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al-Husayn ibn Hamdân al-Khasîbî: A Historical Biography of the Founder of the Nusayrî-'Alawite SectAuthor(s): Yaron Friedman and Yaron FriemanSource: Studia Islamica, No. 93 (2001), pp. 91-112Published by: Maisonneuve & LaroseStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1596110 .Accessed: 19/05/2011 21:36

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Studia Islamica, 2001

al-Husayn ibn Hamdan al-Khasibi A historical biography

of the founder of the Nusayri-'Alawite sect

This article is based on a research (in Hebrew) by the present writer, ? al-Husavn ibn Hanmdin al-Khasibi - His Figure and his Part in the Foundation of the Nusayri-'Alawite Sect ?, prepared

in 1998 under the supervision of Dr. M. M. Bar-Asher at the Hebrew University of Jerusalenm, read also by Prof. A. Kofsky from Haifa University. I would like to thank David Cook who read

an earlier draft and added important advises, and Leigh Chipnan for translating this article and for her helpful comments. Also I would like to thank Tarek abul Rajab for drawing my

attention to al-Muntajab al-'Ant.

The circumstances of the development of the Nusayri-'Alawite sect are shrouded in mystery. The accepted view today is that the sect was formed in Iraq during the 3rd/9th century, and that it is connected to the person of Abu Shu'ayb Muhammad ibn Nusayr. (') In this paper I will attempt to prove that Ibn Nusayr is not the founder of the sect in a historical sense, and is not so per- ceived by the Nusayris in a religious sense. His status in the Nusayri religion is higher than that of the founder, and reaches that of divinity. The sect was founded after Ibn Nusayr's death, by a man who has almost disappeared from the pages of history: al-Husayn ibn Hamdan al-Khasibi. This paper aims to draw as complete a picture as possible of his historical activity, using all the available data, in order to shed light on the study of the Nusayriyya, still a sha- dowy and little-known sect. In a forthcoming paper, I will focus on the theo- logical aspect of these developments, which will not be expanded upon here.

1. Introduction

The Nusayriyya are a syncretistic sect characterized by mystic beliefs ori- ginating in ghuldt (2) circles within the Shi'a, among which the idea of the

(1) According to the Nusaynr tradition, Ibn Nusayr was one of the followers of the eleventh Imam, Hasan al-'Askari (d. 260/874), and received from him a new religious dispensation. See H. Halm, "Nusayriyya," El' VIII (1995), pp. 145-146.

(2) ghdli, pl.ghult: exaggerator. The appellation of Shi'ite groups who were accused of exaggeration (ghuluww) in their adoration of the Imam; the ghulit attributed superhuman abilities to him, to the point of deification (M.G.S. Hodgson, "Ghulat," El2 II (1965), pp. 1093-1095).

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divinity of 'Ali ibn Abi Talib is central. To these beliefs was added the influence of Persian, gnostic and pagan religions. (3) Rene Dussaud assumed that during the Nusayris' stay in Syria and Iraq, external influences had been at work upon them: Isma'ili Shi'ism, (4) the Sabaeans, (5) gnostic sects (6)

and pagan remnants which had not yet converted to Islam. (7) Heinz Halm admits the pagan and gnostic influences, but emphasizes the role of the ghu- lat in the formation of the Nusayriyya. (8) Halm describes the preservation of ghulat traditions from Kufa up to the time of Ibn Nusayr (the 3rd/9th cen- tury). (9) His own pupils, in turn, kept alive certain mystic traditions that in the course of time became the principles of the Nusayri faith. (20)

It would seem that Halm's view should be accepted with regard to the beginnings of the Nusayriyya, and Dussaud's, with regard to the later period (from the end of the 11th century) during which the Nusayriyya migrated to the area of Latakia and the Lebanon, where they came into contact with the various groups mentioned above.

The sect, which seems to have broken off from the Shi'a, formed two centers in the 4th/10th century, in Baghdad and in Aleppo. (") In the 5th/I Ith century the Nusayris were forced to move their center to Latakia, due to conflicts with other groups and Muslim persecution. There they have remained to this day. (12)

The Nusayriyya have never been considered Muslims. The Shi'ites consi- der them ghulat, while the Sunnis regard them as complete infidels. (13)

(3) H. Halm. "Nusayriyya," pp. 147-148. (4) e.g., Rend Dussaud, Histoire et Religion des Nosairis (Paris: Librairie Emile Bouillon, 1900), pp. 22-

23, 25-27, 43-44. (5) ibid., pp. 20, 44-45, 105. On the "Sabaeans," see T. Fahd, "Sabi'a." El' VIII (1995), pp. 675-678. (6) Dussaud, pp.125-127. (7) Syrian-Phoenician influence: ibid., pp. 14. 17, 19-20. Influence of Persian religions: ibid., pp. 120-

125. (8) Halm, "Nusayriyya," p. 145: "A Shi'i sect ... The only branch of extreme (ghuluww) Kufan Shl'ism

which has survived into the contemporary period." (9) H. Halm, "Das Buch der Schatten: Die Mufaddal-Tradition der Gulat und die Ursprung des Nusai-

riertums," Der Islam 55 (1975), pp. 224-258. In contrast to Halm's concept of the Nusayriyya originating in the ghuflat, Dussaud states that the Nusayris form an interesting example of a population that moved from paganism directly to Isma'ilism. (Dussaud, p. 51)

(10) Dussaud, pp. 258-260. ( l) ibid., pp. 260-261. (12) Halm, "Das Buch der Schatten," pp. 261-263; C. Cahen, "Note sur les origines de la communaute

syrienne des Nusayris," REI 38 (1970), pp. 243-248. (13) The comparison of Shi'ite and Sunnite sources relating to the Nusayriyya brings us to the conclu-

sion that the former were more tolerant towards the Nusayriyya, and indeed were careful not to call them infi- dels, because of their closeness to the Shi'a. See, e.g., among the Shi'a: al-Nawbakhti includes the Namiriyya (the earlier name of the Nusayriyya, see below) among the Shi'ite sects and accuses them of ghuluww: Hasan ibn Mfsa al-Nawbakhti, Firaq al-Shi'a (Beirut: Dar al-Adwa', 1984), pp. 93-94; al-Shahrastni refers to the Nusayriyya as ghulit al-Sht'a: Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Karim al-Shahrastani, al-Milal wa-'I-Nihal (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1992), p. 192. Among the Sunna: 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadi writes that the Nami- riyya are not a part of Islam at all: 'Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadi, al-Farq bayna al-Firaq wa-Bayan al-Firaq al-ndji'a minhuml (Beirut: Dr al-Jil/Dar al-Afiq al-Jadida, 1987). pp. 220. 239; Ibn Taymiyya composed a fatwa (legal opinion) according to which ". the Nusayris and the rest of the Carmathians [an Isma'il sect] are greater infidels than the Jews,the Christians and the other idolaters .." See the original Arabic: S. Guyard, "Le Fetwa d'Ibn Taymiyyah sur les Nosairis," Journal asiatique (septieme serie) 18 (1871), p. 167.

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1.1. The sect's name:

Dussaud noted that various suggestions have been put forward as to the origin of the sect's name, and found that the Nusayris themselves connect their name to Ibn Nusayr. (14) When following the history of the sect, they are found under several different names. Probably the Nusayriyya were named, like many other Shi'ite splinter groups, after the object of their ado- ration.

The earliest evidence we have for the existence of the sect is the Shf'ite literature of the 3rd/9th century. According to Firaq al-Shi'a by Hasan ibn Musa al-Nawbakhtl (d. 288/900), one of the Shl'i sects was called Nami- riyya, after Muhammad ibn Nusayr al-Namiri. He claimed, according to this source, to be a prophet sent by the Imam Hasan al-'Askari. He considered the Imam to be divine and believed in reincarnation. (15) More than a hun- dred years later, 'Abd al-Qadir ibn Tahir al-Baghdadi (d. 429/1037), in his book al-Farq bayna al-Firaq also called Ibn Nusayr's sect by the name of "Namiriyya." (16)

Despite this, according to the Nusayrl literature, the members of al-Kha- stbi's sect referred to themselves as al-muwahhidun (the monotheists) or ahl al-tawhid (the people of monotheism), which signifies that they saw them- selves as such, that is, true Muslims and not infidels. This literature tells us that from the 5th/llth century onwards, they called themselves "Khasi- biyya." In a Nusayri source dating from the 19th century, we find a prayer "for the downfall of the Ottoman dynasty and the victory of the sect of the Khasibiyya-Nusayriyya." (17) Only in the 6th/12th century was the sect also called by the name Nusayriyya, in Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Karim al-Shah- rastani's (d. 548/1153) book al-Milal wa-'l-Nihal. (18)

1.2.The sources:

The modem researcher has available original Nusayri material, which is helpful for the understanding of the history and beliefs of the sect. Most of this material was inaccessible until the 19th century, due to its concealment by members of the sect. During the 19th and 20th centuries, a number of sources were uncovered, largely due to France's influence in the Levant. In the 20th century, the Nusayris became more open to their surroundings,

(14) Dussaud, pp. 1-16. (15) Nawbakhti, pp. 93-94. (16) al-Baghdadl, p. 239. (17) al-Tabarni, in the I th century, is our earliest source of evidence that the sect was called Khasi-

biyya: Abu Sa'id Maymun ibn al-Qasim al-Tabarani, MajmQ' al-A'yad (in: Der Islam 27 [1946]), pp. 19. 131. For ahl al-tawhid, see ibid., p. 54. On the 19th-century prayer, see Sulayman al-Adhani, al-Baktra al- Sulaymini)na fi KashfAsrir al-Diydna al-Nusavriyya (Beirut: [n.p.], 1864), p. 53. Early beliefs and rituals are reflected in this book, see the discussion below.

