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79 Autumn 2010, Vol. 11, No. 3
79
Shi‘ite Authorities in the Age of Minor Occultation
Ali Naghi Zabihzadeh
During the minor occultation, several Shi‘ite scholars engaged in
religious, political, and cultural activities. For example, Abu Sahl
Nawbakhti wrote thirty seven books and treatises and had debates
with opponents of Shi‘a Islam.1 Also, some of the Four
Specifically Appointed Deputies (al-Nuwwāb al-Khāssah) of the
Imam Mahdi (aj) were among the scholars and the narrators of
hadiths. However, amongst the numerous Shi‘a scholars, only
some held the position of religious authorities. Others were not
referred to as religious authorities and in the case of the Four
Specifically Appointed Deputies, they more often acted as
intermediaries between the people and the Twelfth Imam (A).
This means that they did not answer people's letters personally,
but they received the responses from Imam (A) and passed them
on to the people.2 Therefore, in what follows, we will study the
life and socio-political role of two well-known Shi‘ite jurists i.e.
Ibn Bābiwayh Qumī and Mohammad ibn Ya‘aqub Kulayni who
were referred to by the people in the age of occultation and
resolved people's religious problems according to the Qur’an and
Sunnah.
The socio-political situation during the Minor Occultation
I The caliphate of Abu al-‘Abbās Ahmad al-Mu‘tamid Billāh
(256-279 A.H):
After Al-Muhtadi, the ‘Abbasid caliph, was killed in 256 A.H.,
Mu‘tamid, the son of Mutawakkil, succeeded him. Al-Mu‘tamid
Message of Thaqalayn 80
changed the capital of Iraq from Samarra to Baghdad.3 Historians
report that al-Mu‘tamid spent much of his time in chasing after
pleasure.4 Therefore, his brother Talha, known as al-Muwaffaq,
took control of the affairs. With Muwaffaq’s assistance, the
caliph cruelly established his power. With the rebellion of the
dark-skinned people in Basra, ‘Ali ibn Muhammad, known as
Sāhib al-Zanj, claimed descent from Zaid ibn ‘Ali (A), assembled
the slaves of Basra, led a rebellion against he caliph in 225 A.H,
and took control over the southern part of Iraq, including Basra.
In this invasion, they killed many people and robbed their
properties. They were also at war with the rulers and generals of
the caliphs for 15 years. They defeated the caliphs' armies several
times and killed and pillaged the Muslims. Finally, Al-Muwaffaq
heavily defeated Sāhib al-Zanj in a place near Ahwaz. He was
killed while escaping.
At this time, the Sogdiana region was captured by the Samanids,
Egypt by Tulunids, Hyrcania by ‘Alawis, and Sistan, Khorasan,
Kerman, and Fars were captured by Saffarids.5 Accordingly, all
the mentioned regions were no longer under the control of the
‘Abbasid caliphs.
The Karmathians, as a branch of Isma‘ilite sect, also emerged
from the second half of the third century A.H to the late fourth
century. They killed and plundered with great brutality.6 Their
wrongful acts led the caliphate government to arrest the Shi‘ites
and torture them on the charge of being like the Karmathians.
Like his father Al-Mutawakkil, Al-Mu‘tamid was hard-hearted.
