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African-American Legislators in the Arkansas General Assembly, 1868-1893 Author(s): Blake J. Wintory Reviewed work(s): Source: The Arkansas Historical Quarterly, Vol. 65, No. 4 (Winter, 2006), pp. 385-434 Published by: Arkansas Historical Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40028092 . Accessed: 05/12/2012 13:26 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Arkansas Historical Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Arkansas Historical Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.72.225 on Wed, 5 Dec 2012 13:26:25 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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Page 1: African-American Legislators in the Arkansas General ... · portant articles, books, and dissertations treating black politicians that ... sible to obtain because the secondary literature

African-American Legislators in the Arkansas General Assembly, 1868-1893Author(s): Blake J. WintoryReviewed work(s):Source: The Arkansas Historical Quarterly, Vol. 65, No. 4 (Winter, 2006), pp. 385-434Published by: Arkansas Historical AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40028092 .

Accessed: 05/12/2012 13:26

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Arkansas Historical Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to TheArkansas Historical Quarterly.

http://www.jstor.org

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African-American Legislators in the Arkansas General Assembly,

1868-1893

Blake J. Wintory

Researchers interested in nineteenth-century African- American politics in Arkansas are impeded by a lack of definitive information about the state's black legislators. In order to aid such research, two ros- ters have been assembled from primary sources and secondary works: a chronological listing of African-American legislators in the Arkansas General Assembly between Reconstruction and disfranchisement (tables 1 and 2); and a biographical data set on them (table 3).

Interest in black politics in nineteenth-century Arkansas has in- creased since the 1960s, when historians began to seriously reevaluate the tumultuous and controversial postbellum period.1 Despite fragmen- tary sources, late twentieth-century scholars produced a number of im- portant articles, books, and dissertations treating black politicians that provide a foundation for students of Arkansas history.2 However, histo-

JSee Eric Foner, "Reconstruction Revisited," Reviews in American History 10 (December 1982): 82-100.

See Tom W Dillard, "Isaac Gillam: Black Pulaski Countian," Pulaski County His- torical Review 24 (March 1976): 6-11; Dillard, "Three Important Black Leaders in Phil- lips County History," Phillips County Historical Quarterly 19 (December 1980/March 1981): 10-23; Willard B. Gatewood, Jr., "Negro Legislators in Arkansas, 1891: A Docu- ment," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 31 (Autumn 1972): 220-233; Gatewood, "Arkansas Negroes in the 1890s: Documents," ibid. 33 (Winter 1974): 293-325; John William Graves, "Negro Disfranchisement in Arkansas," ibid. 26 (Autumn 1967): 199-225; Carl H. Moneyhon, "Black Politics in Arkansas during the Gilded Age, 1876-1900," ibid. 44 (Autumn 1985): 222-245; Joseph M. St. Hilaire, "The Negro Delegates in the Arkansas Constitutional Convention of 1868: A Group Profile," ibid. 33 (Spring 1974): 38-69; Richard L. Hume, "The Arkansas Constitutional Convention of 1868: A Case Study in the Politics of Reconstruction," Journal of Southern History 39 (May 1973): 183-206.

Blake J. Wintory, a 2005 graduate of the Ph.D. program in Environmental Dynamics at the University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, lives in Little Rock. He thanks Tom W. Dillard, Debra Wintory, Elizabeth

Danley of the Arkansas State Library, Rhonda Stewart of the Butler Center for Arkansas Studies, and

April Goff of the Arkansas History Commission for their assistance.

THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY VOL. LXV, NO. 4, WINTER 2006

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3 86 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

rians today face the same problem that Willard B. Gatewood, Jr. faced in 1972. In an article that builds on nine biographies of black Arkansan representatives published in the Indianapolis Freeman in 1891, Gate- wood noted the scarcity of data on African-American legislators and, most particularly, the difficulty of obtaining information about two overlooked by the Freeman? Over thirty years later, Steven Hahn ech- oed Gatewood's concerns:

A precise number of local black officeholders is almost impos- sible to obtain because the secondary literature is incomplete and in some cases unreliable, and because the pertinent records housed in state and local archives generally do not make racial distinctions. Only the most intense local research in any one place, conducted by a scholar with in-depth knowledge of local politics and genealogy, could come up with reliable and nearly precise figures.4

Despite these obstacles, researchers have slowly been moving to- ward a more complete documenting of Arkansas 's nineteenth-century black legislators.5 For instance, in 1968, John William Graves identified key black legislators serving when disfranchisement and segregation laws were passed in 1891. In his 1972 piece, Gatewood named all twelve black legislators who served during that session.6 In 1978, James W. Leslie listed three black legislators who represented Jefferson County in 1873 and seven who did so in 1879, 1881, or 1883.7 In 1979, Tom W. Dillard claimed to have identified nearly fifty black men who served in the Arkansas General Assembly during the nineteenth cen-

3Gatewood, "Negro Legislators in Arkansas, 1891," 222. Gatewood also identified a twelfth black man in the 1891 legislature, Sen. George W. Bell, who had been treated in an earlier issue of the Freeman.

Steven Hahn, A Nation under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003), 530 n.6.

In October 1916, Thomas S. Staples of Hendrix College made the first attempt to catalog Arkansas 's black Reconstruction legislators at the request of Tuskegee Univer- sity sociologist Monroe N. Work; Work, "Some Negro Members of Reconstruction Conventions and Legislatures and of Congress," Journal of Negro History 5 (January 1920): 68.

John William Graves, "The Arkansas Separate Coach Law of 1891," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 32 (Summer 1973): 148-165 [originally published in Journal of the West 1 (October 1968): 531-541]; Gatewood, "Negro Legislators in Arkansas," 220-222.

7 James W Leslie, "Ferd Havis: Jefferson County's Black Republican Leader," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 37 (Autumn 1978): 242, 245.

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AFRICAN-AMERICAN LAWMAKERS 387

tury.8 In attempting to fill some of the gaps between Reconstruction and disfranchisement, Carl Moneyhon estimated in 1985 that at least forty- seven black legislators served between 1874 and 1892 and identified eight of the nine who served in the 1877 session.9

My research counts eighty-four black legislators serving between 1868 and 1893. Six made their careers in the Senate, seventy-four served exclusively in the House, and four were elected to both cham- bers10 These legislators came predominantly from counties dominated by plantation economies and possessing a growing number or actual ma- jority of black people. But they might also hail from important urban centers like Pine Bluff, Helena, and Little Rock that supported the grow- ing black middle class from which many of these Iea4prs emerged.11

8Tom W. Dillard, "Fighting the Lily Whites: Racial Confrontation in the Arkansas Republican Party, 1920-1924, Documents," Red River Valley Historical Review 4 (Spring 1979): 64 n.4. While Dillard has never published a comprehensive list of black legislators, his Tom W. Dillard Black Arkansiana Collection was an essential resource for this work. See "Blacks Reportedly Serving in the Arkansas Legislature and African- American Legislators before 1900," in Elected Officials: African Americans, ser. VI, box 2, file 9, Dillard Black Arkansiana Collection, Butler Center for Arkansas Studies, Central Arkansas Library System, Little Rock. Shelly Maldonado, an intern at the Arkansas Secretary of State's office, compiled a list titled, "Arkansas African- American Legislators [1868-2005]." The list counts sixty-two nineteenth-century legislators, but it is without citations.

