An MA dissertation for a Mass Communication degree from the University of Leicester in the UK. This looks at the impact covering conflict has on impartiality, professionalism and production. Written by a working journalist.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 1 Abstract Journalists play an important role in shaping perceptions of different conflicts. In an increasingly interconnected world they act as the self appointed eyes and ears of their respective audiences. This interview- based study seeks to examine what impact exposure to conflict in turn has on journalists and their notions of professionalism, objectivity and impartiality. It looks at how the experience of conflict impacts on journalistic production, practice and reflexivity. And it concludes that emotion is an important factor in what is being reported, adding weight to the argument that journalism is undergoing a paradigmatic shift towards a ‘journalism of attachment.’ Word Count: 14,986
Transcript
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 1
Abstract Journalists play an important role in shaping perceptions of different
conflicts. In an increasingly interconnected world they act as the self
appointed eyes and ears of their respective audiences. This interview-
based study seeks to examine what impact exposure to conflict in turn
has on journalists and their notions of professionalism, objectivity and
impartiality. It looks at how the experience of conflict impacts on
journalistic production, practice and reflexivity. And it concludes that
emotion is an important factor in what is being reported, adding
weight to the argument that journalism is undergoing a paradigmatic
shift towards a ‘journalism of attachment.’
Word Count: 14,986
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 2
Acknowledgements
I’d like to thank my tutor Dr Julian Matthews. I would also like to thank the
Distance Learning staff in the University of Leicester Communications
Department for the help, advice and encouragement over the past two years. I
want to acknowledge the support and understanding of my employer, Al Jazeera
English and in particular the planning and news desks in London and Doha. I
could not possibly have made it this far without the soon-to-be Dr. Nina Bigalke,
who began this process as an acquaintance and ended it as a friend. Without her
steady judgement in difficult moments, this would have been a tortuous rather
than enlightening experience. My fellow student, Camillus O’Brien has been an
unending source of encouragement on the end of the phone as has my friend,
Stephen Jardine. I’m grateful to all my interviewees who found time in busy
schedules to fit me in, and responded to emails when required. They are good and
decent people and I hope this thesis shines some new light on the important work
they do.
I must thank my children, Rachel and Scott, for their patience and understanding
when trips to the park or swimming pools were set aside so that I could spend
more time with my books. And finally but most significantly, there is my wife
and best friend Terri. Without her belief, encouragement, and support I would
never have come this far. She has been wise and strong and wonderful.
“Our collective idiocy knew no bounds. Our common senselessness was
epic. Our unpreparedness was awesome. Truly we were a bunch of nutters,
optimists, amateurs and even romantics embarking on these adventures on
a wing and a prayer”. - Martin Bell, ‘The Death of News ‘(2008)
Journalism has a place of great democratic importance. It provides information to
the public, and as such, becomes a critical forum of debate. With such a
significant role in modern, participatory democratic societies, it is only right that
journalism itself is closely scrutinised, analysed and understood. If, as McNair
(2008) maintains journalism is a selective account of reality, it is important to
understand what factors play a part in the selection, what influences are brought to
bear.
1.1 The Object of Study
This thesis will examine the role conflict has when it comes to journalistic
practice and its impact on journalists who cover it. Specifically it will view the
impact exposure to conflict has on concepts of professionalism, objectivity and
impartiality and how, allied to other factors, that may alter the production of the
news text placed before the audience. As a journalist who has covered conflict
from Northern Ireland, through the Middle East and Afghanistan to the most
recent war in Georgia and the Israeli offensive in Gaza, this is an area which
interests me deeply. The importance of the role of journalists at these times and
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 6
in those places should not be underestimated. Tumber (2006) identifies frontline
correspondents as essential to the public understanding of war. Journalism has
within its power, the ability to move public opinion which in turn can shape and
alter public policy. While some academics have looked at the individual strands
which form this thesis, here I attempt to bring together impartiality,
professionalism and production to address a gap in the existing empirical
literature and create a better overall understanding of the practices and
motivations of journalists working in conflict zones.
1.2 Thesis Outline
The main argument of this thesis is that conflict has an impact on professionalism
and impartiality and therefore on production. In order to develop this argument I
have structured the ensuing chapters as follows:
Chapter two examines the existing literature on the main topics under discussion.
The debate on the concept of objectivity will consider the idea advanced by
Schudson (2001), Tuchman (1972) and Hampton (2008) among others that
objectivity is a historic, at times ideologically infused concept, which essentially
remains unachievable. This concept has become a normative standard in
journalistic practice however, and as such, continues to have a significant impact
on journalistic practice. It is central to discourses of professionalism outside of as
well as within the journalistic community. The institutionally accepted standards
which make journalism operationally effective are also discussed and how these
may be challenged under the difficult conditions of covering conflict. And
through a brief historical review of war reporting there is the acknowledgement
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 7
that emotional responses by journalists impact not only on their lives but on their
work, which in turn, shape the final product placed before the public.
Chapter three explains how the research question was formulated. It also
introduces the reader to the methodology used to obtain the results. This chapter
will explain why a qualitative interview-based approach was considered best in
this instance, why other possible data-collection methods were rejected and how
the data was coded and analysed. Chapter Four presents the empirical evidence
and attempts to answer the key question posed in this thesis, namely if exposure
to conflict does have an impact on professionalism, impartiality and production.
What has become clear is that while journalists believe that professional practice
should remain exactly the same in a conflict zone, the restrictive nature of
operating in such a place has an impact on how reporters do their job. Further it is
established that while impartiality is desired, the human element of covering
conflict, the emotional response to what is being witnessed, does impact on
notions of detachment. And through the connections between professionalism
and impartiality, it becomes clear the final news text is altered by personal
experience. In conclusion I will discuss the overall impression of the findings and
suggest areas for further study.
The potential benefits of this thesis are a clearer insight into the role of journalists
in conflict and the influences on their reportage. While academic attention has
been paid separately to the three areas of professionalism, objectivity and
production, little has been committed to a holistic analysis in a conflict situation.
The data here will illuminate through perceptions of journalists covering conflict
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 8
what informs the final text given to the public who deserve to understand the
influences on something which may shape their future action and decisions. The
results have relevance for academic study, students and for journalists themselves
and will be an important contribution to the further understanding of how war is
reported.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 9
Chapter Two
Review of the existing Literature
Journalism’s role in providing information to the public and as a forum for debate
is brought into even sharper focus during times of conflict and war. For most of
the general public it is the journalist who becomes their self-selected eyes and
ears, the ‘major definers of reality for the huge audiences back home’ (Tumber,
2006:p449). They are, therefore, crucial intermediaries into civil society’s
understanding of social violence. In this role, journalists can frame and prime the
political and cultural debate surrounding the conflict. This, in turn can impact on
political, social and cultural realties.
The academic study of journalism covers an enormous field, with various
disciplines and specialities. Research has covered areas such as the political
economy of journalism, news organisations and audience research and
encompasses different traditions of textual analysis including sociological and
ethnographic approaches and influences from cultural studies to name just a few.
Journalism can encompass everything from a non-fiction book to a radio report,
from a web-based log, or blog, to a live insert on the main evening news bulletin.
In the following chapter I will outline some of the work that has been done in the
study of journalism, particularly how it has investigated notions of objectivity,
discussed the professional ideology of practitioners and what impact, if any,
personal experience has had on the production of the final product placed before
the public.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 10
An important historical study of war journalism has been conducted by former
journalist, Philip Knightly (2001). His book, ‘The First Casualty: The War
Correspondent as Hero and Myth-Maker from the Crimea to Kosovo’ is often
sourced in academic work demonstrating that it is considered credible and
trustworthy. Yet more detailed research into war journalism has, according to
Hallin (1997) concentrated on the study of war and public opinion, the sociology
of war journalism and war as culture. There are many investigations
encompassing limitations placed on journalists through media-military relations
(Taylor, 1997; Hammond &Herman 2000; Hallin, 1989) and discussions on the
pressures journalists face from propaganda pushing state institutions (Morrison &
Tumber, 1988; Zelizer & Allan, 2002).
There is also a large number of autobiographies by journalists who have covered
conflict (Gall, 1994; Steele, 2002; Nicholson 1991). While Tumber argues
analysing these insider testimonies may provide ‘rich reflections on work and
practice’ (2006:p441), this study rejects such an approach because they do not
consider in any great detail the subjects under discussion nor are the journalists as
self-reflective as they could be. Tumber himself accepts that many of these books
‘mythologise the profession, idealising the practice’ (Ibid: p441) while Pedalty
(1995) believes such work should be read with scepticism.
This thesis instead looks at the tradition of studies of journalism as a profession.
There is a large body of research which considers the realities of professional
ideology of journalism, and the role and function of journalism in society. Given
the scope and breadth of this work, this thesis will concentrate on material which
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 11
discusses objectivity, professionalism and the impact of conflict on journalists. It
will investigate if exposure to conflict plays any part in influencing those who
report it, and if that, in turn, influences the shape, style and content of the final
output placed before the public.
2.1 The Literature on Objectivity
While the concept of objectivity is an ideological construct with complex socio-
historic roots (McNair, 2008) academics acknowledge that it only began to truly
inform journalistic practice as newspapers attempted to grow circulation in the
early days of urbanisation and industrialisation (McGoldrick, 2006; Knight, 1982;
McLaughlin 2002). By setting aside blatantly partisan coverage of key issues in
straight news reporting, newspaper proprietors wanted to present an image of
even-handed coverage to appeal to a greater number of potential customers. The
subject has attracted significant academic debate and research. Many believe
objectivity remains ‘the standard by which journalists are judged’ (Pedalty 1995:
p173), the central guiding principle of journalism. Soloski (1989) suggests this
places responsibility on the journalist to discover the facts from all ‘legitimate’
sides of an issue and to report these in a detached and balanced manner. Yet there
are those who believe this occupational tenet has been damaged by journalists
themselves and by attacks from critics who regard objectivity as ‘deceitful,
erroneous, misleading, incoherent, downright irrational – or all of the above”
(Parker, 1999; p1).
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 12
The idea that objectivity should only be defined as a balanced reporting of facts
places journalists in the position of impartial observers of events (Soloski, 1989)
and therefore ‘neatly sidesteps’ (Ibid: p214) the question of whether journalistic
objectivity - which the Collins English dictionary defines as ‘something not
distorted by personal feelings of bias’- is possible in the theoretical sense. In this
essay I will discuss the concept of objectivity as an ideal that – as an ideal – has
an ongoing impact on journalism practice rather than an absolute concept that can
be attained in any context or profession. While objectivity dictates a position of
detachment rather than neutrality, Merrill (1984) argues that deciding what stories
to cover, how to cover them, the order in which items in the report are placed and
who is interviewed are all elements of subjectivity processed by the journalist.
This means that journalists are no longer presenting an objective picture of reality
but simply because of their own upbringing, personal and professional
experiences, the condition described by Bourdieu (1995, cited in Benson and
Neveu, 2005) as ‘habitus’ (which we will revisit later in this chapter) creates not a
‘perspective free spectatorship’ (Boudana, 2010:p297) but rather a selective view
of events for the audience.