(18) al-Shahrastani, pp. 192-193.

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hoping to become assimilated and to end the long period of persecution. As a result, they began to publish books relating to their historical and religious identity. This literature must be used with caution, due to its attempts to prove that the Nusayris are in fact Muslims. (19)

This paper attempts to combine Nusayri and non-Nusayri sources, and to ascertain what their level of agreement is. The Nusayri sources used were:

1. al-Hidaya al-Kubra: (20) Apparently the only book written by al-Kha- sibi that has survived in its entirety to the modern period. According to Shi'ite sources, he composed additional works. This book, containing tradi- tions about the Prophet Muhammad, his daughter Fatima and the twelve Imams, was printed in Beirut in 1986, and seems to have been translated into Persian, too. The likelihood that al-Khasibi indeed composed the book is high, as parts of the book are quoted as having been related by him both in Twelver Shi'ite and in Nusayri writings (in Majmu' al-A 'ydd and MS Ham- burg 303 - see below). Few autobiographical details appearing there are highly important.

2. Majmu' al-A'yad: (21) The book of Nusayri festivals. Composed by Maymun ibn al-Qasim al-Tabarani, the leader of the Nusayris in Syria in the generation after al-Khasibi. The fact that it was written only some years after al-Khasibi's death makes it a most important source for the study of the early Nusayriyya, and especially of al-Khasibl himself. The book contains many quotations, in poetry and prose, of al-Khasibl's words, the most exten- sive being al-Qasida al-Ghadiriyya.

3. MS Paris 1450: (22) This manuscript has not yet been fully studied. (23) It deals mainly with theological questions, and three sections of it are connected to al-Khasibi: (1) Folios 42-47: Risalat al-Tawhid (The Epistle of Unity), al-Kha- sib's answers to the questions of his Iraqi disciple 'Ali ibn 'Isa al-Jisri; (2)

(19) See, e.g., Hashim 'Uthman, al-'Alawily2un bayna al-Ustara wa-'l-Haqiqa (Beirut: Mu'assasat al- A'la, 1985). 'Uthman attempts to prove that the Nusayris-'Alawites are Shi'ite Muslims. He deals with accu- sations of heresy by quoting medieval sources and moder research, aiming to show the contradictions bet- ween them. He quotes Nusayri sources from the past and the present which support his claim, such as a late

chapter of al-Hiddya al-Kubra, and an article published by a Nusayri shaykh from Latakia in 1930, in which he claims that the Nusayris are Muslims (ibid., pp.156-173). A blatant example of the attempt to prove the Nusayris to be Muslims is the tradition about the origin of the name Nusayriyya, which 'Uthman quotes from Muhammad Amin Ghalib al-Tawil, Ta'rikh al-'Alawi!yin (Latakia: [n.p.], 1924). According to this tradition, Nusayriyya (from the verb nasara, to help) is the name of an auxiliary force that came to the aid of the gene- ral Abi 'Ubayda at Ghadir Khumm (the site where Muhammad, according to Shi'ite tradition, nominated 'Ali as his heir) and enabled the Muslim conquest of Ba'alabakk and Hims (ibid., p. 148).

(20) al-Husayn ibn Hamdan al-Khasibi. al-Hiddya al-Kubrd (Beirut: Mu'assasat al-Bulugh, 1986). (21) Published in a critical edition by Rudolf Strothmann in Der Islam 27 (1946). The original name of

the book is Sabil Ra^hat al-Arwdh wa-Dalil al-Surtir wa-'l-Afrdh ila Fdliq al-Asbdh. (22) Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Arabe 1450, entitled Ecrits sacres des Nosairis (hereafter: ES). Cata-

logued in de Slane, Catalogue des manuscrits arabes de la Bibliothlque Nationale (Paris: Imprimerie Natio- nale, 1883), p. 277. A photocopy of the original manuscript was used for this paper.

(23) On sections of the manuscript that have been studied, see: M.M.Bar-Asher and A. Kofsky, "An early Nusayri theological dialogue on the relation between the ma'na and the ism," Le Museon 108 (1995). pp. 169-180; idem., "The doctrine of 'Ali's divinity anf the Nusayri trinity according to an unpublished trea- tise from the 7th/13th century," Der Islam 72 (1995), pp. 258-292.

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Folios 48-53: al-Khasibi's answers to the questions asked by his disciple 'Abdal- lah ibn Haruin al-Sa'igh when the former convened his majlis and read an epistle to those present (This epistle may have been al-Jisri's Tawhtd, as the subject is the same); (24) (3) Folios 176-179: A description of 'Abdallah ibn Harun al- Sa'igh's visit to al-Jisri in 340/951, after the latter had collected the "questions" (which probably were Ibn Haruin's questions to al-Khasibi, as can be deduced from the fact that there is a passage that is almost identical to one of al-Khasi- bi's answers to Ibn Haruin). (25) At the end of the manuscript is a list of its copyists, going back to 636/1238. This may hint that the manuscript was pre- served by being copied and transferred to Syria before the Mongol destruction of Baghdad in 1258. There are similarities of content between al-Khasibl's words in this epistle and in other places. This manuscript may be a remnant of the Nusayrn tradition of Iraq, where the sect has completely disappeared.

4. The poems of al-Muntajib al-'Ani: (26) A group of diwans collected in a manuscript kept at the Asad Library in Damascus. al-'Ani seems to have been one of the muwahhidan, and he praises them in his poems. (27) Verses from his qasidas hint at al-Khasibi's activity. al-'Ani is also mentioned by al-Adhani (see below) as one of the saints of the Nusayriyya. (28) The diwans have been studied by As'ad 'Ali, a scholar from Damascus, who mistakenly believes al-Khasibi to have been a Sufi shaykh. (29)

5. MS Hamburg 303: Part of this manuscript has been published in a cri- tical edition by Strothmann in 1958, and was called after its copyist, Shaykh Mahmud Ba'amra. (30) Its title is Akhbar wa-Riwayat 'an Mawa- lina Ahl al-Bayt minhum al-salam. This is a collection of Nusayri religious traditions on various subjects, recorded in no particular order. The manus- cript seems to reflect the tradition of the Nusayris of Syria, as most of al- Khasibi's traditions are transmitted through his Aleppan disciple, al-Jilli.

(24) Bar-Asher and Kofsky, "An early Nusayri theological dialogue," p. 169. (25) This assumption is based on the following comparison: In ES fo. 177a, Harun quotes from a book

edited by al-Jisri: "Whoever has worshipped the ism through the truth, has in fact worshipped the ma 'na." In al-Khasibi's answer to Harun, ES fo. 50a, we find "Whoever has worshipped the ma'na through the truth of the ism, has declared that there is only one God." The worship of the ma'na is discussed in Bar-Asher and Kofsky, "An early Nusayri theological dialogue," pp. 171-172.

(26) As'ad Ahmad 'Ali, Fann al-Muntajib al-'Ani wa-'Irf anuhu (Beirut: Dar al-Nu'man, 1967). On al- Muntajib's dwadn, see: C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabische Literatur (Leiden: Brill, 1937), vol. 4, p. 327.

(27) On the possibility that he was one of the muwahhiduin, see As'ad 'Ali, p. 242. The line in which he

praises the family of Muhammad ibn Nusayr: avyamukum fa-hiyna aynami wa-qawlukum/qawli wa-ma'bi- dukumn bi-'l-sirri nma'bidi (Your days are my days, your saying/is my saying and your secret worship is my worship).

(28) al-Adhani, p. 4. (29) This error resulted from the fact that the muwahhidan are also called a tariqa, meaning that the

Nusayris saw al-Khasibi as shaykhna wa-tariqatuna ila mawlana S "our leader and our path to our lord," i.e. to Ibn Nusayr or to 'Ali. See ES fo. 42a. However, the possibility of Sffi influence on the Nusaynis cannot be completely excluded.

(30) al-Shaykh Mahmid Ba'amra ibn al-Husayn al-NusayriL "Risalat al-Shaykh Ba'amrah ibn al-Husayn (MS Hamburg 303," in: R. Strothmann, Esoterische Sonderthemen bei den Nusairi (Berlin :Akademie-Ver- lag, 1958).

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Some of the traditions appear in the early al-Hiddya al-Kubrd and Majmu' al-A 'yad.