9Moneyhon, "Black Politics in Arkansas," 227. Patrick Price, who served Lee County in 1877, was not identified by Moneyhon. On Price's election, see Blake Win- tory, "William Hines Furbush: African-American Carpetbagger, Republican, Fusionist, and Democrat," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 63 (Summer 2004), 139-141 . Other writ- ers and list-makers have weighed in with mixed results; for example, see Jerry E. Hin- shaw, Call the Roll: The First One Hundred Fifty Years of the Arkansas Legislature (Little Rock: Rose Publishing and Department of Arkansas Heritage, 1986), 68-69; LeRoy Mathew Christophe, The Arkansas African American Hall of Fame, rev. ed., ed. Erma Glasco Davis and Faustine Childress Wilson (Little Rock: National Dunbar Alumni Association, 1993), 88; Ken Hubbell & Associates, Master Plan for Mosaic Templars of America Center for African American Culture and Business Enterprise (Little Rock: Submitted to the Department of Arkansas Heritage, 2002), 30.

10 While many of these legislators have found their way onto unpublished lists, it appears that approximately twenty of these legislators have not previously been identified as African-American.

See Moneyhon, "Black Politics in Arkansas," 223-226. Conrad Alfred Rideout claimed to have been a member of the Arkansas General Assembly after he migrated to Seattle. Judith Kilpatrick is correct in stating, "his name does not appear on Arkansas state lists of elected officials." See Quintard Taylor, The Forging of a Black Commu- nity: Seattle's Central District, from 1870 through the Civil Rights Era (Seattle: Univer- sity of Washington Press, 1994), 20, 31; Kilpatrick, Arkansas' Early African-American Lawyers: A History (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas School of Law, 2003), 17; Kenneth C. Barnes to Judith Kilpatrick, April 30, 2002, copy in author's possession. For a discussion of Rideout's recruitment of black South Carolinians to migrate to Arkansas, see Barnes, Journey of Hope: The Back-to-Africa Movement in Arkansas in the Late 1880s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 37.

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388 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Two cotton-producing regions elected the most black legislators. East- ern Arkansas accounted for forty-two of the eighty-four legislators, and the Jefferson County region accounted for twenty-six. Pulaski County accounted for nine, while Lafayette and Hempstead counties in south- west Arkansas totaled seven legislators during the period.

African Americans were first elected to the Arkansas General As- sembly in 1868. That year, six black legislators served. Their numbers peaked in 1873 with sixteen in the House of Representatives and four in the Senate.12 As Reconstruction collapsed, the number dipped substan- tially, to four, in the extraordinary session called by the conservative governor, Elisha Baxter, just days after President Ulysses S. Grant sided with him in the "Brooks-Baxter War."13 Intimidation of white and black Republican voters in delta counties like Phillips and Lee contributed to declines in 1879 and 1881. But, as Moneyhon has noted, "The end of Reconstruction, accompanied by violence against blacks, did not con- clude with the removal of blacks from participation in southern poli- tics."14 Instead, white Democrats in several counties with large black electorates cooperated in power-sharing "fusion" arrangements that guaranteed political offices for both parties.15 These arrangements dur- ing the 1870s and 1880s allowed the number of black legislators to grow to twelve during the 1891 session. The 1893 session of the General As- sembly, the first following the 1891 election law, which increased Dem- ocratic control of polling places and screened out many illiterate voters, found only five black legislators present - two in the House and one in the Senate from eastern Arkansas and two in the House from Jefferson County. With the subsequent imposition of a poll tax and the all-white Democratic primary, it would be another eighty years before the Arkan- sas General Assembly would again welcome black legislators.

12Rep. James B. Butler of Phillips County claimed that there were "seven colored members in the [1868] legislature;" Morning Republican (Little Rock), October 1, 1868. The Arkansas Gazette, April 3, 1868, however, counted only five in the House and a sixth, James W. Mason, in the Senate. During the session, the paper noted the race of black leg- islators during debates and other proceedings, but an examination of the Gazette's cover- age did not turn up a seventh African- American member. The Gazette's account is corroborated by a racist screed in the White County Weekly Record, April 18, 1868, which lamented the presence of Mason in the upper chamber and "five niggers" in the lower one.

13See Walter Nunn, "The Constitutional Convention of 1874," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 21 (Autumn 1968): 183-186.