Journalists too, are sceptical that objectivity exists. The former head of Russian
state-run TV, Oleg Poptsov dismisses the concept saying ‘Objectivity is a sum
total of subjectivities (cited in McNair; 2000: p90) while James Cameron, a
legendary foreign correspondent, often cited as an inspiration by many journalists
describes the idea of objectivity as ‘meaningless and impossible’ (1978: p72).
Seib suggests journalists’ claims to have no interest in outcomes is ‘disingenuous’
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 13
(2002:p8) arguing that there is no point in journalistic endeavours if there is no
intent to provide information which may alter people’s perceptions and thoughts
on important issues. The continuing probing by the academy on the question of
objectivity leads Gauthier to conclude that if it is indeed regarded as myth and has
been demonstrated as such, then scholars should move on rather than ‘continuing
to cry out against a notion as if it still presented some danger despite its non-
existence’ (1993:p1).
Two of the most significant works discussing objectivity are ‘The Objectivity
Norm in American Journalism’ by Schudson (2001) and Tuchman’s ‘Objectivity
as a Strategic Ritual’ (1972). These conceptualise objectivity in two distinct
ways: the former assumes a normative perspective looking at objectivity as a
standard, theoretical goal for those involved in the practice of journalism; the
latter as an intrinsic part of practice, a defensive mechanism against external
disapproval, and a ‘strategic ritual’ (Ibid: p660) to deflect criticism and
complaints. News sociology as an area of research has, over the last forty years
or so, highlighted and discussed the contested nature of this concept (Schlesinger,
1978; Schiller, 1979; Golding & Elliott, 1979).
Schudson (2001) views objectivity as a way of writing and editing which
encourages, even demands, that journalists report news without commentary or
bias. This portrays ‘good’ journalism as ‘the disinterested search for, and
weighing of evidence in the interests of the public’ (Aldridge & Evetts, 2003:
p558) creating a position which is essentially neutral. McQuail (2005) maintains
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 14
that this legitimates the media text, creating an image of the reliable and credible
source, which also matches the overarching ‘commercial logic of the media
business, since partisanship tends to narrow the audience appeal’ (Ibid: p285).
Ward (1998) argues that to achieve such journalistic objectivity, practitioners
must remove personal feelings and interests that may distort reports. Objectivity
has been, in turn, conceptualized as the dominant professional ideology (Tumber
& Prentoulis, 2003), a guarantee of quality control (McNair, 2008) a hegemonic
signifier of ‘good’ journalism and the minimum expectation from news audiences.
Tuchman’s (1972) position is arguably more pragmatic. With two years of
ethnographic study, she posits objectivity is used by journalists as a shield to be
used in defence from potential criticism from superiors, peers and outsiders and
deflect potential libel suits or allegations of bias. This is achieved through
journalists presenting conflicting opinions in the same story, using quotations to
distance themselves from the text , gathering and structuring facts ‘in a detached,
unbiased and impersonal manner (Ibid: p664) avoiding the role of ‘producer of
ideas or opinions’ (Boudana, 2010: p299). Responsibility for factual accuracy is
then shifted onto the sources providing the information rather than the journalist
who fills the role of passive mirror to events.
What links both these concepts in the first instance is that they refer to journalists’
reliance on official sources. While Tuchman (1978) found most news
organisations used contrasting quotes from centralized and recognised sources
without adjudicating on their relative merits, Schudson’s position is that ‘the
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 15
process of newsgathering itself constructs an image of reality that reinforces
official viewpoints’ (1978: p185). This approach by journalists has lead to
criticism from a number of academics (Bennett, 1990; Hampton, 2008) who
believe that it reduces objectivity to a ‘bureaucratic balancing of alternatives’
(Knight 1982: p24) and simply reaffirms existing society power structures by
removing minority but potentially valid perspectives from the market place of
ideas. And that this, in turn, diminishes journalism, transforming it in to a
technical exercise rather an intellectual one (Glasser, 1992) reducing story telling
to simple report writing.
2.1.1 Objectivity and the ‘Journalism of Attachment’
Both Tumber (2008) and Bell (2008) have argued that as the nature of war has
changed, therefore the nature of journalism must also. Bell (1996), a former BBC
TV news correspondent coined the phrase, ‘the journalism of attachment’
suggesting that journalists have become participants in, rather than observers of,
conflict. Bell defines his idea as a journalism ‘that is aware of its responsibilities,
that will not stand neutrally between good and evil, right and wrong, the victim
and the oppressor’ (1998: p16). Formed during his experiences over more than
thirty years as a journalist, but defined by his time covering the Bosnian War, he
firmly rejects the concept of objectivity as an ‘illusion and a shibboleth’ (Ibid:
p16). Tumber describes Bell’s position as a ‘moral stance’ (2008:p262). Writing
with Prentoulis (2003) he sees this journalist-witness role as helping alert the
public to the brutal nature of conflict.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 16
Yet Bell has been criticised by those inside and outside his occupation. Fellow
BBC correspondent David Loyn (2003) suggests Bell’s viewpoint was born out of
frustration, at seeing his reports from Bosnia have little political impact, of
watching death and destruction continue, and so wanted to be freed from the
ideological standard of objectivity to condemn those he felt were responsible for
the immediate violence he was witnessing. Loyn describes this as ‘an elitist
demand’ (Ibid: p3) insisting journalists should resist the temptation to be
participants rather than witnesses.
The most sustained criticism of Bell’s position has come from Hume, a former
editor of Living Marxism magazine who, in short, thought the abandonment of
objectivity and the adoption of the journalism of attachment would be a terrible
idea. In his pamphlet Whose War Is It Anyway (1997) he describes this
personalised reporting as ‘a menace to good journalism’ reducing ‘complex
conflicts to simple fairy tale confrontations between the innocent and the forces of
darkness’ (p4). Hanitzsch (2004) simply rejects the implication that objectivity
and neutrality somehow reduces war correspondents to unfeeling and emotionally
disengaged observers.
It can be said that Bell’s introduction of the debate and the subsequent positions
taken in support and opposition has at least forced journalists to question their
roles in conflict, if they are prepared to adopt the journalism of attachment and
abandon professional standards of objectivity. Yet Ward (1998) fears that, in the
hands of journalists with less integrity than Bell, such a practice ‘would devolve
into unsubstantiated journalism where biases parade as moral principles (p123).
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 17
This thesis will attempt to demonstrate that despite the criticism and scepticism,
the promotion of the idea of a journalism of attachment, objectivity remains
firmly entrenched as the dominant ethic in journalism, even during exposure to
conflict. Dueze (2005:p445) describes it as part of the ‘collection of values,
strategies and formal codes characterizing professional journalism”. And while
journalists may find it increasingly difficult to declare they are wholly objective,
the underlying principles of objectivity: accuracy; balance and fairness remain the
same (Reese, 1990). It may not be possible to be wholly objective, but that does
not necessarily mean that journalists should not strive to meet such a standard.
2.2. Defining professional practice
“The only qualities essential for real success in journalism are rat-like
cunning, a plausible manner and a little literary ability”
Nicholas Tomalin, The Sunday Times Magazine, October, 26, 1969.
A great deal has been written by academics on the question of whether or not
journalism qualifies as a profession in the sociological sense. Certainly Tumber
(2006a:p63) argues that given the abstract knowledge required, with emphasis on
practical skills, journalism is perhaps ‘closer to a craft than a profession’, while in
his seminal work, Tunstall describes the highest level journalism could ever hope
to attain would be that of ‘semi-profession’(1971:p69). Journalism shares, in
many regards, the ‘professional’ ideal of serving and improving society not least
as it provides information the public can use to form important political decisions
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 18
(Singer 2003). It is outwith the scope of this thesis, however, to examine the
claims and counter-claims on journalism as a profession. Instead, the intention is
to focus on journalistic professional practice, the occupational ideology and
‘shared identity’ (Dickinson 2007:p197) which makes professionalism ‘the term
journalists often use to describe the excellence to which they aspire’ (Weaver &
Wilhoit 1996: p125).
While journalism may not be ‘a homogenous aggregation of professionals, all
sharing the same cultural values’ (Tumber & Pretoulis, 2003:p217) and Ainley
(2008) argues there is no central core skill shared by all, there is a sense
journalists approach and execute their professional responsibilities with similar
techniques and values. A study involving journalists in 21 countries conducted by
Weaver (1998) discovered many common approaches and characteristics. Dueze
(2005) and Zelizer (2005) support the idea of a consensual occupation ideology
which encompasses collected and accepted universal standards and values, which
in turn creates an overall internal recognition of who really are journalists,
‘members of the group’ (Ibid: p200). This connects with a general Marxist
interpretation of ideology in the way the beliefs and actions of certain groups
facilitate the inclusion of some and the exclusion of others. There are, of course,
other ways to use the term ideology, such as to present beliefs in a way to
legitimate dominant political and economic powers. However, in this instance,
the definition is used in a descriptive sense to capture the ideas and manner of
thinking of the group of war correspondents.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 19
So ideology is to be seen here as a collection of values which defines journalism
and the journalist. Golding and Elliott (1979), Merritt (1995) and Dueze (2005)
variously outline these as:
· Public service: A calling to serve the public for society’s betterment
rather than personal enrichment through the provision of the necessary
information to make important socio-political decisions.
· Objectivity: Journalists should be impartial, fair and credible;
· Autonomy: Journalists able to work independently and free of political
and economic pressures;
· Immediacy: The very essence of ‘news’; a sense of temporal urgency;
· Ethics: normative standards designed to guide journalistic conduct.
These basic, institutionally accepted standards of operationally effective
journalism give context and meaning to journalistic routines. It is suggested by
Soloski (1989: p215) that from this construction of professionalism, the ‘selection
of news events and news sources flows naturally’. This would be a common
conception of what is newsworthy and of interest to the audience; the ability of
the journalist to look at and analyse the numerous events occurring in the real
world and place them in some sort of order. Schudson defines this as the ‘cultural
knowledge that constitutes “news judgement”’ (1996:p1996). Hall (1978) has
described this ‘news value’ or ‘news sense’ as ‘one of the most opaque structures
of meaning in modern society’ which few journalists themselves can explain or
define yet it is something which ‘all “true journalists”’ (Ibid: p181) are said to
possess. And while education plays a part in trying to learn this news sense,
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 20
McNair (2008) believes it is also passed on and developed through peer pressure
and newsroom discipline.
What this consensual approach may ignore is how ideas of professionalism can be
altered and changed by alterations and changes in the industry and even in
society; for example, the introduction of new technology and the expansion of
multimedia journalists (Singer, 2003) or multiculturalism (Glasser et al, 2009).