6. al-Bakura al-Sulaymaniyya fi Kashf Asrdr al-Diydna al-Nusayriyya: This book was written by Sulayman al-Adhani, who was initiated into the secrets of the Nusayri religion, but left the faith and converted in turn to Judaism, Islam and to Christianity, and finally published the sect's secrets. (3) The book has been intensively studied and forms the main source of know- ledge about the Nusayrn religion in modern research. The most important part of it is Kitdb al-Majm ', a book holy to the Nusayris (32) whose date of com- position is unknown. The book includes prayers, and is divided into sixteen parts. There are certain Qur'anic elements in Kitdb al-Majmu', e.g. each part is called a sura, there are sections in rhyming prose, the use of Qur'anic ter- minology (bismillah, subhana allah) and even (inaccurate) quotations from the Qur'an. (33) Theological ideas are expressed in Kitdb al-Majma', and the saints of the sect are mentioned, among whom one may find figures from Greek, Persian and Muslim legends. al-Adhani's commentary, which some- times can be useful for the understanding of unclear phrases, appears at the end of each sura. In addition to Kitdb al-Majmu', al-Adhani's book includes description of Nusayri holy days, various theological principles, prayers (each called quddds, i.e. Mass) said on different occasions, and Nusayri hymns of many periods. (4) al-Adhani's book can be linked to early Nusayri literature in terms of both ideas and specific contents. al-Adhani was familiar with Majmu' al-A'ydd and quoted it. He even remarked on differences between various Nusayri groups in the interpretation of certain verses of it. (35) The book includes detailed descriptions of religious ceremonies that al-Adhani underwent in his home village a century and a half ago. Although the book was composed during the 19th century, it has preserved very ancient Nusayri ideas and principles.

7. Ta'rikh al-'Alawiyyin: (36) A collection of quasi-historical Nusayri tra- ditions. The 'Alawite author, Muhammad Ghalib al-Tawil, served as the Ottoman governor of Tartus at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and made every effort to lessen the differences between the Shi'ites and the Nusayris, even calling them by the same name: 'Alawiyyin. It seems that al- Tawll wove together popular tales and Shi'ite history. This bias, and the lack of sacred traditions in the book, are evidence that the book is not particularly

(31) E.E. Salisbury, "Notice of the Book of Sulaiman's First Ripe Fruit, Disclosing the Mysteries of the Nusairian Religion," JAOS 8 (1866), p. 228.

(32) Dussaud (p. xiv) states that the Nusayris consider Kitab al-Majmun' the cornerstone of their faith, and that it contains all their doctrines. According to a folk legend, it was given by the prophet Muhammad to twelve Nusayri holy men (nuqabd', sing. naqib), and contains the words of the god 'Ali.

(33) Dusaud (p. xv) claims that the Qur'anic verses became corrupted during a process of oral transmis- sion.

(34) Dussaud, p. xvi. (35) ibid. (36) According to Hashim 'Uthman (p. 146), the first edition was printed in Turkey in 1919.

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reliable, historically speaking. However, authentic historical facts are often hinted at, or referred to inexactly.

2. The biography of al-Khastbi

2.1. Childhood:

Abu 'Abdallah al-Husayn ibn Hamdan al-Khasibi al-Junbalani was born in the 3rd/9th century, according to one source in 260/873. (37) His family resided in Junbala, an Iraqi town located between Kufa and Wasit. (38) He was nickna- med al-Khasibi after his grandfather, al-Khasib. (39) Hamdan, al-Khasibi's father, was a transmittor of Shi'ite traditions, mostly connected to the stra (bio- graphy) of the prophet Muhammad. His uncle, Ibrahim ibn al-Khasib, was a murdbit (40) of the Imam al-'Askari. Both are mentioned in al-Khasibi's book. (41) Another uncle, Ahmad ibn al-Khasib, appears in Shi'ite literature as one of the faithful who went to Samarra to congratulate al-'Askari on the birth of his son al-Mahdi (the twelfth Imam and Shi'ite messiah). Like his brother Ham- dan, he seems to have excelled in sira literature. (42)

al-Khasibi grew up in a Shi'ite family that was close to the Imam, and thus was exposed to religious experiences from an early age. In his book, he states that already in 273/886 (perhaps aged 13) he prayed with the congre- gation of the mosque in western Medina in which the prophet Muhammad and his cousin 'Ali had prayed together. (43) In another place in his book, he states that he performed the hajj in 282/895, and before that had ascended Mt. Abi Qabis, where he saw the Prophet's footprint. (4)

al-Khasibi had a broad spiritual world. His writings reveal a man with a rich command of Arabic, learned in the religious sciences (especially Qur'an, exegesis and had?th), and a talented poet equally knowledgeable about pre-Islamic and Islamic-period poetry. (45)

(37) al-Tawil, p. 259. According to al-Tawil, al-Khasibi was born in 260/873, perhaps aiming to connect this to the death of the Imam al-'Askari in the same year.

(38) Yaiqt al-Hamawi, Mu'jam al-Buldan (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1990), vol. 2, p. 195.

(39) Muhammad al-Amin al-Husayn al-'Amili, A 'vn al-Shi'a (Damascus: Matba'at al-Itqan, 1947), vol. 15, pp. 345-346.

(40) murabit (pl. murabitun) is the name for volunteers who dedicated themselves to defending Islam's bor-

ders, living lives of asceticism and religious devotion. The murabit of a Shi'ite Imam was dedicated to defending the ImAm and to living as a religious ascetic in his proximity. See Georges Marcais, "Ribft," El VI (1936), pp. 1151-1152; Cyril Glasse, The Concise Encyclopedia of Islam (New York: Harper & Row, 1989), p. 335.

(41) On Hamdan, see al-Khasibi, pp. 54, 59, 60,67, 69, 151-153, 159. On IbrShim, see ibid., p.67. (42) On the travels of 70 disciples of the Imam al-'Askari (among them Ahmad ibn al-Khasib) to Samarra

to congratulate him on the birth of al-Mahdi, see ibid., pp.344-349; Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi, Bihdr al- Anwcr (Beirut: Mu'assasat al-Wafa', 1983), vol. 78, pp. 395-397. Ahmad appears mainly is the isnads of tra- ditions about the Prophet, cf. e.g. al-Khasibi, pp. 54, 59, 162.

(43) al-Khasibi, p. 121. (44) ibid., pp. 67-68. (45) For examples of quotations of pre-Islamic poetry, see ibid., pp.1 10, 1 11,197; for Islamic-period poe-

try, see ibid., pp. 106-107, 406.

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2.2 His first mystical guidance:

While still young, his education took a radical turn when he met 'Abdal- lah al-Jannan, a fellow townsman, perhaps at the instigation of his uncle Ahmad. (46) al-Jannan was nicknamed "al-Farisi" (the Persian) and "al- Zahid" (the ascetic), and his writings betray the influence of Iranian reli- gions. (47) According to the Nusayri literature, al-Jannan transmitted to al- Khasibi the principles that he had received in the 3rd/9th century from Abu Shu'ayb Muhammad ibn Nusayr al-Namiri, who claimed that he was the Bab (i.e., the "gateway" - see below) to the secret of the Imam Hasan al- 'Askari. al-Jannan died in 287/900. (48) His influence on al-Khasibi was decisive. al-Khasibi decided to follow in his teacher's footsteps, in the knowledge that this was not the path of the majority of Shi'ites, including his own family. In the absence of a guide, al-Khasibi searched for someone else, who would be capable of continuing his study of Muhammad ibn Nusayr's mystical teachings. This search seems to have lasted twenty-seven years.

2.3. His second mystical guidance:

According to the Nusayri literature, in 314/926 al-Khasibi met an ancient mystic named 'Alu ibn Ahmad, a disciple of Ibn Nusayr's, in the town of Turba near Karbala'. At their meeting, which took place on the tenth of Muharram, 'Al revealed to al-Khasibi the hidden meaning of that day, the day of 'Ashura'. It is stated that 150 of the mystic's pupils also participated in this meeting, whose purpose was al-Khasibi's initiation. 'Ali revealed to al-Khasi^bi that the Imam Hasan al-'Askari had chosen, out of all his dis- ciples, to bless Ibn Nusayr (and not Ishaq ibn Muhammad al-Nakha'i al- Ahmar, the object of the devotion of the contemporary Ishaqiyya sect). The Imam even declared that Ibn Nusayr was bab allah wa-wali al-mu'minin (the gateway to Allah and the leader of the faithful). (49)

The period following the disappearance of the twelfth Imam was charac- terized by great confusion among the Shi'ites. The question of the continua- tion of the Imam's spiritual leadership engaged all the Shi'ite sects, and the Namiriyya in particular. While the Imam was absent, the Shi'a were in need

(46) A connection between al-Khasibi's uncle, Ahmad, and al-Jannan is hinted at by their both appearing among the representatives of Junbala in the group of 70 disciples who travelled to Samarra (see above, n. 42).