Barnes, Journey of Hope, 20-21, 31-32; Wintory, "William Hines Furbush," 142- 144; Moneyhon, "Black Politics in Arkansas," 222.

Moneyhon, "Black Politics in Arkansas," 222; Barnes, Journey of Hope, 55; Win- tory, "William Hines Furbush," 107-111, 126-145.

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AFRICAN-AMERICAN LAWMAKERS 389

With few exceptions, nineteenth-century black legislators aligned with the Republican party. 1879 appears to be the first year any black legislators were willing to break with the Republicans. Four had been elected on the Greenback ticket and one as a Democrat. The early 1880s also saw a few Greenbackers elected, but fusion and Republican alli- ances with Greenbackers and members of the Agricultural Wheel seem to have kept blacks voters and candidates within the Republican fold. The final exception in the nineteenth century is Benjamin Adair, who served in the 1891 General Assembly as a Democrat.16

Approximately sixty of Arkansas 's nineteenth-century black legis- lators hailed from southern states (about nineteen were native to Arkan- sas), thirteen came from border states or the District of Columbia, and ten were born in northern states.17 The slave status of only a handful of legislators before the Civil War is known. In 1875, a correspondent for the Fort Wayne Gazette reported that eight of Arkansas 's nine black leg- islators had been slaves.18 It does not appear that any of the Arkansas- born legislators was free before the Civil War. Five of the six legislators known to have been free before the war were from the North. The sixth, William Grey, was born in Virginia and identified himself as free- born.19 R. C. Weddington, born in Mississippi after emancipation, also never experienced slavery.

In 1895, an African- American Democrat, Jerome Riley, echoed a common characterization of black officeholders in Arkansas and across the South when he wrote, "At the head of the [Jefferson County] republi-

16James Wofford is listed as a Democrat in Arkansas Gazette (Little Rock), Novem- ber 22, 25, 1876, but as a Republican in Rules of the House of Representatives and Joint Rules of the Senate and House of Representatives (Little Rock: Gazette Job and Book Printing House, 1877).

Because of conflicting data for three individuals, these numbers are approximate. Declarations of nativity could be political statements. For example, Peter Booth in the 1892 Biennial Report, identified himself as an "American," and George Bell claimed a pan- African identity, "Abyssinia," in the 1920 manuscript census. Booth, one of the last black legislators of the nineteenth century, might have been protesting the passage of the Separate Coach Act and the Election Law of 1891. Bell's self identification coincides with a rise of black nationalism that emerged with Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improve- ment Association; Barnes, Journey of Hope, 182-183; Harm, A Nation under our Feet, 468-474.

18H. H. Robinson, "From the Fort Wayne Gazette" in A History of the North- Western Editorial Excursion to Arkansas (Little Rock: T. B. Mills & Co., 1876), 207.

iVA biographer of Grey's mentor and employer, Virginia governor Henry Wise, has speculated that Grey may have been Wise's son and that Wise emancipated him during childhood; Craig M. Simpson, A Good Southerner: The Life of Henry A. Wise of Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 34.

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390 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

can legislative ticket in 1875 was Mr. Ned Hill, colored, who could neither read or write, but whose fighting weight was two hundred pounds, drunk or sober."20 While Riley appears to have been right about Hill's illiteracy, he was not representative of the group. The Fort Wayne Gazette reporter suggested that "all [nine of the 1875 black legislators] can read print, but only four can write."21 Consistent with the findings of recent reevaluations of southern nineteenth-century black political figures, Arkansas's black legislators were educated and capable.22 Literacy information for seventy- nine of the legislators shows only four could be classified as illiterate, making the vast majority - 94.9 percent - literate.23

Unlike South Carolina's well-studied Reconstruction black legislators and the Reconstruction officeholders examined by Eric Foner, the majority of Arkansas's nineteenth-century legislators were not mulatto. Color data are available for seventy-nine of the eighty-four legislators. The manu- script census or contemporary newspaper accounts identified fifty as "black" and twenty-nine as "mulatto."24