Structural factors are also an issue: ‘the journalist does not, after all, write for
himself, but for an organisation’ (Morrison & Tumber, 1988: pviii). Socio-
economic issues such as corporate pressure or media concentration and political
issues including censorship and regulation may shape the working practices of
journalists and operational considerations. These are areas worthy of further
research and critical inquiry but remain outwith the scope of this thesis. So I
acknowledge the subjectivity of the approach taken here. This investigation aims
to fill in a gap in the literature to establish if common professional practice among
journalists – occupational ideology – is altered when they are exposed to conflict,
how perceptions of professionalism in an ideological sense may be changed and
challenged by such exposure and if that, in turn, impacts on the product set before
the audience.
2.3 The Finished Product
Reporting war is difficult and dangerous. Journalists get killed trying to bring the
latest news to audiences, trying to witness and define the circumstances of any
given situation in a conflict zone. War correspondents are often considered the
most serious, most experienced and arguably the most talented in the journalistic
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 21
field; ‘the big beasts’ (Rees, 2007:p67) or as one former editor put it ‘an
unacknowledged aristocracy of journalism’ (Marr 2004: p327). The sociological
and political impact of their work is acknowledged by a number of academics
(Reese, 2001; Ekstrom, 2002; Boudana, 2010) but summed up by Seib when he
says ‘News coverage can influence public opinion, which in turn can nudge the
policy, making process (2002:p8). Many correspondents who cover conflict
acknowledge the crucial social values of their work (Tumber & Webster, 2006)
including truth seeking and a sense of being where history is made. It may be a
cliché to say that journalists write the first draft of history however as Bromley
(2004: p236) states, ‘The collective memory of war […] is mediated through
journalists’. It has been argued that journalistic norms are challenged in conflict
zones, not least because of the tensions between the normative standard of
objectivity and detachment and ‘the patriotic norms of citizenship’ (Allan &
Zelizer, 2004: p3). It is therefore, important to understand how this coverage is
produced, the influences upon the journalists and how they may be changed or
affected by exposure to conflict. It is this area this thesis seeks to address.
2.3.1. Early conflicts and the role of the journalist.
A brief historical review here will provide an idea of how war reporting has
developed and how relations change over time according to circumstances within
and externally to the journalistic profession. Political and journalistic actions and
reactions to the reporting of war over time have led us to the present position and
the current debates.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 22
It is argued by Knightly (2001) and McLaughlin (2002) that the Crimean War was
where the job of war correspondent was established, as William Howard Russell
followed the British Army and sent back dispatches that were published in ‘The
Times’. His accurate portrayal of difficult conditions and fraught events on the
front line had wide-reaching political impact (ibid; Williams, 1992). As the
parent of a ‘luckless tribe’ (McLaughlin, 2002: p49) Russell encountered then
many of the issues his offspring face today: a hostile military; dangerous
locations; questions of self-censorship and if patriotism and sympathy for the
cause should direct production rather than the journalistic ideal of objectivity. In
the American civil war it was accepted that journalists would side with the army
they were following as loyalty ‘came before any professional requirements of
truth and objectivity’ (Knightly, 2001:p25). A similar pattern followed in the
First World War where the British Government imposed severe censorship and
reporters became part of the national propaganda operation (Carruthers, 2000;
McLaughlin, 2002).
The Spanish Civil War from 1936-39 was where many correspondent’s ideals of
objectivity were firmly challenged. Faced with the growth of fascism, Knightly
argues that many reporters wrestled with the dilemma of reporting events
neutrally and unemotionally or to exercise self-censorship and allow personal
feelings to influence the framing of the coverage against Franco’s nationalist
forces (Knightly, 2001; Williams, 1992).
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 23
2.3.2. Vietnam and the Falklands
There is a common perception that the media lost the war for the USA in Vietnam
(Hallin: 1989). This idea has been rejected by among others Hallin (1997) and
Tumber and Prentoulis (2003) and the wider discussion on this point is outwith
the boundaries of this thesis. It is however interesting to note the role that
journalists adopted during the conflict. Correspondent David Halberstam
observes many of the new, younger generation of war reporters arrived ‘carrying
no excess psychological or political baggage. What obsessed them was the story’
(cited in Hallin, 1989, p6). This led to many journalists setting aside the patriotic
feelings of the audiences in the US and attempting to report the conflict with a
greater measure of objectivity than existed in previous wars (Carruthers, 2000;
Evans; 2003), attempting to witness the conflict as dispassionate observers.
The effect of what was reported from Vietnam and its presumed impact is often
linked to the increase in military’s control over the media in the Falklands
conflict. Aided by the geographic difficulties for news organisations to travel to
the South Atlantic on their own, the British military established a pool system1
1 A media pool arrangement is where a number of organisations are given supervised access to a place, person or event on the understanding the material must be made available, without cost, to the larger journalistic community
which restricted access to the operation to re-take the islands from Argentinean
forces (Allan, 1999, Morrison & Tumber, 1988). All those involved in the
restricted pool were British. No foreign media were allowed. In their excellent
study on the coverage of the conflict, and one of the few studies which considers
how exposure to conflict may impact on production, Morrison and Tumber (1988)
found the reporters who travelled to the conflict zone developed an affinity with
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 24
the soldiers and came to accept ‘their future was structurally entwined with that of
the troops’ and ‘began to identify with them’ (Tumber 2004, 191). In just one
example, Morrison and Tumber (1988) cite the case of a journalist, upset by death
of a solider he was close to, and aware his bitter mood was reflected in the reports
he sent back to his newspaper. Thus the reporting of the Falklands gives us an
indication that an exposure to conflict, a closeness to those in danger of being
killed and experiencing similar threats to safety may influence journalists to
willingly abandon or alter their journalistic ideology. That idea is worthy of
updating through further investigation here.
2.3.3. The Gulf, the Balkans and Beyond.
The Americans followed the template of restricted media involvement during
minor military incursions in Grenada and Panama. And the system continued to
guide the military in its management of journalists through the Gulf War in 1991.
The system of ‘embedding’ was operated along similar lines to the UK pool
arrangement in the Falklands conflict, where access to frontline, fighting units
was given and in return journalists submitted their work to military censorship
(Bell, 2003; Evans, 2003). Such actions, while guaranteeing access to difficult to
reach and dangerous places, make it hard for the reporter to truthfully and fully
inform the public of the events of war and, given their safety is dependent on the
soldiers around them, once again there is the issue of futures being ‘structurally
entwined’. A similar system was introduced for the war in Iraq in 2003. And
although it is argued the introduction of new technology including the widespread
use of satellite phones made it more difficult for the military to manage the
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 25
framing of the news stories (Reese, 2004), embedding was regarded as a ‘brilliant
strategy – from the standpoint of the military’(Ibid: p260).
As stated previously, it is from the wars in the Balkans and specifically the
conflict in Bosnia that idea of a journalism of attachment emerged, although it is
arguably not much different from the emotions experienced by those on the
Republican side during the Spanish Civil War. Many journalists who were based
in Sarajevo personally witnessed many horrors and great suffering among the
people. Angered by what they saw as the reluctance of the international
community to get involved (Bell, 1996; Loyn, 2003) many appeared to abandon
the normative stance of objectivity and demand military intervention by outside
agencies (Carruthers, 2000; Seib, 2002). Gowing states he sees no shame in
reporters who experiences such traumata vividly writing about them but maintains
the ‘audience must be made aware of the level of partiality’ as ‘distorted reporting
gives the wrong impression’ (1997: p24).
As the academic and journalistic debate about the ‘Journalism of Attachment’
continues to develop, it has found a further touchstone in the coverage in the US
in the wake of the ‘9/11’ attacks. Reporters crying on camera at the scene of the
attack at the World Trade Centres (Tumber, 2002) – known as Ground Zero-
clearly demonstrate the ideals of balance and objectivity, for some at least, have
been forgotten or consciously abandoned. Hutcheson et al. (2004:p46) found in
their study that in the aftermath of the attacks, the language used by journalists
was very close to that of US government and military officials, surmising that
many news organisations decided that ‘pro-American coverage was both
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 26
appropriate and necessary’. Tumber and Prentoulis (2003) argue war journalism
may no longer be confined to those dispatched to war zones and this may in turn
lead to a change in the profession and the approach of those involved to a ‘more
“human face” in war reporting’ and the creation of a new type of journalist
grouping, ‘the urban war correspondent’ (Ibid;226). This, they believe, could
signal a paradigmatic shift in journalist: ‘from detachment to involvement, from
verification to assertion, from objectivity to subjectivity’ (Ibid:p228). The
challenges now are similar to those experienced by William Howard Russell;
feelings of patriotism fuelled by government propaganda. And perhaps also an
acknowledgement that emotional experiences do impact on the life of reporters
and therefore may substantially change the final news product.
Journalism is a social operation. It is, in its many forms among ‘the most
influential knowledge producing institutions of our time’ (Ekstrom, 2002: p259)
and therefore is always relevant for study. It would however be misguided to
assume journalists, and in particular those who cover conflict, are somehow a
single homogenous group. They are (Gowing,1997;p17) ‘a diverse, highly
competitive, unpredictable lot’. Yet, there is a commonality of behaviour, a
universality of standards, routines and practices that are shared in what Bourdieu
(1998: p2) described as ‘the journalistic field’.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 27
This field is historically placed within a universal social, cultural, political and
economic environment, all consisting of semi autonomous specialized spheres of
action, covering all dimensions of human life such as science, politics and
journalism. Bourdieu (2005) believes all human action is structured by the power
relations both between and within these fields. Each field has its own
understanding of the world – or Doxa (Leander, 2009) - which are implicit and
sometime explicit rules of behaviour. The degree of autonomy each field enjoys
is directly related to its power to create its own rules and conventions. According
to Bourdieu (1998), the journalistic field is not as strong relative to the economic
and political fields which can influence its operation, but it does have a near
monopoly on the production and distribution of information. Examining the
impact that the political and economic fields have on journalistic production is
certainly worth further investigation.
The main concept to be applied in attempting to understand journalistic practice
and professional ideology in the journalistic field is what Benson and Neveu
(2005: p3) described as ‘socialized subjectivity’, more colloquially, a second
nature. This ‘socialised subjectivity has been conceptualised by Bourdieu as
‘habitus’. Bourdieu (1998: p81) likened habitus to ‘having a feel for the game’,
an understanding of the way journalists do things and a shared understanding
amongst journalists of the way they should do things. These normative, almost
natural, professional practices beliefs have been characterised by Shultz (2007) as
‘journalistic gut feelings’ (p190) the ‘taken for granted, self-explaining,
undisputed’ (Ibid: p195). This may include the way journalists deal with notions
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 28
of objectivity in everyday operations, or the understanding of what is newsworthy
(both discussed earlier in this chapter). These routines are inextricably linked to
the limits and freedoms of these fields, which develop and are employed without
constant reflection in many professions, including journalism.