(47) On al-Jannan, see Halm, "Das Buch der Schatten," pp. 257-258. (48) al-Adhani, pp. 15-16. According to Kitab al-Majmai', the principles of the Nusayri religion were

transmitted as follows: Muhammad ibn Nusayr > Muhammad ibn Jandab > 'Abdallah al-Jannan > al-Kha- sibi; cf. Halm, ibid., pp. 256-258. The sources indicate additional paths of transmission.

(49) al-Tabarani, pp.126-131.0n the Ishaqiyya and their conflict with the Nusayriyya, see al-Tawil, pp. 262-264; Bar-Asher and Kofsky, "An early Nusayri theological dialogue," pp. 268-269, n. 65. In another anti-Ishaqiyya tradition, transmitted by al-Khasibi from al-Jannan, Hasan al-'Askari gathered his disciples, and chose Ibn Nusayr, not Ishaq al-Ahmar, in order to perform through him a miracle that would repel the 'Abbasid attack. See Ba'amra, p. 18.

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of spiritual guidance. Several sects, among them apparently the Namiriyya, refused to accept the authority of the sufard'. (50) In this context, it is worth noting that according to Nusayri tradition, al-Khasibi's guide 'Ali ibn Ahmad al-Turba'i claimed to have been appointed as a safir by the Imams 'Ali al-Hadi and his son Hasan al-'Askar. (51)

al-Turba'i carried out a ceremony through which he appointed al-Khasibi to be his successor as the leader of the community of the faithful in Turba. al-Turba'i and al-Jannan made al-Khasibi responsible for the continuation of Ibn Nusayr's path by transmitting his secrets. al-Khasibl inherited the Imam's esoteric knowledge. It is, therefore, possible that al-Khasibi consi- dered 'AlI al-Turba'i the sole legitimate safir.

2.4. al-Khasibt becomes a spiritual leader:

al-KhasEbT did not regard himself as the leader of a Shi'ite splinter group, but rather as the guide of the community that still followed the true path of the Shi'a in accordance with the will of the Imam and his bab, Ibn Nusayr. Convinced of his own righteousness, al-Khasibi in his poems refers to his disciples as shl'at al-haqq (the true Shi'a) (52) and shi'at al-huda (the right- path Shi'a). (53)

From the Nusayri traditions we learn that as a result of his mystical stu- dies, al-Khasibl saw himself as a mediator between the human world of his disciples and the spiritual world. His poems are filled with religious enthu- siasm. In a certain section of his Qasida al-Ghadiriyya, he describes a mys- tical experience of his, referring to himself in the third person:

Your Junbalamn is a descendant of KhasTb The slave of slaves to twelve full moons [= the twelve Imams]

His father'was fed with the most secret of secrets From the exegesis of the Exegete [= 'Ali ibn Abi Talib] (54)

And [al-Khasibi] rose up to the hijdb [veil, see below], the hijdb of Allah Until he cast anchor in the sea of hearts

And was watered with the fine wine of Salsali [an epithet of Salman, the hijab] And he was given to drink by the Lord of Sufficient Truth

(50) safir, pi. sufard' (also wakil, pl. wukala'): The representatives who according to the Shi'a remained in touch with the Imam al-Mahdi during the lesser occultation, until his final disappearance in the greater occultation (260-329/874-941). See E. Kohlberg, "Safir," E2 VIII (1995), pp. 811-812. According to Shi'ite traditions, the second safir, Abi Ja'far Muhammad ibn 'Uthman, rejected and cursed Ibn Nusayr. See E. Kohlberg, "Bara'a in Shi'i Doctrine," JSAI 7 (1986), p. 166.

(51) al-Tabarani, p. 128. (52) ibid., p. 113. (53) ibid., p. 112. In the same qasida, al-Khasibi also blesses the 70 muwahhidain of the "great Shi'a" (al-

sht'a al-kubri), probably referring to the 70 disciples of Hasan al-'Askari, including his uncle Ahmad and his teacher al-Jannan.

(54) sahib al-tafstr or al-ta'wil is an epithet of 'All among the Shi'a. See, e.g., al-Majlisi, vol. 39, p. 93; vol. 40, p. 53.

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And he swore to give the careless [= the Shi'ites] (55) to drink In the name of the slaughterer, the drink of the slaughtered [hints at Husayn's

martyrdom] And he will be seen by anyone who gazes upon him clearly

While he remains without being present [hints at docetism (56)] And the glorious grandson of al-Khasib will stand

At the head of the holy ones in the impressive array When he tells those who wandered and strayed [again, hints at Shi'ites]

About Abui Shabbir [=Husayn or 'Ali] (57) and the Light of Giving... (58)

The verses of the qasida show that al-Khasib underwent a mystical expe- rience that convinced him that he was right, and caused him to feel that a higher being (perhaps the hijab Salman) had appointed him as leader of his community.

In this early stage of the development of the cult, the pillars of the Nusayri theology (59) already appear in citations from al-khasibi: The Holy Trinity and its

appearance in human history (60), the docetism of al-Husayn (61), bdtin (secret or

mystical) meaning of Persian and Islamic holidays (62), and reincarnation. (63)

2.5. The beginning of propaganda:

al-Khasibi seems to have spread his message via open propaganda, and thus to have placed himself and his disciples in severe danger. The center of the Isla- mic Empire, Iraq, was extremely unstable, and this instability reached its height in the first half of the 4th/lOth century. Yet the execution of al-Hallaj, the wides-

pread arrests initiated by the authorities in Baghdad and the liquidation of those

suspected of aiding the Carmathian rebels, did not deter al-Khasibi. (6) It would

(55) The Nusaynrs call the Shi'ites muqassira or dhli al-taqsir, since they believe that only they have preser- ved the original religion according to the instructions of the Imrm, while other Shi'ites perform only some of the commandments. See H. Modarressi, Crisis and Consolidation in the Formative Period of Shii Islam (Princeton: The Darwin Press, 1993), p. 41.

(56) On Docetism see F. L. Cross and E. A.. Livingstone, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p.493; The Qur'an al-Nisa' (4):157.

(57) Abf Shabbir is Husayn's epithet in a lament in his memory sung at Karbala'. See, e.g., al-Majlisi, vol. 42, p. 241. Abf Shabbir might be 'Al, as Shabbar and Shabbir are nicknames of his sons Hasan and Husayn. Accor- ding to a Shi'ite tradition, the two were given the same names as Aaron's sons (Shefer and Shafir) before these names were translated into Arabic as Hasan and Husayn. See M. Bar-Asher, "On the place of Jews and Judaism in early Shi'ite religious literature," Pe'amim 61 (1994), p. 29 [in Hebrew].

(58) al-Tabarami, p. 59. (59) Al-Adhani attribute to Khasibi the foundation of the Nusayri theology, see:al-Adhani, p. 27. (60) On the Nusayri trinity: Ma'na - Ism/Hijab - bab, see: Dussaud, pp. 41-67; ES, p.45b. On its appearance

as Ali - Muhammad - Salman, see for example: ibid., al-Tabarfni, p.56, ES, pp. 47a+b. On the last appearance, that of al-'Askari- al-Mahdi - ibn Nusayr, see:ES, p. 44a

(61) al-Hasibi compares between the docetism of Jesus and that of al-Husayn. See: al-Tabarani, pp. 58,110-1111. (62) On the nornzi, see: al-Tabarani, pp. 198-199; 'Asheiri' :ibid., p. 127; al-Ghadir: ibid., pp. 56-57. (63) ibid., p. 56. (64) On the situation in Iraq in general, and in Baghdad in particular, in this period, see: Ibn al-Athir, al-Kdail

fi '-Ta'rikh (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyya, 1987), vol. 7, pp. l, 23, 34, 64, 74; A.A. Duri, "Baghdad," El1 I (1986), pp. 899-900: D. Sordel, "'Irak," El2 ml (1986), p. 1255. On al-Hallaj, see J. Baldick, Mystical Islam -An Introduction to Sufism (London: I.B. Tauris, 1989). pp. 46-49.

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seem that the Nusayri tradition, according to which the governor of Baghdad imprisoned al-Khasibi for openly preaching his message, can be dated to the per- iod between 314-333/926-945. The end of the tradition demonstrates the Nusayni nature of his teaching: "...When he had the chance he ran away and spread among his disciples that the lord Messiah [Jesus] had rescued him, and that he [Jesus] was [the reincarnation of] Muhammad and of the eleven sons of Muhammad's daughter [i.e., the Imams descended from Fatima, the daughter of the prophet Muhammad] ..." (65)

It would seem, then, that the cause of al-Khasibi's imprisonment was his public preaching of his beliefs, which clearly denied Islamic principles.