Reflecting their rural agricultural constituents, at least forty-one of the eighty-four legislators farmed at some point during their lifetimes, and an- other two were termed "planters." However, community leaders also emerged from the nexus of church, schools, and the growing urban black middle class. At least twenty-two legislators had careers as ministers,

20Jerome R. Riley, The Philosophy of Negro Suffrage (Hartford, CT: American Pub- lishing Co., 1895), 58-59.

zlRobinson, "From the Fort Wayne Gazette" 207. 22Eric Foner, Freedom's Lawmakers: A Directory of Black Officeholders during

Reconstruction, rev. ed. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), xi-xxv. 23Four legislators listed as illiterate were reclassified in later censuses as literate.

The 1870 Census classed E. A. Fulton as illiterate, but he signed his name in 1866, according to bank records; Registers of Signatures of Depositors in Branches of the Freedmans Savings and Trust Company, 1865-1874: Memphis, Tennessee, Accounts 1- 1995, 2000-6298 (Washington DC: National Archives and Records Administration microfilm, 1969), account 5. Also, the Morning Republican, March 25, 1871, called Fulton "a man of considerable intelligence and fair education." Kenneth C. Barnes describes a letter Henry H. Robinson wrote to the American Colonization Society; Bar- nes, Journey of Hope, 22.

Thomas Holt, Black over White: Negro Political Leadership in South Carolina during Reconstruction (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977); Hahn, A Nation under Our Feet, 260-263; Foner, Freedoms Lawmakers, xvi; Joel Williamson, New People: Miscegenation and Mulattoes in the United States (1980; Baton Rouge: Louisi- ana State University Press, 1995). Foner rightly notes, "These figures . . . should be approached with caution, since color designations generally derive from judgments of census takers and other highly subjective sources." No attempt at racial categorization based on photographic evidence has been made, since racial data should be based on self-identification.

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AFRICAN-AMERICAN LAWMAKERS 39 1

twenty-two as educators, eleven as lawyers, nine as merchants, and thir- teen in other professions. Election to the General Assembly was likely the capstone for a modest political career, and twenty-eight of the legislators are known to have served the public in other capacities at the county and state level.25

The modest middle-class and even elite status of many in the group is apparent in an examination of the 1870 manuscript census and in county tax rolls. Thirty-eight legislators appear in the 1870 census: six- teen claimed no property; eleven claimed between $1 and $500; three be- tween $501 and $1000; and eight over $1000. An examination of available county tax rolls around the time of their legislative service re- veals a similar pattern. Of the fifty-six legislators located on county tax rolls, seven reported no property, ten reported between $1 and $50, fif- teen reported between $51 and $100, thirteen reported between $101 and $200, five reported between $201 and $300, four reported between $301 and $400, and two reported over $400 in personal property.26 The aver- age wealth of black legislators was higher than that of black Arkansans generally but probably less than that of most whites.27

While these measures show that many black legislators accumulated wealth, Eric Foner has pointed out that black officeholders often faced precarious economic futures.28 A number of legislators appear to have maintained their occupational status over the long term. However, longi- tudinal data is incomplete, and many legislators may eventually have found their social status reduced. For example, Jefferson County repre- sentative Hal B. Burton (1887) went from being a farmer in 1880 to a

25Moneyhon, "Black Politics in Arkansas," 223-226; Hahn, A Nation under Our Feet, 165-198, 230-235. "Other professions" include editors, doctors, insurance and real estate agents, mechanics, photographers, and bankers.