However, no matter how much journalists may think and act in a similar fashion
with the necessary knowledge, skills, attitudes, values and judgements they will
never all act identically because of their personal habitus. It is like an inner voice,
guiding people through major and minor decisions based on attitudes, experiences
and personal tastes which have developed since childhood. The concept of a
journalistic habitus can take more specific forms such as ‘newsdesk’ habitus, a
‘producer’ habitus, even a ‘war correspondent’ habitus (Shultz, 2007). It is an
evolving concept, and as the environment changes, from a normal newsroom
setting to a conflict zone, it has a potential impact on the habitus and practice of
the front line correspondent. While habitus is more often about the reproduction
rather than the modification of practices, this thesis will, in Bourdieusian terms,
explain how changes in the subordinate journalistic field and the sub-field of war
correspondents can be influenced through changes in the surrounding political
field (through heightened patriotic claims) and the social field (through traumatic
experience), or even as a clash between the individual’s habitus and the field in
which he or she operates.
I had considered focusing on the idea of professional identity as the significant
influence on journalistic practice. This connects members of an occupation or
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 29
profession through specialist knowledge, common approaches and ideologies,
acknowledging the professional is part of a larger community (De Bruin, 2004). I
rejected such an approach as too narrow, accepting that professional identity is
simply one part of the journalist’s total habitus, which is a more important
concept and more likely to influence every area of professional conduct and
action. Habitus will direct different journalists in different ways; as it is
dependent on the position the journalist (and the medium he works for) assumes
within the journalistic field. It is this idea that drives to the heart of this thesis;
that real world events, all experiences can, and do, impact on journalistic codes,
behaviours and practices. This thesis will consider the habitus of war
correspondents and how any changes to that, impacts on the news texts presented
to the public.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 30
Chapter Three
Research Methodology
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the impact of exposure to conflict on
journalists, and if that, in turn, alters concepts of professionalism or impacts on
the journalistic ideal of objectivity. It further seeks to establish if the potential
trauma of witnessing impacts on the final production, the news text placed before
the audience. In this chapter I will seek to detail the method employed in data
gathering, how that data was analysed and the strength and weaknesses of this
particular research design. I will also reflect on the selection of interviewees
3.1 Developing the Research Question: Motivations for Studying
the Impact of Conflict on Journalists
As a practising journalist who has covered war and conflict I have become
increasingly interested in what factors shape coverage. My initial work in
conflict reporting was, by and large, formed by what I’d read and seen in the past.
It was as if I adapted what I was experiencing to fit an existing template while
still employing the journalistic standards of objectivity and professionalism, of
doing a good job and reporting as fairly as possible. I felt this was what was
wanted, and expected. Yet, as my exposure to conflict grew, there was a growing
fascination that reporters dispatched to cover the same aspect of a story would
return with different views, perspectives and angles. It was also intriguing to see
who this small subset of reporters would accept as one of the ‘tribe’, who would
be regarded as ‘a good pro’; someone who did their job well, to the accepted
normative standard – and who would largely be ignored, dismissed as a
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 31
‘cowboy’; a journalist who took unnecessary risks and was happy to twist the
facts to fit a story or a narrative.
I was aware during the build up to the invasion of Iraq, a number of reporters
gave a great deal of coverage to the Iraqi denial (truthful as it turned out) that the
Saddam Hussein regime possessed weapons of mass destruction. Based in
Baghdad myself, one experienced journalist admitted to me he slanted his reports
because he wanted them to create a stir and perhaps lead to the imminent invasion
to be cancelled. Despite perhaps overestimating his global political influence, he
said he didn’t want to get caught up covering another war and didn’t have the
courage to tell his bosses he was scared for his safety and wanted to leave Iraq.
This was clearly not objective reporting. His previous exposure to conflict
compromised his professionalism and objectivity and had a direct impact on the
final product placed before the public.
And so when presented with the opportunity to study one aspect of mass
communication in greater detail, I wondered if this was an isolated instance or if
other reports and the actions of journalists had been altered or changed by
exposure to conflict and if so, in what way. Marshall and Rossman (1999)
maintain that in qualitative research, much of the drive often comes from the real
world observations of the researcher, a curiosity provoked by direct experience.
In this thesis, my own experience and a gap in the respective literature led me to
embark on an empirical investigation on how conflict plays upon journalistic
norms and the construction of reality.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 32
3.2 Designing the study
In qualitative research, the aim is not to measure but to understand, not to produce
a standard set of results that another researcher studying the same area would
reproduce. Instead it is ‘to produce a coherent and illuminating description of and
perspective on a situation’ (Ward-Schofield, 1993: p 202). It is about discovery
rather than verification.
3.2.1 Choosing Interviewing as Method
Choosing in-depth interviewing as a method means that I had to rely on the
participant verbalising their thoughts and emotions. This reliance presents
researchers with an epistemological challenge, because the perspectives provided
in an interview are always mediated through the interview situation, which has to
be considered during the interview and when analysing the data. However, the
use of the in-depth interview brings a number of advantages. It is grounded in the
participant’s own experiences, and allows them free expression on the issue under
discussion (Whittaker, 1996), illuminating how they make sense of their world
(Negrine & Newbold, 1998). Other advantages have been highlighted by
Wimmer and Dominick (2006) including the wealth of detail acquired; more
accurate responses on sensitive issues; and, for war correspondents, that this is the
only practical technique for information gathering.
Certainly the more anthropological approach adopted by the likes of Hannerz
(1998) in his study of journalists working in Jerusalem, or Pedalty’s 1995
ethnographic study of foreign correspondents operating in the then conflict zone
of El Salvador are highly contextual multi-method approaches which could add
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 33
further insights, but they are not feasible for this particular project. The character
of the work of war correspondents makes ethnographic studies difficult
logistically and methodologically, not to mention the inherent danger in trying to
complete such a study in a conflict area.
While survey forms could have been sent out to all participants, this was rejected
as such a format ‘does not usually allow for an on-going, in-depth investigation of
attitudes and opinions’ (Negrine & Newbold, 1998; p232). A content analysis of
the journalistic output of those to be questioned was ruled out on similar grounds.
While it may give an overall picture of the finished product, it would not provide
insight into the feelings, attitudes and perceptions that shape it (Hansen, 1998). It
could be argued that a content analysis may complement the interviews but given
the longevity of the careers of some of those interviewed access to significant
moments discussed would be difficult in the time available for this study.
Further, any content analysis would perhaps only produce the symptoms of the
problem; an indication that production had been affected. To try to establish why
that had happened would, at best, be second guessing or speculation on my part.
This would not answer the basic research question.
To best answer the research question within the limits of this study, I therefore
decided to conduct a series of eight semi-structured in-depth interviews. All
participants were asked a number of questions on the main theoretical
perspectives. The open-ended nature of the interviews allowed for further
examination in areas of interest and further discussion of important elements of
the areas under discussion.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 34
3.3 The Research Participants
Early in the dissertation process, I made a list of the people I would like to
interview. Each one had covered conflict to varying degrees. They were a
mixture of ages, gender and nationality and worked for a variety of media
organisations. Everyone I approached agreed to be interviewed which meant the
sample I proposed was not skewed through issues of access. Although the
participants could be regarded as among the journalistic elite, I did have an
advantage in securing their co-operation. Each one I had met at some point in my
career. Each one knew I too was a correspondent who covered conflict.
The small non-random sample selected is drawn mainly from television. While
this, on the face of it, appears biased towards the industry where I have spent most
of my career, it is deliberately chosen. Television news exists in a different
regulatory environment from newspapers (McQuail, 2005). Therefore, I was keen
to discover if exposure to conflict trauma would impact on the output of those
who are legislatively required to be fair, balanced and impartial. The sample was
also chosen to reflect some of the diversity within the journalistic subfield of war
correspondent.
3.3.1 Conducting the Interviews
I met most of my interviewees at locations in London and Paris throughout the
summer of 2010. All were given a letter explaining the purpose of the study and
what was required of them. They all signed the necessary consent forms. All
interviews were taped on digital recorder, an old fashioned tape-recorder provided
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 35
back up (and was called into use after a microphone failure during one meeting)
and I made notes during our discussions. A number of points were followed up
by email. The interviews were transcribed, normally within days of the meetings.
There has been much debate in social sciences on the advantages of being an
insider or outsider when conducting such research. Fonow and Cook (1991 cited
in Harvey, 2010) argue that not belonging to a group makes it easier to be
objective. Yet, I would concur with Hill-Collins (1990 cited in Harvey, 2010)
who believes that the ‘insider’ shares a shared sense of belonging and is therefore
provided with an advantage. As the participants were friends or acquaintances, I
was assuming the dual role of colleague and researcher. Throughout the process,
it was incumbent on me to remain detached while carrying out the interviews;
neither disagreeing nor sympathising with positions taken or views held. I believe
the transcripts will show I acted in a detached manner throughout. I also
exercised continuous reflexivity and self-scrutiny. I do believe however that
familiarity not just with the subject matter, but with the interviewee made it easier
to discuss topics which may have been ‘off-limits’ to other researchers.
3.4 Analysing the Data
The transcripts of the eight interviews run to 135 pages and more than 79,000
words. To crystallize the essential issues from the transcripts, I looked for
common themes, shared perceptions and general insights to the impact of conflict
on journalists. I sectioned these into three theoretically grounded themes:
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 36
Theme Transcription Answers
Impartiality ▪ A discussion of the concept of impartiality
and objectivity and the degree to which
these concept impacts on actual practice.
▪ The particular challenge conflict poses in the
context of questions about
objectivity/impartiality
Professionalism ▪ If the interviewee regards journalism as a
profession
▪ What is perceived to constitute good
professional practice and is that altered in
situations of war and conflict? (i.e. are the
same rules of the game / habitus applied
during conflict?)
Emotional Trauma ▪ Does exposure to trauma impact on either
and its impact on objectivity or the concept of professionalism
production ▪ Is the final product presented to the public
altered by such exposure?
▪ Does audience expectation impact on the
production of the final news texts?
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 37
The coding for these themes was developed both deductively through the existing
literatures and inductively from an interpretative reading of the manuscripts.
From this I arrived at a set of overarching and common themes. They were
highlighted and put together under the relevant headings which when pieced
together gives a comprehensive picture of the collective experience. Where there
are discrepancies or diverging views, this may exemplify how discourses around
concepts such as objectivity and journalism of attachment are debated within the
industry.
3.5 Generalisability of the Results
A methodological reflection suggests that with such a small, stratified sample, it
may be difficult to extrapolate the findings and present in any general sense of
being representative to the majority of war correspondents. Further, the
geographical spread, concentrating on journalists who are either British,
American or Canadian, makes it difficult to assume the cultural norms which exist
in these western-oriented participants, would be replicated should the same study
be increased to include European, Asian or Arabic journalists. While this may
provide the basis for future, more extensive and more holistic research in this
area, this small sample provides rich detail which can be used by future
researchers.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 38
Chapter Four
Results and Analysis
As noted throughout this thesis, the role of the journalist covering war and
conflict is important in a modern, democratic society. Journalists are the bridge
between conflict and normality. Informing the public, ‘the power of journalism to
hold people to account’ (Gizbert in interview with author 29/9/10) is cited by
many of the interview participants as a primary motivation in the desire to
become a journalist. The purpose of this study is to examine what impact, if any,
exposure to conflict then has on the final news text presented to the public. In
particular, it examines the impact reporting war and conflict may have on
journalistic behaviour and occupational practice, notions of journalistic
objectivity and if that, in turn, alters in any way the final framing of the
production set before the audience.