According to Suyūtī in Tārīkh al-Khulafā’, Al-Mu‘tamid killed
three hundred thousand people in one day.7 Among those he
murdered was Imam Hasan ‘Askarī (A).8 Ibn Bābiwayh and
Kulayni lived during this time period. After murdering Imam
‘Askarī (A), he ordered that the properties of Imam's (A)
81 Autumn 2010, Vol. 11, No. 3
81
inheritors be inspected and any pregnancy in Imam’s house to be
checked. All such measures portrayed his fear of the Imam (A)
since he shuddered to think of the existence of Imam Mahdi (A).9
During this time, since the caliphate government was actively
investigating to find out about the birth of Imam Mahdi (A), the
Shi‘ites and the Network of the Agents (wakils) kept his birth
hidden and the Imam’s (A) representative would even prevent
Shi‘ites from asking about his name, so that the government
would suppose Imam ‘Askarī (A) left no successor.10
During his twenty-three-year caliphate, Al-Mu‘tamid continued
his pleasure-seeking habits until he died in 279 AH as a result of
excessive wine drinking.11
II The caliphate of the ‘Abbasid Al-Mu‘taḍid (279- 289 AH):
After Al-Mu’tamid’s death, his nephew Al-Mu’taḍid succeeded
to the throne. At the beginning of his caliphate, a messenger came
to the caliph with some gifts from ‘Amr ibn Layth. Consequently,
his emirate of Khorasan was reinforced.12
‘Amr then asked the
caliph for the ruling of Sogdiana and the deposal of Samanid
Amīr Ismā‘īl. Out of fear, the caliph accepted though he secretly
intrigued Amīr Ismā‘īl against him so that in 287 AH, a bloody
war broke out between them. ‘Amr was defeated, sent to the
caliph in captivity, and died in the caliph's prison.13
Al-Mu‘taḍid brought the oppositions and the Turks under his
control with a better policy. The caliph had a slave named Badr
who helped him suppress the rebellions. Rulers obeyed him,
though his only problem was the disobedience of the
Karmathians who had intensified activities. Even Abu Sa‘īd
Janābi threatened Kufa and Basra in 286 AH after forming the
first Ismā‘īlī government in Bahrain.14
During the second
deputy’s time, the Twelver Shi‘ites lived in fear and taqiyyah.15
Message of Thaqalayn 82
According to Tārīkh-e Tabarī, the caliph, unlike his predecessors,
expressed his interest in the descendants of ‘Ali (A) and ordered
that Mu‘āwiyyah be cursed. He drafted a charter about it based on
a version that Ma‘mūn had written in his time on the legitimacy
of the immediate caliphate of ‘Ali ibn Abi Tālib (A) and ordered
that it must be read, the Umayyad family must be cursed, and the
virtues of the Household of the Prophet (A) must be mentioned
on the pulpits.16
This action was the result of activities done in taqiyya by the
Network of Agents to convince the caliph that Imam Hasan al-
‘Askari (A) had passed away leaving no successor for himself, in
a manner that this belief was spread among the Sunnite scholars
like Abu al-Qāsim Balkhi d. 300 AH. In a report on his doctrine
of Imamate, he wrote:
In our time, Hasan ibn ‘Ali (A) passed away and he
had no son.17
In such a situation, the caliph adopted Ma‘mūn's policy of
expressing devotion to the Household of the Prophet (S) in order
to gain the trust of the Shi‘ites and the followers of the Household
(A), and he pretended to be devoted towards the Household (A).
Mu‘taḍid’s amiability towards the ‘Alawites did not last long
because the ill-intentioned companions had him worried that the
Sunnis might revolt against him and the ‘Alawites might take the
reins of government from his hand. Therefore, his pretense was
over after a while.18
III The caliphate of Muktafī Billah (289 - 295 AH):
After the death of Mu‘taḍid, the prime minister secured
allegiance for his son, Muktafī. At the beginning of his
government, Muktafī ordered that all prisons be destroyed and
some mosques be constructed in their places. During Muktafī's
83 Autumn 2010, Vol. 11, No. 3
83
time, the Karmatians19
rebelled in Syria and captured some parts
of it. Then, they went to Hejaz, killed many of the pilgrims
(hāajis)20
on the Day of ‘Arafah, and plundered their properties.
They also blocked the route to the Kaaba in order to prevent the
pilgrims from going there, but ultimately they were defeated and
killed by the caliph's army.21
At this time, Shi‘ite movement had great power and influence.
The Fātimids22
took the political leadership role of the Shi‘ites
and the Hamdānids disobeyed them in Mosul.