Personal property tax records were unavailable for several relevant counties - St. Francis, Phillips, Monroe, Lafayette, Desha, and Mississippl. When records for more than one county tax year were found, an average was calculated. Several former legisla- tors later joined the National Negro Business League. The league reported that George W. Bell built an infirmary with his own funds for the black community in Pine Bluff in 1901, Abraham H. Miller of Helena to have $1,500 invested in real state in 1902, and Ferd Havis and his partner to have a business with $30,000 and $50,000 in stock. John Gray Lucas (then of Chicago), Isaac G. Bailey, Jacob N. Donohoo, Abraham Miller, and S. W. Dawson also appear in the league's membership rolls. See Report of the Annual Convention of the National Negro Business League, 2: 46, 3: 104, 112, 4: 122-123, 5: 27, 12: 181 in Records of the National Negro Business League: Annual Conference Pro- ceedings and Organizational Records, 1900-1919, ed. Kenneth Marvin Hamilton (Bethesda, MD: University Publications of America microfilm, 1994), reels 1, 2.

27Moneyhon, "Black Politics in Arkansas," 23 1 . Foner, Freedom s Lawmakers, xxii-xxiii.

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392 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

merchant in 1894 to a saloon keeper in 1898. In 1908, though, the Pine Bluff city directory listed him as a porter.29

For twenty-five years during the nineteenth century, African Ameri- cans served in the Arkansas General Assembly. While historians have la- bored to identify and find information about these elected officials, many details remain elusive or obscure. This research identifies eighty-four black officials and provides important biographical data culled from both primary and secondary sources. I hope researchers use and test the data presented here and continue to add to our understanding of Arkansas 's African- American history.

Note on Methods

When party affiliation is known, it is in bold. When it is not known, it is assumed to be Republican, unless the legislator was a member of a different party in a previous term. I have attempted to make the column listing primary and secondary sources as comprehensive as possible; however, I have omitted some sources that recycle earlier material. City directories were cited only when they added details not available else- where.

Table 3 provides biographical data derived from the sources listed in the first two tables. Few contemporary biographies survive for nineteenth- century legislators, so the bulk of the biographical data is pulled from U.S. Census manuscript records (nativity, color, occupation, and literacy), leg- islative directories that appeared in the Arkansas secretary of state's Bien- nial Report, the Arkansas Gazette, the Morning Republican, a few surviving directories that accompany composite photographs of legisla- tors, and two rule books for the General Assembly. The slave or free status prior to the Civil War is uncertain for most of the legislators. When it is known, the information came from a contemporary biography or from a secondary source. An exception is William A. Marshall, who was de- scribed as a "freedman" in the 1868 Hempstead personal property tax records. I cautiously assumed that legislators born in the South prior to 1 861 were born into slavery. These individuals are listed as "Slave (?)." On similar grounds, I treated the northern-born legislators as free, regardless of their birth year. They are listed as "Free (?)." Six individuals were found to have accounts in the Freedman's Bank. I believe this is a good indication

29Manuscript Census Returns, Tenth Census of the United States, 1880, Population Schedules, Jefferson County, AR; Wilson Printing Company's City Directory of Pine Bluff, 1894 (Pine Bluff: Wilson Printing Co., 1894); Harden & Co. s City Directory of Pine Bluff Arkansas, 1898 (Pine Bluff: Adam- Wilson Printing Co., 1898); Pine Bluff City Directory, 1908 (Little Rock: Polk's Southern Directory, 1908).

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AFRICAN-AMERICAN LAWMAKERS 393

of slave status prior to the Civil War, but it is not certain. Four of the de- positors are listed as "Slave*." A fifth, E. A. Fulton, is listed as "Slave," since the name of his former master is noted in the records, and the sixth, S. H. Holland, is identified as "Free (?)," since he was born in Ohio.30 An "x" appears when property value information was unavailable or not appli- cable. For tax records, a "?" appears where records were available, but the individual was not found.

30See accounts 159, 243, 579, 722, 858, 1161 in Registers of Signatures of Depositors in Branches of the Freedman's Savings and Trust Company, 1865-1874: Arkansas, Accounts 153-1358; February 27, 1871-July 15, 1874 (Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration microfilm, 1969) and account 5 in Registers of Sig- natures of Depositors in Branches of the Freedman's Savings and Trust Company, Mem- phis.

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430 ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

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