It is my contention, supported by the data collected here, that conflict has a significant
impact on what journalists do. It informs many of the decisions taken in the field. The
argument that there may be a consequence on the ideal of objectivity is challenged by
the response from all eight interviewees who insist that while the concept may
theoretically exist, in reality it is something that is simply impossible to achieve. What
is established here is that exposure to conflict does place a burden on corresponding
notions of balance, fairness and impartiality. And so through these pressures there is
an impact on the determination of news making which has consequences for the
production of news text placed before the public as an important cultural commodity.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 39
So in this empirical chapter, I will report the findings of the study and provide an
analysis based on these three key areas. After detailed analysis of the transcriptions
central to the project, it is clear while there are areas of dispute which reflect the
debates within the academy and the journalistic field itself, certain common themes and
ideas emerge. I will use these to provide a better understanding of the role of
journalists in war and conflict, the impact of conflict on journalistic practice and why
this is important to public knowledge and understanding.
4.1 Perceptions of the Professional
While a comprehensive sociological discussion about what defines ‘the professional’ is
beyond the scope of this thesis, it is important to acknowledge the views of those
interviewed for this project on this issue. Four of the eight rejected the idea of
journalism as a profession. Bowen (interview with author, 13/8/10) described it as ‘a
trade, a calling, an affliction’. Snow (interview with author22/7/2010) regards it more
as an activity. Four qualified their definition accepting journalism is not like the
universally recognised professions such as medicine and law, but argued that, in
essence it was a profession, with Di Giovanni (interview with author, 8/9/10), insisting
it is a ‘noble profession’.
The definitions of what constitutes a professional have proven to be elastic,
inexact and multiple. Dickinson (2008) argues that as journalism has no uniform
educational requirement and no form of compulsory licensing then it fails to meet
the required sociological standards. However, while journalism may not match
those required standards many journalists would consider themselves to be
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 40
professional in the way they operate and conduct their business. They engage and
adopt the common journalistic ideology. And while there may an even split on
the views of whether journalism is a profession, there is unanimity among the
respondents that such common occupational professional practice exists even if
they provide no definitive, collective definition of what that entails.
4.1.1 The Impact of Conflict on Professional Practice
There is through the interviews, a perception that professional practice is not
altered in conflict; the basic journalistic standards and principles remain
unchanged. However, the interviews also reveal an acceptance that the danger
inherent in such situations restricts normal operating procedure. This inevitably
changes the nature of news-gathering and so, in turn, diminishes the picture
painted by the journalist for public consumption.
Defining the basic standards required of journalists in a few words is difficult.
Professional practice varies depending on organisational and operational
requirements. Gizbert says ‘there are a million things in there’ while Tadros
(interview with author, 3/8/10) defines it broadly as ‘knowing your field’ and
knowing ‘what you need to know to do your job effectively’. There are however
fundamental touchstones which allow journalism not just to be practiced but to be
noticed and given legitimacy by the audience. Bell (interview with author,
20/7/2010) echoes others suggesting these fundamentals are accuracy, literacy,
the ability to meet deadlines and a basic knowledge of the law. This fits closely
with the accurate if dismissive view articulated by Elliott (1977) who argued
professionalism for journalists was no more than a series of easily achievable
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 41
routine competencies. Yet what becomes evident from the data is that these basic
practices are deeply embedded in the journalist psyche, a common ideology
shared across generations, organisations and even borders. This supports the
theory put forward by Tuchman (1978) in her groundbreaking study of editorial
routines which suggested that news workers were largely socialised into social
and professional norms, and then made decisions within these frameworks.
The question then arises how such occupational practices are tested under the
extreme pressure of conflict; if some of the broad tenants of professionalism are
set aside or ignored. There is a shared belief that the approach to stories in and
out of conflict is unchanging: “I really believe strongly […] that in a conflict the
rules of journalism are exactly (his emphasis) the same (Bowen 13/8/10) while Di
Giovanni believes the approach of the war correspondent and for example, the
health writer, does not differ in attempts to get to the basic facts and the heart of
the story.
However, conflict makes the gathering of news dangerous and therefore limiting.
Bell acknowledges the mission of news gathering is speeded up ‘to minimise the
time to which you are exposed and out of shelter’, a process Gizbert describes as
‘cover your rear-end and not get killed’. Safety becomes a compromising factor.
Snow accepts that risks dictate the way that he works professionally. If news
reports are a mere ‘snapshot’ of a greater conflict, a micro-moment of a macro
event, the view becomes even more selective. The ability to get to certain people
and certain places may be impeded because of restricted access. Voices which
may add to the coverage, to the overall understanding of what is happening may
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 42
be lost. Bell complains journalists were slow to report the Srebrenica massacre2
during the war in Bosnia because it became a difficult and dangerous place to
access. Bowen says the number of places journalists cannot go is increasing in a
process he describes as ‘the friction of the war zone’. Bell identifies an increased
targeting of journalists operating in zones of conflict as a further factor in forcing
them and their companies to retreat to ‘green zones’ 3
where they become
‘prisoners of the hotel’ (Bowen 13/8/10).
Iraq would be a prime example of this practice. Few foreign journalists regularly
operate outside the secure area in central Baghdad. Their contact with ordinary
Iraqis is exceptionally limited. When they do venture beyond the barricades into
the streets, it is for short periods, often accompanied by security teams who will
dictate access and exposure. Journalists have become targets for killing or
kidnap. Snow sums this up by saying that previously ‘both sides wanted to use us
to get their message out […] now both sides want to kill you because they don’t
want any message out’. During our interview, Bell re-emphasised a point made
previously (Bell; 2008) namely that ‘because of the change of the nature of
warfare, there has been a change in the nature of war reporting’. It remains a
valid and important argument. The danger and threats posed to journalists is
driving them from the conflict zones. This means less first-hand information,
gathered by the journalists themselves, is being placed before the public, and
coverage of war risks becoming anecdotal. In Bell’s view this has a significant
2 The Srebrenica massacre was the largest mass murder in Europe since World War II. More than 8000 Muslim men and boys were killed by Serb forces in July 1995in an area which had been designated as a ‘safe haven’ by the United Nations. 3 The Green Zone is a heavily fortified area in the centre of Baghdad where many international news organisations operate under the protection of US led coalition forces who maintain security in the area.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 43
impact as he concludes: ‘I think the readers of The Times were better informed
about the war in Crimea in 1854 than the viewers of any television network or
readers of any newspaper on Afghanistan today’.
4.1.2 Summary
So my conclusion, based on the data presented through the interviews, is that
conflict does have an impact on professional practice because of its restrictive
nature. In many cases it limits the ability of the journalist, through no real fault
on their part, to see what is happening, to do the job they want to do, to find the
facts and the voices they need to the present the most complete picture possible to
the media audience.
4.2 The Objectivity Ideal
All the interviewees agree objectivity remains the cornerstone of journalistic
practice, an ideal to be approached on every story, yet they accept it remains
something unattainable. Gizbert compares it to the perfect tennis match ‘six nil,
six nil, six nil, forty love every game; something you strive for but you’re never
going to achieve’. Golding and Elliott’s (1979) study ‘Making the News’ led
them to conclude that there is passivity and routine among journalists, an
unconscious habitual acceptance of the ideal of objectivity. Yet this Gramscian
perspective of hegemonic practice is at odds with the data in this thesis. Everyone
I have spoken with is deeply reflexive, they posses an awareness that the
aspiration for objectivity is, in the words of Snow: ‘a permanent battle. You are
thrusting forward trying to get more and more engaged in order to find out what is
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 44
going on […] At the same time (you) want to stand back. So it’s a permanent
tension’.
In many news organisations objectivity is the starting point in any journalistic
assignment. It is an institutional totem, something to be promoted internally to
news workers and externally to the audience to seduce it into believing what it is
seeing or reading is undistorted by bias of any kind. While Galtung and Ruge’s
(1965) paradigmatic work lists twelve factors likely to determine the structure of
foreign news, what is missing is the personal judgement and input from the
journalist. Bowen describes objectivity as a ‘false god’ because of the decisions
taken in compiling any news report. Gizbert maintains these editorial judgements
‘are often infused with moral judgements and they lead us to decisions as to who
were are going to speak to, who we’re going to include, who we are going to
omit’.
This indicates there is an awareness that there can be no value-neutral reports, that
the public is instead receiving a subjective picture of reality. The reporter’s
habitus cannot be set aside in the decision making and as such plays an important
part in the primary definition of news. Bowen acknowledges this saying: ‘I think
everyone has a prism through which they view the world and that makes it very
hard for them to be objective’. It is these characteristics - age, location,
upbringing, education and ethnicity among others - which Rowland (interview
with author, 10/7/10) suggests ‘test the aspirations of objectivity’. So aware their
habitus has an impact, they make an extra effort in their reporting because of this.
They move to employ the more defensible underlying principles of objectivity,
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 45
such as accuracy, impartiality, fairness and truth. Tadros defines this as ‘more
concentrated on being right than being perceived as objective’ while Di Giovanni
maintains that ‘the truth isn’t always objective. I just don’t believe that’.
4.2.1 Impartiality, Balance and the Journalism of Attachment
If objectivity is an unattainable journalistic demand, impartiality is not. Golding
and Elliott (1979b: p640) conclude that in day-to-day news reporting objectivity
may not exist beyond the theoretical while impartiality remains both ‘desirable
and possible’. Yet replacing objectivity with the term impartiality creates a
tension among the interviewees. The Collins English Dictionary defines
impartiality as ‘not favouring one side or the other’. This would suggest that
reporters become mere spectators to events, and must employ some mechanism to
remain morally disconnected, capable of neither feeling nor emotion in their
journalistic work. In situations of conflict, for Bell such a concept leads to poor
journalism: ‘It is, on the one hand this, on the other hand that – didn’t Hitler build
marvellous autobahns and there were some unfortunate incidents with the Jews’.
The point is supported by Bowen. As a BBC journalist for 26 years, he believes
that impartiality is something that all his colleagues strive for, something intrinsic
in the organisational structure and something his bosses and the audiences
demand. Yet he himself asserts that ‘impartiality has its limits’. He quotes an
example from his father, also a BBC journalist, who told him the Corporation was
not impartial about South Africa’s Apartheid regime instead it decided ‘we should
show it is something that is evil’.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 46
From his own experiences Bowen recalls the 1996 massacre in Qana 4 in
Southern Lebanon where more than one hundred refugees were killed in the
Israeli shelling of a UN base: ‘You have to put over the full horror of what’s
happening and that may seem to some people to be not very impartial because you
should be saying “well on the other hand they think it’s ok”. It’s not ok’. Richard
Gizbert covered the same event and admits that on the day, his impartiality
disappeared. There was no emotional detachment, no theoretical distance from
events: ‘I was outraged by what I saw. […] Was I judgemental? Yeah. Do I have
a problem with that? No?’ Snow, too questions if impartiality is achievable: ‘It is
a clinical word which is extremely difficult to deploy in conflict when people are
bleeding to death. I don’t think you’ve ever impartial to peoples’ suffering’. This
connects closely to the work carried out by Morrison and Tumber (1988) in the
wake of the Falkands War.5
4 The Qana massacre took place on April 18, 1996 in southern Lebanon. Israeli Forces shelled a United Nations Compound where 800 Lebanese civilians has taken refuge to avoid the fighting between Lebanese Forces and the Israeli Defences Forces. 106 people were killed. A UN Military investigation concluded it was unlikely to shelling was the result of technical or procedural errors.
