving below established

benchmarks for the respective rank is based on:

a) a formal yearly performance evaluation based on input from the community, the

officer's team-mates and supervisors, and the officer’s self-evaluation and

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b) three annual informal career conversations (where a supervisor or superior

informally discusses the supervised officer’s performance).

Another evaluation process occurs at the student-instructor level. The police students anonymously evaluate the particular TS course at the end of it. This information is used by the training staff to inform teaching. Nevertheless, students are dependent on their superiors’ positive evaluation for the continuation of their program.

Possible constraints on goal attainment. From the interviews with the planner it was clear that the largest constraints that the HR Division finds in achieving the pre-determined goals are finances and the police officers’ own perceptions of the TS program. The latter constraint comes from the historical fact that officers have had difficulty accepting the program, in large measure because of the academic association it has with the university. In fact, some of that resistance comes from officers who fear that, if it partners with the university, the police institution could become too academic, thus losing its practical approach. As a consequence of this, planners and trainers need to convince officers that it is important to have a reputable institution to legitimize the organization’s educational initiatives. Planners and trainers argue that the internal courses previously offered solely by their police organization had little credibility in the eyes of either the courts or the community. It was only when the training was linked to a reputable institution that it become credible.

The financial constraint, on the other hand, is an important one since the planner or stakeholders have little or no power to make financial decisions and control the program in this way.

Organizational constrains and community needs. The planner’s perception regarding the relationships among the legitimate interests of the stakeholders in internal training is that those relationships are hierarchical. Consequently, the only strategy available to the planner to deal with conflict is by networking within the hierarchy. (Cervero & Wilson, 1994). For example, if the planner decides to incorporate in the needs assessment the recommendations provided by particular community agencies that have been negatively affected by police, the planner will have to suggest this change to the management if this is expected from that planner. In case where the planner is able to request this important change in the program, she or he will not be able to have any say in the final decision on this matter made by the management since the relationship is hierarchical and one of compliance.

However, given the importance placed by the training goal on community needs, a relevant question is whether there is a process to assess them. Another question is Who decides on that assessment process? The planner responded to the latter question by pointing to the fact that the AxPS has a process to identify those needs. This process starts from the “grassroots” and works “all the way up to the training advisory committee”. “This means needs can be identified based on performance by supervisors; they can be identified by the courts; they can be identified by citizens involved in townhall meetings; they can be identified by management to meet a strategic change; or they can be identified by the training advisory board.” (N. N., personal communication, January 31, 2002). Nevertheless, if the identification of training needs “starts from the grass roots” (my italics), are training needs also based on sources other than the learning officers’ own supervisors and students’ feedback? Moreover, given that an important need for police behavioral change may be identified in the public complaints against the police, is the AxPS collecting data for needs assessment from this and other sources where the community voices its concerns? The police officers may well be predisposed to see that

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the public complaints recommendations are incorporated into their training if there is a professional commitment to excel and to be guided by high standards of police conduct.

Even though needs assessment is usually collected when conflict is not present (S. Scott3, personal communication, April, 2002), an important need for police behavioral change may be identified from sources such as the public complaints against the police. Unfortunately, the AxPS does not appear to be collecting educational needs assessment data directly from this and other sources where the community voices its concerns. This is crucial since social and political dissenters’ complaints are important to police officers who want to be professional in their relationship with the protestors. Furthermore, it is in the nature of modern policing that the community (whether in a town hall meeting or in a public demonstration) is the one validating its police (Peel’s Principles) (Geocities, 2002). In the Caffarella’s model, the needs assessment and the building of community support for the program intersect (Caffarella, 2002; Appendix G). The AxPS internal training program could use potential feedback from community stakeholders to obtain valuable data on needs for the program. Furthermore, needs may be ascertained from the Chief's reports on public complaints, the Ax Police Commission and the Government Oversight Body4 recommendations as well as critical court reports (see Appendix A, Chart I). Other sources that can inform needs include published complaints by community and professional associations and organizations such as immigration, mental health, cultural, inner city agencies organizations, the L. L. Lawyers Association5, Amnesty International Canada and others.