2.6. The move to Syria and founding of the sect:

al-Khasibi's persecution and imprisonment on the one hand, and his attraction to Jesus on the other, were probably the reasons for his decision to move to al-Sham ("greater Syria"), where he acted with great circumspec- tion, having learned his lesson in Baghdad. In a verse that appears in two Nusayri sources, al-Khasibi blesses al-Sham, the land where Jesus was born and Muhammad ascended to heaven, but curses its inhabitants. (66) This shows that the Iraqi, of foreign origin and outlandish faith, was confronted by no few difficulties. According to one source, the only place in which al- Khasibi was able to establish a community in the region was Harran. (67) The members of the community were called muwahhidun (monotheists). (68)

According to this source, the members numbered 51: 17 Iraqis, 17 Syrians and 17 "people of the secret standing at the gates of Harran." (69) Among these muwahhidun were future leaders of the community after al-Khasibi: Muhammad ibn 'All al-Jilli and 'Ali ibn 'Isa al-Jisri al-'Iraqi al-Qatan. (70)

(65) al-Adhani, p. 16: wa-lamma laha[t - Middle Arabic, Y.F.] lahu fursatan haraba wa-ash'ara bavna atbd 'ihi bi-anna al-sawvid al-masih khalasahu lavlan wa-annahu muhammad wa-abna' bint muhammad al- ahad 'ashar. One should take care not to identify this description with a similar story about the imprisonment of Hamdan Qarmat, a mistake which repeats itself among scholars. See, e.g., M. Moosa, Extremist Shiites - The Ghulat Sects (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1980), pp. 262-266, 504 (n.56). In this tradition, al- Adhani quotes verses in which al-Khasibi clains that the hijdb freed him: A merciful father told me O son of al-Khasib, you are free and released Through the veils (hujub) of the family of Ahmad [=the prophet Muham- mad] So long as you live you are free, and full of their love.

The special relationship between al-Khasibi and the hijab is hinted at in the first sara of Kitab

al-Majnm': see al-Adhani, p. 9. On Middle Arabic in Nusayrn manuscripts, see Bar-Asher and Kofsky, "An

early Nusayri theological dialogue," pp. 261-262. (66) al-Adhani, pp. 16, 23, 83. An almost identical version is in al-Tabarani, pp. 176-177. (67) Yaqit, vol. 2, pp. 271-273. Yaqiit's comment that there is also a village near Aleppo called Harran

(wa-harrdn aydan min qurti halab) is worthy of note. The muwahhidfin may have settled near Aleppo already at this stage, and this may hint as to why al-Khasibi chose to move to this city shortly before his death.

(68) The city of Harran was the center of the Sabaean sect, who were star-worshippers, and may have influenced al-Khasibi. However, Dussaud's claim of Sabaean influence on the Nusayriyya remains a theory only. See Glasse, p. 340, al-Shahrastam, p. 660.

(69) al-Adhan, ibid. The number 17 is presumably connected to a ceremony described by 'Ali al-Tur- ba'i to al-Khasibi, in which the mnam Hasan al-'Askari blessed 'Ali al-Turba'i and his disciples, and gave him seventeen dates. See al-Tabarfni, p. 129.

(70) al-Adhani, ibid.

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Abu '1-Fadl Muhammad ibn Husayn al-Muntajib al-'Ani mentions Harran in one of his verses, and in another poem he states that "the sons of Namlr" keep their faith in secret. (71)

2.7. The return to Iraq:

Circumstances in Baghdad changed in 336/947, when the Persian-Shi'ite Buyid dynasty seized power. (72) The new government was an opportunity for al-Khasibi to return to Iraq. A Nusayri source states that al-Khasibi retur- ned to Turba in 336/947, and found that the muwahhidun community num- bered 140 persons. (73) According to the historian Ibn al-Athir, a group of infidels, whose views were similar to those of the muwahhidun, was arres- ted in Baghdad in 340/951, after the death of their leader Abuf Ja'far Muham- mad ibn 'All ibn Abi Qaraqir. They addressed the Buyid ruler Mu'izz al- Dawla in the simple words nahnu sh"'at 'all ibn abl tdlib (We are the supporters of 'Ali ibn Abi Talib), and were released. This incident could indicate the ability of extremist Shi'te groups to survive in Buyid Iraq. (74)

2.8. al-Khasibi's taqiyya - Posing as a Shi'ite tradent:

Despite his activity among the muwahhidin, surprisingly enough al-Kha- sibi appears in Shi'ite literature as an important transmittor of traditions. Shi'ite traditions on his authority were recorded in the canonical book com- posed by Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi (d. 1267/1700). Traditions in which al- Khasibi appears in the isnad deal, among others, with the transference of divine light from one Imam to another, (75) the miraculous birth of the twelfth Imam, (76) and the importance of silence during prayer. (77) Traditions in which he is the final link to Hasan al-'Askari include the tale of the journey of 70 dis- ciples to Samarra to congratulate the Imam on the birth of al-Mahdi (78) and the date of al-'Askari's death. (79) al-Khasibi's book Kitab al-Hiddya is men- tioned in a list of books "around which the millstones of the Shi'a turn" and "there is no Shi'ite household from which they are absent." (80) "The book of al-Husayn ibn Hamdan" is described as a praises-of-the-Imams work, but here

(71) As'ad 'Ali, pp. 239-240. (72) On the Buyids, see: M.G.S. Hodgson, "The Buyid Era," in: S.H. Nasr et al. (eds.), The Expectation

of the Millenninum S Shiism in History (New York: SUNY Press, 1988), pp. 155-158; J.L. Kraemer, Huma- nism in the Renaisance of lslam: The Cultural Revival During the Buyid Age (Leiden: Brill, 1986); C. Cahen. "Buwwayhids," El2 I (1986), pp. 1350-1357; Modarresi, pp. 96-105.

(73) al-Tabarani, p. 131. (74) Ibn al-Athir, p. 34. (75) al-Majlisi, vol. 15, p. 4. (76) ibid., vol. 15, pp. 25-28. (77) ibid., vol. 82. p. 27. (78) ibid., vol. 78, pp. 395-397. (79) ibid., vol. 50. p. 335. (80) ibid., vol. 102, pp. 37, 102.

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al-Majlisi adds that a number of biographers rejected it (either the book or al- Khasibi himself). (81)

al-Khasilbi himself relates in his book that, during this period of the crys- tallization of the Shi'a, he supported the Twelver view of the succession to the Imam. In a house in east Baghdad, 'Askar al-Mahdi, he tried through logic and analogy to prove to Ja'far's disciples that the Imam after al- 'Askart must be his son Muhammad, and not Ja'far, the Imam's brother. (82)

Acording to this and another Nusayri source, al-Khasibi heard a tradition from Yahya ibn Muhammad al-Kharqi (or al-Barqi) in east Baghdad on al- khattdabn (or: al-hattbin) fi qati'at malik ("the khattabin in Malik's land). (83) Abu 'l-Tayyib Ahmad ibn Abu 'l-Hasan heard a tradition from al-Kha- sibi in his house (it is unclear whether this is Abu 'I-Tayyib's or al-Khasi- bi's house) in the Bab al-Kuifa road in Baghdad. (4) In 344/956 al-Khasibi arrived in Kufa, where he gave an ijdza (teaching permit) to Haruin ibn Musa al-Tal'akbarf, one of the most reliable and important of Shf'ite tra- dents. (85) Another respected Shl'ite of Kufa, Abu 'l-'Abbas ibn 'Uqda al- Hafiz transmitted traditions from al-Khasibi and praised him. (86) However, in later Shi'ite literature al-Khasibi is considered less reliable. Ahmad ibn 'Ali al-Najashi's biographical dictionary shows that al-Khasibi was seen as a transmittor of unreliable traditions, and of faulty opinions (fdsid al-madh- hab). (87) In his book Lisan al-Mizan, Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalanl quotes a Shi'ite called Ibn al-Najashi, as saying of al-Khasibi: "He mixed and composed [books] of the Nusayri religion and brought evidence for them. He said: He believed in the reincarnation of men and in the incarnation of the deity." (88)

Whether he was considered reliable or not, we can conclude that al-Kha- sibi succeeded in constructing a new image for himself in Baghdad, the image of a learned Twelver Shi'ite. However, we should not jump to the conclusion that al-Khasibi abandoned his secret principles. Rather, his image should be seen as a useful cover for his activity (doubtlessly clandes- tine) meant to establish the muwahhidun sect. In other words, he adopted the Shi'ite principle of taqiyya, according to which the believer must keep his faith secret, while outwardly behaving as if he were one of his opponents.

(81) ibid., vol.1, p. 39. (82) al-Khasib,i pp. 384-386. On Ja'far's supporters, see Muhammad ibn Nu'man al-'Akbari Shaykh al-

Mufid, al-Fusul al-Mukhtdra (Beirut: Dar al-Adwa', 1986), pp. 260, 262; Modarressi, pp. 84-86. (83) al-Khasibi, pp.328-331, using the words al-kharqi, al-khattdbin; Ba'amra, pp. 18-19, using the

words al-barqi, al-hattdabn. (84) al-Tabaram^, p. 133. (85) Muhammad ibn 'All al-Astarabadi, Minhaj al-Maqdl (Tehran: Mutabbi' Karbala'i Muhammad

Husayn al-Tahrani, 1307 AH), p. 112. On al-Tal'akbari, see Agha Buzurg al-Tahrani, Tabaqat A'l1m al- Shi'a (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Arabiyya, 1971), vol. 2. pp. 188-189.