British journalists were attached to UK units
throughout the conflict. Through in-depth qualitative interviews after the event,
the authors discovered that the death of soldiers to whom the journalists had
become attached provoked a bitter mood which in turn found its way into their
reports. However, the contrast with the data in this thesis is that the connection
between the journalist and the victim of violence does not have to be so
intrinsically linked to have an impact on journalistic impartiality; instead there is a
5 The Falklands War – or Guerra de las Malvinas in Spanish was fought in 1982 between the United Kingdom and Argentina over the disputed Falklands and South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands in the South Atlantic. The UK dispatched a naval task force to retake the islands. The conflict ended with the Argentine surrender on 14 June 1982. The war lasted 74 days and resulted in the deaths of 257 British and 649 Argentine soldiers, sailors, and airmen and three Falkland Islanders.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 47
visceral concern on a basic human level for those facing the consequences of
conflict and war. A study by Starck and Soloski (1977) found that emotional
connections do have an impact on journalistic output. This thesis reinforces that
conclusion.
This tendency to incorporate emotion in journalistic reports reflects the discourse
taking place within the journalistic community. Bell famously encapsulated this
idea under the title the ‘journalism of attachment’. This, he says, is achieved
through fairness - that his reports are accurate - but there is a clear distinction
made between the aggressor and the victim. It is, he maintains, ‘a journalism that
cares as well as knows’. It does, however, raise the implication of emotion, of
empathy or sympathy impacting in the coverage of the reporters placed on the
front line of conflict. Ignatieff (1984, cited in Plaisance, 2002) has articulated this
idea as the journalist as a moral witness. Gizbert suggests that far from being a
dangerous concept in journalism as some critics have suggested this is simply
recognising an emotional reality: ‘It does not mean that you do not report the
facts. It does not mean you tactically omit information. It is merely recognition
of who we are’. The concept finds support from others. Di Giovanni insists ‘how
could you not take the side of the right, or the good?’ She highlights a story from
Sierra Leone ‘which was basically horrific militia, the RUF 6
against civilians.
[…] How could you go into an interview with an RUF commander who chops off
six months old babies arms and have any kind of empathy for the cause?’
6 The Revolutionary United Front, lead by Foday Sankoh began the civil war in Sierra Leone in 1991. Tens of thousands of died and more than 2 million people were displaced during the 11 year conflict. It was officially declared over on 18 January 2002.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 48
The case of the Sierra Leone commander is perhaps an extreme example.
Generally deciding who is right and wrong in conflict becomes a huge moral
question particularly, as established in the previous section, journalists are not
exposed to the full picture of the macro-event. Schicha (1999, cited in Hanitzsch,
2004) has warned of the mono-causality of journalistic descriptions of the origins
and causes of conflict. So there is the danger that complex socio-political events
which develop into a conflict or war are reduced to simple right and wrong. In
the hands of less talented, less able and less experienced journalists than Bell, it
may be used to push inherent subjective biases at the expense of the
understanding of the media audience.
4.2.2. The Argument against Attachment
The idea of journalists forming attachments though does not get the full support
of others interviewed. Rowland believes it comes from a tendency to sympathise
with a victim, coupled to the side of the conflict from which the journalist is
reporting: ‘It is simple, we have a goodie and baddie […] and doesn’t do justice to
the situation’. Herman and Chomsky (1988) warn it creates the distinction
between ‘worthy’ and ‘unworthy’ victims where only the worthy have their plight
recognised and society commits itself to act. Bowen argues that in the context of
the Bosnia war, where Bell developed his idea of journalism of attachment, there
was clear distinctions between good and bad, between right and wrong and draws
parallels with the Spanish civil war and the fight against fascism: ‘So sometimes
maybe it is our job to take sides’. However, he feels adopting such an approach
on a regular basis undermines journalistic credibility with the audience.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 49
Further, opponents of Bell’s position argue it moves the journalist from observer
of events to participant. Snow insists journalists are in place on behalf of the
audience and that becoming a participant pollutes the relationship between the
two. Gizbert believes that while journalists play a part, they are not a participant.
Yet given that a number of the respondents have already admitted that emotion
plays a part in the decision of what forms the news report, they have moved -
perhaps partially reflexively, partially unconsciously - from the role of mere
observer to that of participant, who is less likely to meet the expected professional
standard of emotional distance and detachment. This ties-in with the conclusions
presented in Morrison and Tumber’s post-Falkands work (1988) that suggested
emotion influences conflict reporting.
Tadros, who was based in Gaza throughout the Israel offensive in 2008/2009 7
7 The Gaza offensive was a three-week armed conflict that took place in the Gaza Strip and Southern Israel during December and January of 2008-2009. Israel began military operations to stop rocket fire from and arms import into the territory. More than one thousand people were killed in military bombardments of the Gaza area.
makes the valid point that during the conflict she was both observer, in her role as
a correspondent with Al Jazeera English and a participant ‘because we were as
unsafe as everyone else there’. There was no guarantee that journalists would not,
or could not be bombed. It is a point acknowledged by Gaisford (interview with
author 13/8/2010) who believes impartiality is difficult ‘if you are sat on one side
of the line and someone on the other side is firing at you’. It is then perhaps not
too difficult to understand an empathy with those under threat or under attack
which then manifests itself in the news texts. Bell is steadfast in his defence of
the idea. He believes that what is reported has an impact and as such journalists
are not simple bystanders: ‘The idea that television news (and other forms of
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 50
journalism) lives in a cosy little compartment merely spectating […] is nonsense’.
Bell’s position is a fairer acknowledgement of the power of journalists. If, as
most of the interviewees insist, they entered the industry to expose wrong-doing,
to hold people to account, then it is perhaps disingenuous for them to claim they
are mere observers or as Bell describes them ‘candle holders looking on’. Their
reports can influence events, they have the power and the tools, which while
acting in concert with other elements can provoke a reaction, which is more than
many true bystanders can claim.
Gizbert and Di Giovanni acknowledge that an admission emotion inevitably
compromises impartiality and therefore plays a part in journalistic output would
not be widely welcomed by many in the industry. Such an idea clearly impinges
on the ideal of objectivity or impartiality and the concepts of neutrality and
emotional detachment. Their view comes with the certainty of their current
positions and a distance from previous conflicts. Gizbert insists that were he
seeking an entry level job today he would be ‘striving for some robotic, android
like state that somebody in a suit would like to hear from an aspiring young
journalist. But I know better now’.
4.2.3. Summary
A common theme emerges from the data on the ideal of objectivity. No-one
believes it is obtainable, yet it does not stop each respondent striving for it every
time they report. As such, the concept itself continues to have an impact on
practice. It can be argued on an epistemological level there is no way of telling if
something was totally objective and fully balanced because to view such a report,
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 51
the observer would have to know all there is to know which, while theoretically
possible, is a practical impossibility. Objectivity is a much broader demand and
so journalists’ attempt, in the main, to be impartial and truthful and fair. Yet they
all accept emotion can become part of the process in reporting conflict, a natural
human reaction to what is being witnessed which then inevitably affects the job
they do. And so again I contend that notions of impartiality and balance are
compromised in fields of conflict.
4.3. Conflict and the Impact on Production
This thesis contends that if, as has been shown, there is an impact on objectivity
or impartiality and professional practice, then there will be a subsequent impact
on the final news texts. News has a social importance. It can, as Seib (2002)
maintains, be a significant influence on public opinion, which in turn gives it a
political dimension in the setting of public policy. The understanding of what
then impacts on the final news texts is a significant qualifier in our
comprehension of journalistic production. While Boyd-Barrett (2004; p26/26)
believes journalists ‘may unthinkingly subscribe to or knowingly comply with the
objectives, ideologies and perspectives of one or another side to a conflict’ this
thesis demonstrates there is little unthinking about the process, that there exists a
reflexivity among the journalists about what influences are brought to bear on a
personal level in the shaping of news.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 52
4.3.1. The Emotional Witness
All eight journalists interviewed for this thesis accept emotions can and do alter
the final text produced from each news event in a war or conflict zone. It would
be hard to accept that it would not, given the extreme experience being witnessed.
That however does not necessarily diminish the news report but can in fact make
it more powerful, memorable and impactful. It can give the audience a clearer
understanding of what is going on through use of language and in television and
radio, its delivery. This may be part of the paradigmatic shift in conflict reporting
identified by Tumber and Prentoulis which sees the journalist’s role as an ‘active
interpreter’ (2003: p228) where attachment and emotion become part of the
journalistic process – a trend they believe has accelerated since the 2001
September 11 attacks on the US.
Rowland acknowledges emotional connection or engagement can enrich or
enhance reporting - if channelled in the appropriate manner. She was one of the
first journalists on the scene of the Racak massacre 8
8 Forty five Kosovo Albanians were killed in the Central Kosovan village of Racak on15 January 1999. The Yugoslav army claimed all the dead were members of the Kosovo Liberation Army. A number of official reports have characterized the killings as a deliberate massacre of civilians by Serbian police forces
during the war in Kosovo.
Working for BBC Radio, she began to file a live report back to London: ‘I had
tears running down my face. I think it was shock as much as anything else’.
While Rowland filed subsequent reports from the scene throughout the day, in the
main news programme that evening the editors decided to run that first report.
Rowland’s perception is that there was nothing unusual in the job she did, that she
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 53
appeared composed on-air, however she accepts the emotion of the moment
perhaps provided ‘a raw clarity’ which was regarded by those who heard it as
‘very strong, very powerful’. Tadros admits that during the Gaza conflict there
was an element of anger in her reporting because of what she was witnessing: ‘I
think I cried every day of the Gaza War’ she says. In both cases, it would be
remarkable to think the witness of such extreme events, watching human beings
killing one another or coming across the aftermath of such an event, would not
and could not have an impact on a human level which would then leak into the
reporting. It is also unrealistic to believe that somehow it should not. Tadros
supports this idea ‘People watch films about this kind of thing and are changed.
We are not going to change from seeing it day-in and day-out?’