Some InferencesAccording to the information gathered through the interviews with the Ax Police

planner, there are two important factors that affect the ability of the Ax Police program to deliver its promised benefits: 1) the constraints of the power asymmetries between educators and the police hierarchy that impact the design and implementation of the program; and 2) the program planning model chosen that further limits the ability of the program to respond to its ultimate intended aim - which is to respond to community needs (Geocities, 2002). Both factors are intimately related. Ax planner can improve in the adoption of a more realistic and democratic planning model, but the institutional constraints such as the power concentration in the management structures will necessarily limit the democratic capacity of the planning model (D’Elia, 2002). This hierarchical approach in the design will compromise the opportunities that the officers have for learning how to judge the context. Furthermore, the hierarchical approach to planning will impact the programs that prepare the officers in the use of their discretionary powers. Police officers can use those discretionary powers guided not only by an understanding and commitment to service their community (the public) but also by their supervisors’ prescribed occupational agenda and the police management’s political interests. However, the public approval of police is what validates them (Peel’s Principles). A less hierarchical and a more community-driven police educational program will make the officers more aware and critical of the paradox they face while trying to be validated. Alternative planning such as the approaches described by various proposals including the (North American) Cervero and Wilson’s (1994 & 1996) and Caffarella’s 3 Dr Sue Scott is an adult education professor originally from the USA who presently lives and

works in Canada

4 pseudonyms used

5 pseudonym used

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(2002) (Appendix G) and the (European) Kolb-based proposal (Raschick & Maypole, 1998) will compel the educational process to respond to community needs by revealing the inherent institutional political interests.

Inferences & new findings

Some more recent educational initiatives that appear to have direct community input may be exempted from the general critique about the inadequacy in community needs assessment in the AxP’s program planning process. In fact, the AxP Service training unit has developed a comprehensive hate & discrimination-prevention strategy that goes beyond its own program and runs through other areas of police work (2006 data). Originally based on own police service’s research done on the area of hate & bias problems, the strategy receives input from diverse community stakeholders. The sustainability of this practice is done through established policies drafted for that purpose.

The strategy is intended to educate particularly recruits and officers on prevalent issues of hate & discrimination and the learning is monitored through group discussions and evaluation. It appears pedagogically sound but too short in duration, as it is run once for new recruits and not consistently implemented in professional development for more seasoned officers. Other police services extend the experiential opportunity over a significant period of time--eventually overlapping with in-service education--combining street experience with class discussions at different developmental stages of the recruits/officers (i.e., Kolb’s experiential learning in some European police services. See discussion on European police models below).

Another recent positive finding in the AxP program planning process is the gathering and implementation of trend analysis in the training (2006 data).

The “trends” (predominant issues, popular perceptions and concerns) are researched by gathering community information on prevalent issues for incorporation in training. Controversial, disputable, sensitive issues that the police service may identify that are of a concern to the community are captured by the training management team, which receives those issues from different sources such as the police Commission, the city Council, the police’s own investigative body (i.e., officers being complained at repetitively, or complaints that are consistent), and so on. Later on in the process, supervisors are debriefed on the “trends” and they analyze those trends and make them into a “scenario” for training. Example: a controversial case on the use of the police data base is made into a dilemma for officers to resolve. A learning scenario is consequently developed for recruits who will be able to respond to ethical questions and understand the consequences of their decisions (ethical issues).

However, in order for the program to be more democratic, besides the AxP initiating the research and collection of trends, relevant community organizations should be able to initiate that feedback used in training. At the same time, and to prevent inconsistencies in the process of interpretation, selection, de-selection, validation, priorizing or dismissing of community issues while incorporating those issues in the training, some accountability system with community participation should be planned and implemented.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS OF PLANNING APPROACHES

Contrasting views of planning and their assumptions. Cervero & Wison (1994) summarize important known views of program planning into three categories: Classical, Naturalistic and Critical. The Classical viewpoint ("comprehensive rationality") assumes that the problems posed in the planning process are well defined, and that an array of alternatives and complete information about the context are available. At the same time, this view assumes that knowledge is acquired through linear, sequential processes and

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that there exists unlimited time, skills and resources at the disposal of the planner. Knowles’ model, as described above, appears to fit this description.

The Naturalistic viewpoint ("bounded" by constraints of the situations), recognizes that the problems to be addressed in the planning process are ill-defined, that knowledge is acquired in a muddled, nonlinear fashion, and that the planners do not necessarily have all the information about the alternatives and their consequences, and that time, skills, and resources are limited when it comes to designing a program.