(86) Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalmni, Lisdn al-Mizdn (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1987), vol. 2, pp. 343-344. On Abu '1- 'Abbas ibn 'Uqda, see ibid., vol. 1, pp. 287-289.

(87) See. e.g., Ahmad ibn 'Ali al-Najashi, Rijal al-Najiishi (Beirut: Dar al-Adwa', 1988), vol. 1, p. 187. (88) al-'Asqalani, p. 344: wa-dhakara ibn al-Najdshf annahu khallata wa-sannafa fi nmadhhab al-Nusay-

rivya wa-ihtajja lahurn qdla wa-kAna yaqilui bi-'l-tandsukh wa-'l-hulll.

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2.9. The establishment of the Iraqi center:

Together with the Shi'ite activities described above, al-Khasibi contimued to nurture his community. The new atmosphere enabled al-Khasibi to become active in Baghdad once more, and he appointed his pupil 'All ibn 'Isa as head of the muwahhidan community there. (89) al-Khasibi's teachings to al-Jisri can be learned from the Risalat al-Tawhid composed by one of al-Jisri's pupils. This epistle is in the form of al-Jisri's questions and al-Khasibi's answers, mainly on the subject of the Nusayri holy trinity. (90) In this epistle al-Khasibi explains to al-Jisrn that in the most recent manifestation of the trinity to huma- nity, Ibn Nusayr was the bab, the third element of the trinity. (91)

2.10. The connection with the Buyids:

al-Khasibi composed another epistle, entitled Rast Bash (Persian: Be righteous!), which indicates its didactic purpose. Nothing of this epistle has been preserved, except for two quotations in Majmur' al-A 'yad by al-Taba- rani, al-Khasibi's successor. The two quotations refer to the mystic meaning of the month of Ramadan. (92) The epistle's Persian title might indicate that it was not intended for Arab muwahhidun. It connot be established whether the contents were written in Persian or in Arabic. (93) In Ta'rikh al-'Ala- wiyyin it is reported that the epistle was dedicated to Adud al-Dawla, the Buyid ruler of Iraq, who was therefore nicknamed rast bash al-daylami, information that is unique to this source. (94)

al-Tawil preferred not to mention in his Ta'rikh al-'Alawiyyitn that in rea- lity, the epistle was not dedicated to the famous ruler Adud al-Dawla, but rather to his brother and rival, Abu Mansur 'Izz al-Dawla Bakhtiyar. (95) Bakhtiyar, who was a successful poet and patron of poets, but a failure as a ruler, is described by the historian Ibn al-Kathir (d. 774/1372) as "feeble- minded and little [bothered] by religion," (96) and in Shi'ite tradition as "pampered and a seeker of pleasure and wine." (97)

In Arabic Bakhtiyar's nickname was corrupted, and he was called ras bash, as evinced by the poet al-Muntajib's 596-line panegyric dedicated to

(89) He is called "al-Jisri" in two sources, see ES fo. 42b; al-Tawil, p. 259; According to Ta 'rkh al-'Ala- wiv'vin (ibid.), this was because he was the inspector of the bridges of Baghdad.

(90) It can be assumed, from the wording of the beginning of the epistle, that it was transmitted by a pupil of al-Jisri. See ES, fo. 42. On the Nusayri trinity, see Halm, "Nusayriyya," p. 148.

(91) ES, fo. 44a. (92) al-Tabarani, pp. 12-13, 154. (93) The possibility that al-Khasibi's epistle was translated to Persian is not unlikely. Brockelmann states

that Massignon read al-Hidaia al-Kubrd in Persian (Brockelmann, SI, p. 326). (94) al-Tawil. p. 260. (95) On the Buyid rulers, see Kraemer, pp. 31-102. (96) Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya wa-'l-Nihdya (Beirut: Maktabat al-Ma'rif, 1988), vol. 11, p. 290: wa-kana

'izz al-dawla da'if al-'aql wa-qalil al-din. (97) al-Majlis., vol. 41, p. 352.

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him. (98) It would seem that al-Muntanjib is the link connecting al-Khasibi and Bakhtiyar, as he composed poems in honor of both of them. This, howe- ver, is not sufficient evidence to prove that he mediated between them.

2.11. al-Khasibi appoints a successor in Iraq:

Before al-Khasibi left Iraq for the last time, he left a kind of "will" to al- Jisri. The last part of Risalat al-Tawhtd shows him explaining to al-Jisri how to transmit traditions from him, and asked him to follow his path:

I command you, sir, to be in contact with your brothers [the muwahhi- dun]... and that you say [when transmitting a tradition to them]: X son of Y told me, on the authority of Abu 'Abdallah al-Husayn ibn Hamdan al-Kha- sibi, on the authority of 'Abdallah al-Jannan (99) ... [Next page:] Do not pole- micize through it [= knowledge] with the ignorant, ('1) and do not argue [lit. expose your teeth] over it with the mistaken, and be as a fortress to them, do not hide what you know from your brothers, and do not suspect [that they will reveal] what you understand, and beware of thieves ... [Next page:] Fear God with a true fear, know him with a true knowledge and be a true monotheist ..." (10')

We may also conclude from the epistle that already in al-Khasibi's time there were theological disputes among the muwahhidun. (102)

(98) As'ad 'All, p. 17. The name Shihab al-Din Bakhtiyar ibn Abi Mansir Rasbash al-Daylami al-

'Ajami appears in Brockelmann as that of the Nusayri author of a long mystical qastda on the family of the

Prophet Muhammad (Brockelmann, SI, p. 326). (99) Regarding the isnad that al-Khasibi mentions, he explains that al-Jannan received traditions directly

from the last Imams and their intimate associates, e.g. Yahya ibn Mu'in (see Halm, "Das Buch der Schatten," pp. 237, 254), Muhammad ibn Isma'l al-Hasani and 'Askar ibn Muhammad (unidentified). The first two

appear in the isndds of al-Hidaya al-Kubra. Yahya: ibid., p. 392; Muhammad: ibid., pp. 353, 357, 367. (100) In his epistle to al-Jisri, al-Khasibi uses the termjuhhdl (ignorant) to refer to those who should not

know the secrets. In his conversation with 'Abdallah ibn Harin al-Sa'igh, he states that the secret knowledge is salvation for the 'drifin (those who know; ES, fo. 51b). This indicates that al-KhasibT used these terms to differentiate between his intimates (the pupils of Harran) and other people. However, one should not conclude that at this early stage in the sect's development, there was the differentiation between the khlssa and the 'amma (elite and lower class, names for initiated and non-initiated Nusayris) that exists today. On this division, see Dussaud, pp. 117-118. It seems that at this stagejuhhal and 'drifin refer to muwahhiditn and non-muwahhiduin, as throughout al-Khasibi's writings there is no prohibition on teaching his secrets within the sect. In Risdlat al-Tawhid, al-Khasibi even tells al-Jisri not to conceal his knowledge from his brother muwahhidiun.

(101) ES, fo. 47b-48b: ... uwassiuka ya saviidi bi-silat ikhwanika ... wa-taqtil haddathanifildn 'an fiulin ibn fiiln 'an abt 'abdallah al-husayn ibn hamdan 'an abi 'abdalldh al-jannan ... a1 tintmri bihi al-juhhdl wa- a tlukashir bihi ahl al-dalal wa-kun lahum hirzan wa-la tukatim ikhwanaka ma ta'lamuhui wa-la tazunn 'alayhinm mn tafhamuhu wa-ihdar[ihdhar s Middle Arabic, Y.F.] al-lustIs ... fa-taki llah haqq tuqiitihi wa-

i'raf bi-llah haqq ma'rifatihi wa-wahhidhu haqq tawhidihi ... (102) ES, fo. 46a.

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2.12. The center in Aleppo and the appointment of a successor in Syria:

In his last years al-Khasibi returned to Syria, choosing to live in Aleppo or its vicinity. (103) The Shi'ite Arab dynasty of the Hamdanids ruled Aleppo from 333/945. These circumstances enabled him to live there under his respectable Shi'ite identity, while secretly managing the affairs of his community. He expressed his Shi'ite identity in his book, al-Hiddya al-Kubrd, on the twelve Imams, which he dedicated, according to al-Tawil, to the court of Sayf al- Dawla al-Hamdani. ('04)This notice is reinforced by another source: The Shi'ite biographers seem to have preferred not to mention the tale of al-Khasibi at the Hamdanite court. However, this matter has been preserved by Ibn Hajar al- 'Asqalani, who writes of him, "it is said that he used to frequent Sayf al- Dawla." (105) The word "said" hints that the author of the source used by al- 'Asqalam, probably a Shi'ite, made an effort to present the notice as unreliable.