Di Giovanni reveals her need to have emotion as an essential tool in her story-
telling. Recalling being dispatched to Rwanda 9
9 The Rwandan genocide was the 1994 mass murder of an estimated 800,000 over the course of approximately 100 days. It was the culmination of longstanding ethnic tensions between the minority Tutsi who had controlled power for centuries and the majority Hutu people who came to power in the 1959-62 rebellion.
during the internecine fighting
there, she admits the scale of the tragedy began to lose perspective: ‘I ceased
feeling anything because it was just so many bodies piled up for miles and miles
and […] after weeks of doing it you don’t feel anything. You’re just like “oh,
there’s another five hundred bodies”. And if you feel like that you can’t write
properly’. Bowen maintains that ‘if you’re a witness to things as well it has an
impact in that you get a much more powerful piece’. Journalists are human. And
as such we should expect human responses rather than an uncaring detachment
when confronted with the brutalities of war. Hanitzch (2004; p491) highlights the
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 54
same issue when he points out that ‘Journalists are the “offsprings” of their (his
emphasis) societies and their cultures, so why should one expect journalists to be
better humans than their readers, viewers and listeners’. The call of public service
in journalism is great and while the coverage of conflict presents significant
challenges, the job of the journalist is to enlighten. And when the journalist is
placed in the situation of being the audiences’ eyes and ears, it is also perhaps
incumbent on them to be their conscience too.
4.3.2 Habitus and its Impact on Production
Bourdieu’s concept of habitus gives this thesis a basis for understanding the
interplay between organisational demands and procedures and human action
informed by changing life experiences. Habitus is, in Bourdieu’s own words ‘a
feel for the game’ (1998; p81), a social history which also shapes current practices
and structures. Personal habitus impacts on the individual approach and practices
of every journalist and so through this interplay with the ‘war reporter’ or
professional habitus, it has a direct connection with the final production of news
texts. Bowen recalls someone recently asked how schools had operated during
the Bosnian War. He admits he had no idea: ‘as a guy in my early thirties without
kids it wasn’t on my mental radar. […] I’ve got kids now, I’m sure that if I was in
that sort of situation again I’d be interested to know […] how their lives were
affected’. Professional conventions also play a part of the ‘mental radar’ of
journalists in the field. They will help them decide to follow certain stories and
how to approach them. Shultz (2007; p190) defines this sense of news worthiness
as ‘journalistic gut feeling’ or professional habitus. This dictates the stories
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 55
should be fresh, dramatic and possibly exclusive with audience appeal. Such
choices are part of everyday journalistic routines.
Di Giovanni admits that parenthood has also affected her approach to stories,
making her much more sensitive to the suffering of children in conflict zones
‘And often […] I prefer not to write that story’. Temporal considerations and the
zeitgeist are also significant factors as acknowledged by Snow who covered many
guerrilla insurgencies in Central America during the 1970s. He hasn’t studied his
reporting from that time, but as a young journalist he accepts: ‘I probably did
romanticise the guerrilla struggle. […]. It was a big time of flux, the ending of the
Vietnam War, hostility towards America. […] In El Salvador one did develop a
bias towards the peasantry’. This is perhaps the clearest example of cultural and
social changes impacting on individual journalists and so in turn, being reflected
in their reporting. The audience, of course, may be aware of the cultural
temperature but does not know or understand how that impacts on each
individual, and on the people bringing them the news of the day into their homes.
Although journalists in war zones are faced with death and destruction on a daily
basis, it is the death of friends and colleagues that remind them of their mortality.
Bell was shot and wounded – an incident caught on camera – while working for
the BBC in Bosnia in August 1992. He admits that the incident changed his
approach on his return: ‘I had to psych myself up to get back into it, which I did.
[…] I was even more careful than before’. And there comes a point when the
journalist feels they can take no more risks, an acceptance that the number of
stories where they put themselves in danger has a limit. Both Bowen and Gizbert
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 56
have been through that. Bowen pulled out of an assignment to Baghdad just
before the 2003 invasion because he was ‘scared of being killed. I had little kids.
I thought I cannot do this. This is irresponsible’. Yet he admits of the inner
turmoil of his decision: ‘I knew there was glory to be had which is why I said yes
initially’. After a period out of the front line, he returned conflict coverage during
the 2006 Israeli invasion of Southern Lebanon. Despite feeling trepidacious, he
compares his return to conflict as a drug, and he was hooked again. However, the
death of a colleague in a shooting incident also in Lebanon in 2008 in which
Bowen himself was targeted has left him with mental scars which he believes
have changed his basic personality. He hasn’t ruled out returning to the front line
but his previous experiences will dictate much of his future actions, which has
consequences for the way he operates in conflicts zones and the reports he
presents to the public.
Gizbert argues continued exposure to conflict zones make it difficult for some
reporters to move into other areas of journalism, so they remain ‘war
correspondents’: ‘These (are) people who have been told that they’re so
wonderful by opportunistic managers […] when they try to cash in on their
alleged wonderfulness by getting a job in a place where there’s no danger […]
they’re told their work isn’t up to scratch. […] They can’t write without the drama
in front of them. […] Those are the people who are trapped in the conflict zones
and they’re amongst the saddest cases’. Many of the journalists who cover war,
cover the same stories, creating an international ‘tribe’ of maybe around twenty to
thirty journalists who all know each other and pitch up in the world’s trouble
spots together. Access to the group is won through repeated attendance, a shared
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 57
ideology and the ability to tell tales of wartime exploits which are educational,
enlightening or amusing. And there is an acceptance of the ever-changing nature
of the group as younger reporters replace their more experienced colleagues who
have accepted there is a time, a moment in their career when they must leave the
war zone and ‘pass the torch’ to the next generation.
Di Giovanni talks about a recent assignment to Baghdad and felt –like noticing
policemen get younger as you get older- that the other journalists there were
different: ‘They were, I don’t know, twenty-eight, twenty nine. And they were
like frat-boys, you know they were really macho. And it’s their time’. Gizbert
defines it thus: ‘You do a certain number of missions and then the young kids
move in because they have not got less to lose, but less people to disappoint by
losing it’. What the next generation will adopt is the general professional
ideology, the standard and habitus of the journalist field, the organisational
procedures. However, they will bring their own personal experiences to bear on
the framing of the coverage and the production of news, which will over time,
evolve further through exposure to conflict.
4.3.3 The Sheltered Audience
The reaction of audiences to the reality of war has also had an impact on the
production of news by those reporting from inside the conflict zone. There is
evidence from the data gathered here that the real effects of conflict are being
sanitised, that upsetting pictures will not make it onto the screen or into the
newspapers. This element of censorship in turn, impacts on what journalists
believe they can or cannot show. Snow points the finger of blame at TV
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 58
companies and government regulators. He recently attended a screening of some
of his reports from El Salvador 10in the 1970s: ‘Everybody gasped. There were
bodies of people in the streets and we all suddenly noticed that we were looking at
something we just do not see today. In one two-and-a-half minute package
(report) there were over twenty bodies’. Bell has also recently reviewed some
reports from the ‘Troubles’ Northern Ireland11
in 1972: ‘Television then showed
body parts being scooped up and taken away’. An attempt to include the footage
in a future documentary on the BBC was ruled out on grounds of taste and
decency. Bell insists: ‘The bosses in London are hiding behind audience surveys
which told them that their audience didn’t want to be upset – because they don’t
want to be upset’.
For many of the respondents this undermines a basic journalistic premise, namely
to inform the public. Rowland accepts images may be distressing but it is
important the audience is aware of the impact of conflict: ‘War is not a video
game. At the other end of those cockpit targeting shots there are warm-bodied
people who will be reduced to charred flesh when the missile reaches its target’.
She accepts that this creates a dilemma for journalists, but one that has to be
addressed: ‘It's a case of getting the right balance between faithful portrayal of the
horror of war - and gratuitous voyeurism; a tough balance to get - and one that
requires experience, courage and sensitivity on the part of journalists’. Audience
10 El Salvador’s Civil War ran from 1979-1992. It was a conflict between the military lead government and Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front, a coalition of five left-wing militias.
11 The ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland was a period of ethno-political conflict which ran from around 1969 until 1998. The principal issue at stake was the constitutional status of Northern Ireland and the relations between the mainly Protestant Unionist and mainly Catholic nationalist communities. The Troubles had both political and military (or paramilitary) dimensions.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 59
expectations then impose restrictions on journalism at source, the reporter.
Gaisford explains the limitations in this way: ‘Blood and guts doesn't necessarily
go down well […] That has a major impact on what I show and write. In terms of
conflict we would rarely show the bloody aftermath of a rocket attack, or the
bodies of dead soldiers’. Bell points out that despite UK forces having spent nine
years fighting in Afghanistan, no pictures of dead British soldiers from the scene
have been shown on UK news bulletins. This, he believes, is done to protect the
audiences and the politicians who then create the idea for themselves that ‘going
to war is a policy option; relatively cheap, cost free and glorious’. The refusal to
air such pictures is a denial of reality, a reductionist view of the true violence of
conflict, or what Chouliaraki describes as the ‘aestheticizing of the horror of war’
(2006 p278). Williams identifies it further as ‘a culture of distance’ (1982; p14)
where the audience is distanced from the horrors of war. Such censorship
impinges on the public’s basic right to know what is being done in their name.
4.3.4 Summary
This thesis states that the emotional response of journalists in conflict zones has
an impact on the final production of texts placed before an audience. In the hands
of experienced and capable professionals, provides the viewer or reader, with a
clearer view, a better understanding of the news moment. Further, while
professional habitus may be the matrix of operations of journalists in war zones,
those operations are further influenced by the subjective experiences and
inclinations of each individual. Journalism is committed by journalists, and as
such, the individual is a significant element in the shaping of the final report. The
demands of the audience are also an important factor in this. Despite the growth
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 60
of reality television, the reality of war has been diminished on TV screens and
newspapers. Journalists are forced into the position where they self-censor,
worried about offending the viewer or their bosses. And so they provide a text
which assumes what the audiences want within safe boundaries rather than
challenge what they need to make informed democratic decisions on war and
conflict.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 61
Chapter Five
Conclusions and Suggestions for Further Research
This thesis has considered if exposure to conflict changes the notions of
subjectively and collectively constructed concepts of professionalism. I looked at
the questions of whether and if so how conflict may impact on the journalistic
ideals of objectivity and impartiality. These questions are at the core of the
discussions on the role conflict may play on coverage.
5.1 Thesis Findings
What has become clear from the evidence gathered here it is the increasing level
of subjectivity in war reporting. War correspondents are now more likely to
incorporate morality and humanitarianism in their reports from conflict zones,
more likely to articulate the views of those they see as victims of conflict.
Emotion has become part of the process of reporting war and cannot be ignored.