The Critical viewpoint, lastly, also considers most of the Naturalistic’s assumptions but moreover includes others that are very relevant to our analysis: program planning is determined by structural forces, especially the dominant ideologies and interests of social, cultural, and political institutions. At the same time, competing interests in the planning process are embedded in the situational context (Cervero & Wilson, 1994). Given that police agencies are public/state institutions and at the same time committed to the community, a responsible police planner has to look at those contextual factors that affect the planning of programs. This planner will have to understand the tension between institutional and community interests, and identify and address the institutional factors that may preclude in the program the interests of the community that the police has to serve.

Problems with the Ax Police Program DesignAfter analyzing the context in which the particular Ax Police program is designed

and implemented, and after pointing out the crucial role of interests and power amongst players, it is evident that, in spite of the good intentions of the police managers, the Ax Police program is likely to fall short of accomplishing the servicing goals promised by the institution. Furthermore, the educational strategies used by the AxPS are not the most adequate for developing a human rights, community-based policing that will respect the right to dissent in the face of occupational culture sway, political pressure, and the influence of the security discourse. I now discuss briefly some of the societal and work-related pressures and influences that the officers experience that will have to be taken into consideration by educational planners when designing police educational/training programs.

ANOTHER CANADIAN POLICE PROGRAM CASE STUDY

In a study of the Ontario Police College (OPC), Stansfield (1996) concludes that police recruit basic training of the OPC does a good job of training recruits “to win the ‘war on crime’”. However, Stansfield points out that the program is inadequate when it comes to training those recruits in spiritual and compound human skills that are “needed to interact sensibly and humanly with other people” (p. 93). He argues that the program will be an excellent preparation for police recruits if crime control were their primary responsibility, but that is not the case. Stansfield says that today, officers are more involved in providing a social function than in combating crime. As a consequence, the police programs have to respond to that occupational demand. Even though the program that I studied belongs to the Level III and beyond in Stansfield’s characterization of police training programs, his conclusions are relevant to any level of program.

“In short, police today need more training in inclusiveness (i.e., acceptance), but they actually receive more training in exclusiveness (i.e., detection, apprehension and detention), they need more training in non-violent conflict resolution (i.e., inter-personal communications and problem solving), but they actually receive more training in violent conflict resolution (i.e., firearms and defensive tactics)…” (Stansfield, 1996, p. 93).

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EUROPEAN PROGRAMS

Contrast with some European police educational programs strategies. Both constraining aspects of the Ax Police program acquire a different twist in some European countries. The interviews and follow-up communications conducted with the European planners, trainers and advisor, revealed that they use a consistent model of program planning that distributes power to stakeholders, and demonstrated a preoccupation for democratizing the educational process and educational accountability system that appears to respond to the different European intergovernmental bodies requiring certain police standards from each country (Appendices D, E, & F) (AI, 1998; Council of Europe [CoE], 2002); Ireland National Police Service, 2000; UNHCHR, 1997).

For example, the German planner’s subscription to the democratic values advocated by a planning model based on Kolb’s theory of adult learning, compels him to distribute his power among stakeholders (Appendix E). Much the same was found through interviews with German, Irish, Dutch and UK London Metropolitan police program planners (Appendices D & F)(D’Elia, 2002). The interesting finding in these cases is that the model appears to counter-balance the power allocated to those planners. To illustrate this point, at the time of my interviews in Germany, a high ranking educational planner of the German Köln police was coordinating a public consultation process in order to enhance program planning (G.G.6, personal communication, March 25, 2002). In contrast to the public surveys conducted by the AxPS, the German consultation process is integrated into the educational program, and these clearly informs the planning process and provides a voice to community concerns about how German officers should be educated to deal with the public (including public demonstrations) (Appendix E).

Another example is found in Dutch police programs; there the officers go through the long and continuous cycles of experimentation, reflection, critical analysis and evaluation, and the participants provide positive feedback for the needs assessment, objectives, methodology and other aspects of the program (Appendix F) (F. Vrijbrief, personal communication, March 16, 2002). This feedback, in my view, more effectively distributes power in the planning process, making the model used by the Dutch more democratic than the Knowles' model used by the Ax Police (Knowles, 1984). Consequently, in the planning process and design, those officers who are in closer proximity with the public have greater input.