We learn of al-Khasibi's secret activities among the muwahhidan from Nusayri sources. al-Khasibi chose one of his disciples from Harran, Muhammad ibn 'AlI al-Jilli, to lead the muwahhidan of Aleppo. ('06) According to al-Taba- rani, al-Khasibi explained to al-Jilli that in certain verses of his Qasida al-Gha- diriyya he had intended to satirize various sects, including the Hallajiyya (the supporters of the crucified al-Hallaj ibn Mansur) and the Ishaqiyya. (107) Howe- ver, in this particular case, it is difficult to determine whether this is a quotation from al-Khasibi himself, or material reworked later by al-Tabarani. The main source for al-Khasibi's instruction of al-Jilli is a number of Nusayri traditions in which al-Khasibi teaches al-Jilll doctrines like allegorical interpretations of the Qur'an, the Nusayri trinity, Husayn's docetism and reincarnation. (108)

In 346/957 al-Khasibi died at an advanced age, while the Hamdanids still ruled Aleppo. (l@O) According to another version, he died in 358/969, (]0) when the Byzantines gave up their seige of the city due to the plague there. ("') His grave in north Aleppo, where - according to al-Tawil - he is called

Shaykh Yabraq, is the last piece of evidence for his residence in the city. (112) al-Khasibi devoted his life to the spreading of Ibn Nusayr's principles, as

they had been transmitted to him by his disciples. He transformed the prin- ciples Ibn Nusayr had handed on to individuals into the crystallized religion of an entire community, extending along the Euphrates. His biography can be summarized as follows:

(103) On the mention of another place, Harran near Aleppo, by Yaqft, see above, n. 61. (104) al-Tawil, p. 259. (105) al-'Asqalani, pp. 3443-344: ... qUla innahu k6na ca 'ulmmu saf al-dadwla.

(106) al-Tawl, p. 259. (107) al-Tabarani, p. 72. (108) Ba'amra, pp. 1. 2, 6. 12, 13. (109) al-Tawil, p. 259. (110) al-Tahrani, vol. 1, p. 112. al-'Amili. p. 345. (111) Ibn al-Athir, p. 314. (112) al-Tawil, p. 259.

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Year Place Event Formation of Nusayrt religious element

260/873 (?) Iraq: Junbala Birth. education (family) 273/886 Al-Madina Prayer in mosque 282/895 Mecca Hajj

Before 287/900 Iraq: Junbala Education (al-Jannan) Holiness of ibn Nusayr.

(Jannan's death) 314/926 Turba Education ('Ali ibn Ahmad) Secret meaning of 'AshOra, Ibn Nusayr

is the < bdb >. Al-Khasibi is the sect's leader.

Before 333/945 Baghdad Public preaching and arrest Jesus muhammad and the Imams are one

(rise of the Buyids) (the "ist" or "hijdb' that al-khasibi claimed he met). ? al-Sham: Harran Establishment of teaching

/ propaganda centers

336/947 Iraq: Turbl Visit to miiwahhid9n community ? Baghdad: 1) east Religious disputation. The Nusayri <<Taqiyya>.

Baghdad. transmission of traditions

'Askar al-Mahdi:

2) al-Khattabin.

Qati'at Malik:

3) Bab al-KOfa.

344/956 Kufa Giving of ijaza to al-Tal'akbari

? Baghdad Appointment of al-Jisri The <Taswhid,(monotheism). before departure. The Trinity:"-na'na'. "ism"

dedication of Risalat or "hijitb" and "bdb".

Rast Bash Secret meaning of Ramadan.

346/957 or al-Sham: Aleppo Appointment of al-Jilli. Docetism. Allegorical 358/969 Dedication of al-Hi&dasya interpretations of the Qur'an

al-Ktibrd. death. and reincarnation.

3. al-Khasibt's literary writings

al-Khasibi's writings are of two types: Nusayri and Shi'ite.

3.1. Nusayrn works:

Nusayri tradition attributes a number of poems to al-Khasibi, but the only one actually to be named is the Qas?da al-Ghadlriyya, brought apparently in its entirety by al-Tabarani, which deals with the mystical meaning of Gha- dir Khumm. (113) al-Tabarani even quotes verses from other poems by al- Khasibf in order to reinforce his claims, all with correct metre and a set rhyme. al-Adhani quotes tarainim (sing. tarnima), hymns, in which al-Kha- sibi praises God. (114) Modern sources, such as al-Adhani in the nineteenth century and As'ad 'Ali in the twentieth, quote verses from dtwan al-Khasbil that are not mentioned in other poems, which include Nusayri principles and

(113) al-Tabarani, pp. 56-58.

(114) al-Adhani, pp. 51-52.

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autobiographical elements. ("5) It would seem that al-Khasibi left many poems, most of which are now lost. Their purpose was to express complex theological ideas in a ceremonial and aesthetic fashion, so that they could be learned by the muwahhidun.

al-Tabarani mentions epistles of al-Khasibi's, but apparently is referring to three which were at his disposal. One epistle, which was possibly given to al-Jilli, was called Fiqh Risalatihi ("The Law of His Epistle"), and was divided into chapters. We know that one chapter dealt with the doctrine of Husayn's docetism, (16) and another with the Persian manifestations of the trinity. (117) The second epistle mentioned by name is al-risala al-rastba- shiyya, whose correct name is apparently Rdst Bdsh, referred to by al-Tawil. The quotations from it appearing in al-Tabarani are in Arabic, although, as mentioned above, it was dedicated to the Persian ruler Bakhtiyar. al-Taba- rani calls it risalatihi ("his epistle") for short, and the passage taken from it deals with mystical meanings of the days of the year and of festivals (espe- cially Ramadan). (18) The third epistle is called al-Siyaqa ("the transport"), and it is mentioned once by al-Tabarani within the context of the manifesta- tions of the ma'nd and the ism from Adam to Muhammad. ("9)

Another epistle, known from MS Paris 1450 as Risalat al-Tawh&d, is a collection of questions and answers regarding the true nature of the divine trinity. However, the contents are similar to a discussion between al-Khasibi and al-Jisri about a certain unnamed epistle of the former's. (120) In the same manuscript appears an additional epistle, edited by al-Jisri, describing al- Khasibi's teachings to 'Abdallah ibn Harun on the relations between the ma'ni and the ism. (121) The epistles are collections of traditions dealing with various theological issues, in a (disciple's) question and (master's) answer format. In contrast to the poems, which were meant for the religious cere- monies of all the muwahhiduin, the epistles (except for Rdst Bash) seem to have been dedicated only to prominent menbers of the sect, with whom the issue at stake had been discussed.

3.2. Shi'ite works:

Shi'ite literary history attributes many books to al-Khasibi, but many of them are different names for the same book. al-Hiddya, (122) called also al- Hiddya al-Kubrd, Ta'rikh al-A'imma and al-Hiddya fi Ta'rikh al-A'imma

(115) ibid., pp. 13, 16. 85; As'ad 'All, p. 232. (116) al-Tabaram,n pp. 108-109, 110-111; Ba'amra, p. 13. (117) al-Tabarani p. 189. (118) ibid., pp. 19, 108, 155 (explicitly). It may be concluded that risdlatihi is Rdst Bdsh, as the same

matters are dealt with in both; al-Tawil, p. 260. (119) al-Tabarani, p. 188, and see Strothmann's comment, n. 4. (120) ES, fo. 42a-b. (121) ibid..fo. 48b, 176b. (122) The earliest documentation for the book is al-Tabarani, p. 97. who calls the book Kitdb al-Hiddva.

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wa-Mu'jizactihim, (123) is the only Shi'ite book composed by al-Khasibi to have survived to the present. The book comprises traditions about the Pro- phet Muhammad, his daughter Fatima and the twelve Imams. al-Khasbib states there that he has abridged the material so that the book would not be too long, and indeed, Shi'ite traditions transmitted by al-Khasibi exist that do not appear in al-Hidaya, but in other Nusayri sources. (124) The book was dedicated, as mentioned above, to Sayf al-Dawla, the ruler of Aleppo. (25)

Other books are not available to present researchers and their contents are unknown: al-lkhwan and al-Masa'il are mentioned in Shi'ite literature, (126)

and also by the Sunnite Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani. (127) In addition, two other Shi'ite works are mentioned, Asma' al-Nabl wa-'l-A'imma (128) and Risalat al-Takhlit, (129) of which the latter, whose name means "confusion," may have been a Nusayri work.

We saw above that the Nusayri material was composed in the format of poems and epistles, rather than books, which were expensive and required financing by a patron. As the patrons in al-Khasibi's immediate environment were the Buyids and the Hamdanids, he was able to compose books only about the principles of Twelver Shi'ism. Possibly Risalat al-Takhlft was the only epistle given to a Shi'ite ruler rather than a leader of the muwahhidun, which was how the Shi'ites came to know of it. In this case, the epistle might be Rast Bash under another name.

To sum up: Most of al-Khasibl's works are lost. His Nusayri works may have disappeared due to a number of causes: Persecution of the sect by the Muslim authorities throughout history probably brought about the destruc- tion of material. It is possible that rivalry between different Nusayri sects and tribes also caused the loss of some data. However, it may be assumed that there is still a quantity of Nusayri material that has never been studied, due to the sacred writings being concealed from non-initiates. The fact that Shi'ite works preserved only the traditions in the Hiddya shows that al-Kha- sibi's other books were lost within a few centuries of his death. This rein- forces the assumption that the Hiddya was his most prominent Shi'ite work, and also, perhaps, the least tainted by ghuluww.