While Tumber and Prentoulis (2003) believe that this has been a developing trend
in journalism after the 2001 September 11th attacks in the United States, the
evidence gathered here indicates that the paradigmatic shift they indentified has
been around for a lot longer than they suggest. This may indicate that journalism
is going through a cultural change, which Ward (1999) has described as a move
towards more interpretative reporting, where the expression of emotion and
trauma challenge existing ideological frameworks as total detachment in conflict
zones, where fellow human beings are being killed and injured, is realised as an
unrealistic demand.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 62
The correspondents interviewed here are not prepared to consciously eschew the
normative collective notions of objectivity and impartiality. While there is an
acceptance that objectivity may be not achievable, paradoxically it remains the
primary goal for journalists setting out on assignment. Impartiality is regarded as
a poor but more practical substitute for objectivity. There is a belief and concern
that it leads to journalism where the need for balance produces troubling moral
equivalences. Yet, with an acceptance that emotion plays a part in their reporting,
that objectivity is an impossibility, that their own personal habitus mixed with
existing professional ideology produces a subjective approach, there is a danger
that the final product is significantly altered. Journalists have to be certain in the
calls the make, the decisions they take that shape the final production. They have
to clearly understand the socio-political aspects of conflict. The journalists in this
survey are mainly driven by a public service idea, a belief that their reporting will
benefit and enlighten society. There is a strong sense that it would be wrong if
the public perception of any conflict was distorted through attachment and
personal involvement.
Public expectations have also become a factor in conditioning journalists’
approaches in war zones. The desire to avoid the harsh and brutal realities of
conflict being brought into their living-rooms, a desire to be distanced from the
blood, pain and loss has motivated the public to demand fewer distressing images,
less detailed coverage. Journalists are aware of what conflict does to people and
places. They believe, in a view clearly articulated by Bell, that if the realities of
such moments were broadcast or published, the appetite for conflict would be
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 63
seriously reduced. Yet, these public demands cannot be ignored at a corporate or
individual level. Media companies will not air graphic footage or print harrowing
testimony as it risks alienating or desensitising the audience so journalists find
themselves self-censoring. They edit out the most gruesome of footage or tone
down the nature of the reports to meet public demand. This is a further clear
example of the impact conflict has on journalists and journalism.
5.1.2 Areas for Further Research
The impact of subjectivity in conflict reporting is one area which is worth further
study by researchers in the future. Given the small selection of interviewees for
this thesis, it is hard to extrapolate the findings to war correspondents as a whole.
However, it would be interesting to note if the growth of subjectivity is merely a
western phenomenon. Certainly there was the suggestion from Tadros and Snow
that Arab channels are less balanced, impartial and objective in certain areas and
in certain topics and do not adopt the normative approach of their western
counterparts.
There are also further grounds for the examination of audience reaction to the
violence images and reports of conflict. Anecdotal evidence from some of the
respondents suggests that audiences are now more protective of what they allow
into their home, more aware of what may upset them. As suggested in the thesis
itself, a content analysis comparing coverage of conflict in the periods mentioned
in interviews with Bell and Snow – namely the 1970s – and today may be
revealing on the changes of audience attitudes and the growing self-censorship of
frontline correspondents. It would also be interesting to investigate how the
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 64
audience approach to on-screen real life violence impacts on perceptions of
conflict.
5.1.3 Summary
This thesis has considered the impact of conflict on the three main areas under
discussion: professionalism, impartiality and production. It addresses a gap in the
literature as no study appears to have taken the holistic approach and considered
where all three areas overlap and how each impact on the other. What has been
established is that exposure to conflict does indeed have an impact on
professionalism and impartiality, two of the touchstones which guide the practice
of journalism. Emotion is the biggest factor. It changes the role of reporter from
impartial, disinterested observer to someone who is subjectively engaged in the
outcome of developments. This will have an impact on the final news texts. This
is not unsurprising when we remember the human nature of journalism, that it is
people reporting on people.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 65
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Rwanda, Iraq and Algeria. During the Kosovo conflict in 1999, he was robbed at
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 74
gunpoint by bandits close to the Albanian border. In 1995 he won Best News
Correspondent at the New York Television Festival and the following year won a
Royal Television Society Award for Best Breaking News for his coverage of
President Rabin’s assassination. As Middle East Editor for the Corporation, he
led it’s coverage of the 2006 war between Israel and Lebanon, for which the BBC
won an international Emmy. And he won first prize at the Bayeux War
Correspondent Awards for a film on the 2008/2009 Gaza War. Jeremy was
interviewed for this thesis at the Frontline Club in London on August 13th, 2010.
Janine Di Giovanni
Janine di Giovanni is one of Europe's most respected and experienced reporters,
with vast experience covering war and conflict. Her reporting has been called
"established, accomplished brilliance" and she has been cited as "the finest
foreign correspondent of our generation". Born in the USA, she began reporting
by covering the first Palestinian intifada in the late 1980s and went on to report
nearly every violent conflict since then. During the war in Kosovo, di Giovanni
travelled with the Kosovo Liberation Army into occupied Kosovo and sustained a
bombing raid on her unit which left many soldiers dead. In 2000, she was one of
the few foreign reporters to witness the fall of Grozny, Chechnya. Her dispatches
won her several major awards. She has also collected the National Magazine
Award, one of America's most prestigious prizes in journalism, and two Amnesty
International Awards for Sierra Leone and Bosnia as well as Britain's Granada
Television's Foreign Correspondent of the Year for Chechnya. Janine is a writer
for The Times of London and Vanity Fair, a contributor to The New York Times
Magazine, The New Republic, The Spectator, National Geographic and many
others. She also writes columns and Op-Ed pieces for the Wall Street Journal,
and the International Herald Tribune. Janine was interviewed at her home in
Paris on September 8th, 2010.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 75
Richard Gaisford
Richard Gaisford’s career in journalism began during the first Gulf War, when he
worked at ITN on both radio and television newsdesks. He went on to work as a
desk journalist at Sky News, and a reporter for Westcountry Television and
London Tonight – where he was the first television reporter on the scene of the
Docklands bomb. He joined GMTV (Good Morning Television) in 2000. During
the 2003 invasion of Iraq, he was embedded with a British Army tank regiment
and was the first journalist to report live from inside Basra. His frontline reports
were seen daily on GMTV, BBC, ITN, Channel 4 and Channel 5, Sky, CNN, Fox,
ABC and NBC amongst others. In 2006, he was promoted to the post of Chief
Correspondent. During the 2006 war between Israel and Lebanon, his car was
surrounded by armed men who tried to grab him and his crew. He was eventually
freed after intervention by Hezbollah. Richard has also covered the Indian Ocean
tsunami of 2004 , the devastating earthquakes in Pakistan, and the death of Pope
John Paul II. He has also spent time on the ground in Iraq with British forces. In
September 2010, he became Chief Correspondent of Daybreak, the replacement
for GMTV. Richard was interviewed for this thesis at GMTV’s London studios
on August 13th, 2010.
Richard Gizbert
Richard Gizbert has a long and accomplished career as a foreign correspondent
covering many parts of the globe. Over the past 25 years, he has covered stories
in more than 50 countries on five continents. Richard spent 11 years with the
American network ABC, as one of the network's London-based foreign
correspondents. During this time he covered conflicts in the former Yugoslavia,
Chechnya, Somalia and Rwanda. He has extensive experience in the Middle East,
having covered Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, the Palestinian
occupied territories and Israel. After being fired by ABC News in 2004, Gizbert
fought and won a wrongful dismissal case against the network, in which an
employment tribunal awarded him $100,000 in compensation. Gizbert argued
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 76
that his refusal to accept assignments in Iraq led to his firing. The tribunal agreed,
ruling his stand on assignments in Iraq was a "primary" reason for his dismissal.
Prior to being based in London, Richard worked as a correspondent-producer for
CJOH-TV in Canada, where he was the parliamentary correspondent, responsible
for national political coverage. He is now the host of the critically acclaimed
‘The Listening Post’ on Al Jazeera English. Richard was interviewed in London
on August 8th, 2010.
Jacky Rowland
Jacky Rowland began her career as a trainee at the BBC in 1989. She went on to
hold a number of high-profile foreign postings. She is probably best known for
her coverage of the former Yugoslavia. In October 2000, she defied an expulsion
order by the Serbian authorities, went into hiding, and emerged in time to cover
the overthrow of the former president, Slobodan Milosevic. .She also covered the
Racak Massacre, seen as a defining moment in the Kosovo conflict. In the
subsequent 16 years, her career as a foreign correspondent took her to North
Africa, the Middle East, the Balkans, Russia, Afghanistan and the United States.
In 2001, her reporting earned her a Royal Television Society Award in 2001. In
2005 she moved to the global news channel, Al Jazeera English. Based in
Jerusalem, she has covered the ongoing violence in the region and was a
significant part of the channel’s coverage of the 2008/2009 war in Gaza. She has
recently (September 2010) taken up a posting as a correspondent for AJE based in
Paris. Jackie was interviewed for this thesis in London on July 10th, 2010.
Jon Snow
Best known as the anchor of Channel 4 news in the UK, Jon Snow began his
career with the London based radio station, LBC. After covering the Balcombe
Street siege in London, he was offered a job at Independent Television News
(ITN). He worked as a general news reporter covering numerous conflicts
including the Iran/Iraq war from both sides and fighting in several African
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 77
countries. He was appointed ITN’s Washington Correspondent in 1983, where he
served for three years and spent time covering the ongoing civil wars in central
and South America. On his return to the UK he became Diplomatic Editor. He
has won several Royal Television Society awards, two for his coverage from the
civil war in El Salvador and two as Presenter of the Year. Jon was interviewed
for this thesis in London on July 22nd, 2010.
Sherine Tadros
Sherine Tadros is an Arab British journalist who works for the international news
channel, Al Jazeera English and is based in the Middle East. After obtaining two
degrees in Middle East politics, Sherine worked for the Al Arabiya network as an
executive producer in their London bureau. She joined Al Jazeera English in
2005 initially as a junior producer based in London. After moving to the
channel’s headquarters in Doha, she was given a series of assignments before
being sent to Jerusalem and Gaza to help with coverage in the bureau. Sent to
Gaza, she suddenly found herself one of only two journalists working for English
language media reporting from Gaza during the 2008/2009 Israeli offensive there.
Her coverage has been nominated for a number of international awards. Sherine
is now a correspondent based in the Middle East and spends most of her time split
between Jerusalem and Gaza. She was interviewed for this thesis in London on
August 3rd, 2010.
Alan Fisher After the Fire – MA Dissertation 78
Appendix Two
Sample Questionnaire
1. Please give me an outline of your career, including conflicts covered.
2. Do you regard journalism as a profession?
3. What attributes makes someone a good professional?
4. Does this definition you’ve provided change in a conflict situation?
5. How would you define objectivity?
6. Objectivity is often described as a ‘journalistic ideal’ – would you agree?
7. Is objectivity the same as impartiality? 8. Would you describe yourself as a ‘war correspondent’? 9. Can you indicate how you may operate differently in a conflict situation? 10. Is there any particular reason for you acting in this way? 11. What then is the primary goal for journalists covering conflict? 12. Does what you witness have an impact on you as a person at the time? 13. Does that then impact on what you report or how you report? 14. Can you think of any particular instance where this may have happened? 15. Do you approach each story or each angle with a set view?
16. Does conflict have an impact on you personally?
17. How does your employer react to you when you are in a conflict zone? 18. Does that have an impact on how you cover the story?
19. Does exposure to conflict have any impact on you when you return?
20. Do you feel it may have an impact on future assignments?