In the other European examples, similar planning models provide the planners, the instructors and the students the opportunity to evaluate their own education, and to take on the responsibility of assessing their growth relative to high ethical standards set by the European Union police regulating bodies (CoE, 2002; F. Vijlbrief, personal communication, March 15, 2002). Self-evaluation and assessment of how officers perform, compared to set professional ethical and human rights standards agreed to by many countries, is crucial in the education of policing dissent. In fact, police officers who are trying to follow human rights standards beyond their domestic ones must have added incentive to protect the rights of the dissenters (AI, 1998).

6 Pseudonym used

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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONSGiven the importance of the great narrative of security in the present times, I

have focused my research on the education of security personnel in the context of the new security framework. More specifically, I have conducted a case study to determine whether Canadian public police educational program designs are appropriate to prepare officers to respond to their protesting public. How prepared are our police officers today to police public demonstrations?

In conducting this study I have come to realize a paradox that “law enforcers” face: as police officers engage in keeping the peace, protecting the human rights of their citizens, and enforcing the law of the State, new security legislation and law enforcement policies have undermined, in many Western countries, basic human rights of citizens that police are supposed to protect.

In my investigation I have questioned whether the conceptualization of the role of adult education as reproductive is apparent or not in police program designs. In fact, a program-planning model chosen by a particular police service may facilitate social reproduction very faithfully. It is my assumption that, if a program-planning model tends to reproduce institutional and societal inequities and injustices, it will not be adequate to prepare police officers to understand and respect citizens who challenge the establishment. Furthermore, if an institution subscribes to the human capital interpretation of education, its programs will likely priorize techno-scientific transfer of knowledge, possibly to the detriment of integrating socio-cultural issues and community concerns. I seriously question whether disregard for these societal issues and concerns will make programs appropriate to prepare learners to advocate for the community. Moreover, educational programs that are exclusively instrumental and socially reproductive will not be appropriate if the program objective is to sensitize adult learners (police officers) to understand and to adequately respond to a community that voices dissent. However, in the present case study I have not intended to assess the extent to which either this instrumental education does or does not intersect with social and cultural education, or whether the issues of accessibility and fairness in societal representation are entrenched in the program. These matters may be considered for future research.

Nevertheless, I have also made the observation that there is a push from the private industry (as part of the global neo-liberal predominant paradigm) to increase the role of private security in policing in North America and Australia. At the same time, international and national educational policy-setting organizations are considering the private financing of lifelong learning as a reality to be acknowledged and integrated in the educational process. These two trends provide an important context for my study. The fact that the police program studied has subscribed to a program planning model that appears to follow human capital concepts and that endorses instrumental and reproductive practices in its delivery could have been influenced by those who lobby the privatization both of education and policing.

After examining the contextual and inherent characteristics of the program under study, I have concluded that the Ax Police Service’s internal training program has institutional and planning constraints that limit its ability to achieve the community servicing goals that are sought by the institution. Furthermore, I think that the program-planning model used does little to promote the need of the modern police to understand and uphold the rights of peaceful dissenters. When security discourse appears to undermine basic rights to dissent, our police should educate themselves more on those rights and on the defense of their citizens.

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Recent findings appear to confirm a previous research conclusion about the inadequacies of a rigid, linear, non-critical program planning model. Nevertheless, the implementation of new pedagogically sound initiatives in line with human rights education may indicate that the power asymmetries that restrain police educators could be temporarily dissipated by empathetic police management or that the management’s policy has embraced some important aspects of police human rights education.

In the end, a more democratic process has to be made into policy to give the educator managers the autonomy that most program planners enjoy in other professional organizations.

In fact, the Ax police institution can benefit by democratizing the police educational system and by adopting an alternative, more experiential, inclusive, contextually responsive, and politically aware approach to educational planning. Alternative European program planning models and proposals appear to provide more opportunities for planners’ autonomy in the educational process.

Nonetheless, if improvement in the Canadian police educational planning process is to be effective, important power asymmetries among the institutional players have to be addressed and the planning model needs to be revisited and re-created.

Positive actions like the ones discussed in this project will give police planners and trainers, especially in those police services surveyed or studied, more realistic opportunities to commit law enforcers to community needs and to uphold the right of the community to dissent without fear of police.

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