(123) al-Najashi, vol. 1, p. 187; al-Astarabadi, p. 112; 'Abdallah al-Mamaqani, Tanqfh al-Maqal ([n.p.]: Mubashirat al-Ustadh Muhammad Rida, 1352 H.), p. 326; Agha Buzurg al-Tahrani, al-Dhari'a ild Tasdnif al-Shia (Najaf: Maktabat Sahib al-Dhari'a al-'Amma, 1978), vol. 25, pp. 164-165; al-'Amili, p. 347.

(124) al-Khasibi, p. 414. For traditions that are not in the Hidiya, see, e.g., Ba'amra, p. 21, the tradition about the miracle of the Imam al-Rida.

(125) al-Tawil, p. 260. He claims that the book was written while AbO Firas al-Hamdfni was held cap- tive by the Byzantines.

(126) al-Najashi, ibid.; al-Astarabadi, ibid.; al-Mamaqani, ibid.; al-'Amili, ibid. al-lkhwdn is mentioned also by al-'Asqalini, ibid. al-Adhani may have known a commentary on the Masd'il by al-Tabarai^, called al-Dald'il bi-Ma'rifat al-Masa'il (al-Adhani, p. 17).

(127) al-'Asqalani, vol. 2, pp. 343-344. (128) Ahmad ibn Hasan al-Tfisi, Fihrist Kutub al-Shi'a (Najaf: al-Matba'a al-Haydariyya, 1961), p. 82;

al-'Amili, ibid. (129) al-Najashi, ibid.; al-Astarabadi. ibid.; al-Mamaqam, ibid.; al-'Amili, ibid.

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al-Khasibi's works may have been lost because the Shi'ites did not regard them as reliable. al-Najashi complains that he is fasid al-madhhab (theolo- gically unsound), and most biographers, following this, considered him completely unsound. (130) However, later attitudes seem to have changed, perhaps because only the Hidaya was known. We saw that al-Majlisi quo- ted him and considered him most reliable. The question of al-Khasibi's reliability has been raised in the modern period by the Shi'ite biographer Muhsin al-Amin al-'Amili. Despite referring to early biographies, al-'Amili states that although al-Khasibi can be acused of ghuluww, as a tradent he is reliable. He brings forward two proofs for this: (a) The reliable al-Tal'akbari received an ijaza from him; (b) Sayf al-Dawla received him at his court. Therefore, he claims, al-'Asqalani's accusation that al-Khasibi was a Nusayri is untrue. (131) al-'Amili's reaction shows the difficulty existing among Shi'ite biographers in evaluating the ghulat, due to their pivotal role in the shaping of Twelver Shi'ism. (132)

4. Conclusions

The Nusayri material available to researchers today is limited. Yet, all sources show that Husayn ibn Hamdan al-Khasibi played a crucial role in the formation of the sect's theology. al-Khasibi also laid the foundations for the Nusayri religious law developed by Maymun ibn al-Qasim al-Tabarani. al-Khasibl changed the patterns of activity among Ibn Nusayr's disciples. Formerly, the disciples had transmitted the mystic traditions personally to a small group of initiates, and most of them died before passing on their secrets. Two disciples transmitted their knowledge to al-Khasibi: al-Jannan and al-Turba'L. al-Khasibi did not continue this clandestine tradition of his masters. Under the impulse of his religious enthusiasm, he endangered his life during a stormy period of Baghdad's history by the public preaching of the principles he had learned. al-Khasibi was not the only persecuted mystic in Baghdad. He presumably knew of al-Hallaj and extreme SufT and Shi'ite groups and was influenced by them. Had al-Khasi'bi not fled Baghdad, the Nusayriyya may very well not have existed.

al-Khasibi chose the Euphrates route and went north to Harran, where he truly founded the Namfriyya, later called the Khasibiyya and the Nusay-

(130) al-'Amili, vol. 15, p. 347. (131) ibid.. p. 348. (132) The ghuldt played an important part in the forming of the Shi'a, some of them being intimates of

the Imams. The Shi'ites preserved traditions from them while rejecting their views. al-'Amili tried to settle this problem. and quoted the seventh Imam, Misa al-Kazim, as saying with regard to the ghulLit that Allah created people with faith, and later took away their faith, when He wished to punish them. See al-Majlisi, vol. 48, p. 116. al-Majlisi explains that there are two states of ghuldt: a state of walking in the True Path (isti- qdinla) and a state of exaggeration (ghuluww) and the sin of confusion with non-Islamic elements (takhlt). Their traditions should be accepted when they are in the first state, and rejected when they are in the second. See ibid., vol. 2. pp. 253-254. On the Shi'a's more tolerant attitude towards the Nusayris as compared to the Sunna. see above, n. 13.

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riyya. From here on the elements characteristic of a sect began to exist: lea- dership, community, organized activities and principles. Harran was a cen- ter for the study of ghuldt traditions transmitted to al-Khasibi. Prominent pupils at Harran became the leaders of the sect and al-Khasibi's successors. al-Khasibi considered the sect he founded the true continuation of the Shi"a, which had been left without an Imam, and the principles he taught have remained those of the Nusayriyya to this day.

al-Khasibi was torn all his life between the Shi'a and the Nusayriyya. He was educated as a Shi'ite and later by the disciples of Ibn Nusayr. He lived in the world of Shi'ite Islam, while absorbing Ibn Nusayr's traditions. His bitter experiences in Baghdad drove him to the conclusion that the best defense for the sect he had founded would be secret activity on the part of the faithful and his own taqiyya. al-Khasibi's taqiyya was expressed by his acting outwardly as a Shi'ite, in order to live as a Nusayri in secret. This phe- nomenon is explained by the rule of Shi'ite dynasties throughout the Islamic world at the time the sect was founded.

al-Khasibi undoubtedly was a charismatic figure, a poet and a thinker of stature. Learned Shi"ites transmitted traditions on his authority and discus- sed religion with him, while he used his travels between Harran and Kifa to establish two secret Nusayri centers, in Iraq and in Syria. The two worlds, the Shi'ite and the Nusaynr, were completely different, but taqiyya preven- ted the accusation of heresy.

al-Khasibi, who claimed to continue "the true Shi'a," founded a new reli- gion. Elements foreign to Islam that had trickled into ghulat ideas since the earliest days of the Shi'a received pride of place and became articles of faith for al-Khasibi. While there is no evidence at all for pagan influences on al- Khasibi, the roots of many traditions that he transmitted are to be found among the ghulat of Kufa. Presumably al-Khasibi was also influenced by Sufism. The sect was called a tariqa, its members formed a kind of Sufi bro- therhood, and al-Khasibi was called shaykh. He even called his community muwahhidun, a typical Sufi epithet. However, this influence seems to have been limited to these externals, and al-Khasibi learned from the Sufis only the organization of a group led by a mystic.

The story of al-Khasibi can teach us about the Shi'a after the disappea- rance of the Imam, and about the character of the Shi'ite dynasties. It seems that the Buyids and Hamdanids were party to the disarray among the Shi'a caused by the absence of the Imams. This situation enabled the activity of dissident Shi'ite groups, which did not accept the authority of the sufara' and considered themselves the true successors of the Shi'a of the Imams. However, as we have seen, these groups required taqiyya in order to survive, even under the wings of the Shi'ite dynasties. This shows that Twelver Shi'ism was accepted by these dynasties, and there was surveillance of ghu- lat groups, although no violent persecution. This limited tolerance made al- Khasibi's activity possible.

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al-Khasibi's ability to gather supporters indicates the crisis among the Shi'ite masses, who looked for guidance in the absence of an Imam. As Twelver Shi'ism crystallized, so did ghulat groups headed by charismatic figures. The Shi'a rejected these groups; however, despite the ostracism of the Nusayriyya, al-KhasTbi himself was not personally affected, due to his use of taqiyya. His success was so great that he continues to appear in Shi'ite literature as an important tradent to this very day, at the same time as he appears in Nusayri literature as the founder of the sect's mystical theology.

The development of many religions is linked to two main figures, usually the preacher and the founder. There is an ideological connection between the two, but usually the founder sets the forms in which the religion is expres- sed and gives it his personal interpretation, e.g., in Christianity: Jesus and Paul; in Islam: Muhammad and 'Umar; among the Druze: al-Hakim and Hamza ibn 'Alt; among the Baha'is: the Bab and Baha'allah. (133) Ibn Nusayr was the first preacher of the Nusayriyya, while al-KhasTbi was the actual founder of the sect. The Nusayriyya is both a sect that derives from the Shi'a and a new religion no longer part of Islam.

Yaron Frieman

(133) See H. Lazarus-Yafeh, "'Umar b. al-Khattab: The Paul of Islam?" in idem., Some Religious Aspects of Islam (Leiden: Brill, 1981), pp. 1-16.

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