IV The caliphate of the ‘Abbasid Muqtadir (295-320 A.H)
At the time of his role as the prime minister, Mūnis was
considerably influential. During the caliphate of Muqtadir, the
country was completely chaotic because of interference of his
mother, wife, and servants in affairs of the state while all affairs
of the caliphate were managed by the same people. Their
influence increased to the extent that a lady-in-waiting of the
caliph's mother, known as Athmal Qahramāna, was appointed as
the head of court of justice.23
Incapability of state officials gave
rise to the people’s discontent. In 316 A.H, a conflict arose
between Hārūn ibn Gharīb, Muqtadir's famous commander and
the head of police officers of caliph's palace in Baghdad and
many followers of the head police officer were killed. The
servant Mūnis entered Baghdad from Syria and in 317 AH,
expelled Muqtadir from the caliphate and chose one of Mu‘taḍid's
sons, nicknamed al-Qāhir Billah, as the caliph. His caliphate
lasted two days and he was confronted with the uprising of the
people. However, the hostility between Mūnis and the caliph
increased, and in 320 A.H, Mūnis and a group of army generals
went to Mosul out of his fear of the caliph and after
reinforcement returned to Baghdad where the caliph was killed in
a war.24
Message of Thaqalayn 84
The Karmatians took advantage of the political crisis and in 318
A.H, they entered Mecca on the Day of Tarviyah, killed many
pilgrims, plundered their properties, threw the dead into the
Zamzam well, took the Black Stone of the Ka‘bah to their
territory in Bahrain and kept it for longer than twenty years until
the caliphate of al-Muti‘u li’llāh in the year 339 A.H, they
returned the stone to Mecca25
. Then it was put in its place by the
very respectable Shaykh Ibn Qulawayh Qummī, Shaykh Mufīd’s
teacher, who was making pilgrimage to Mecca that year.
These actions of the Karmatians led the ‘Abbasid caliphs to be
more sensitive toward the activities of the Network of Agents and
led the Twelvers' leaders to face some difficulties in their
activities.
Political hardships of the network of Agents in the age of
minor occultation
The ‘Abbasids were informed of the existence and the activities
of Imam Mahdi (A). They intended to find his place by
discovering the contacts between him and the Shi‘ites and martyr
him. Therefore, the Twelvers were subject to attacks by the
‘Abbasids. It was among the duties of Imam ‘Askari’s (A) agents
to conceal the name and residence of Imam Mahdi (A) not only
from the enemies, but also from the Shi‘ites. However, it was the
representatives’ duty to prove the blessed presence of the Imam
(A) to his true followers, who were trustworthy. Kulayni narrated
that one day ‘Abdullah ibn Ja‘far Himyari asked the first agent
whether he had seen the successor of the eleventh Imam (A) or
not. ‘Uthmān ibn Sa‘īd ‘Amri confirmed that he had seen him
(A). But he added that people are prohibited from inquiring about
his name for if the regime discovered his name, they will
certainly try to arrest him (A).26
85 Autumn 2010, Vol. 11, No. 3
85
The second specific agent of Imam Mahdi (A) was Muhammad
ibn ‘Uthmān, to whom the Imam offered his condolences for the
death of his father, through a letter in which Imam expressed his
good wishes for him and entrusted all responsibilities of the
agency to him. Like his father, he was among the trustworthy
ones and intimate companions of Imam al-‘Askarī (A). It is
narrated from Imam ‘Askarī (A):
Amri and his son both are trustworthy and reliable.
So whatever they conduct is on my behalf and
whatever they say is my word. Listen to them and
follow them, since they are the trustworthy and loyal
ones of mine.27
Studying the life of the second agent shows that there has been an
atmosphere of terror created against the Twelvers, and the second
deputy was trying to keep the blessed existence of Imam Mahdi
(A) hidden from the ‘Abbasids until the early years of Mu‘taḍid's
government. Like his father, he also pretended to be an oil
salesman and was called Sammān [oil salesman].28
. “Samman”
conducted intense activities in secret through his agents and
visited them in different villages of Baghdad. During the
caliphate of Mu‘taḍid, the agents from remote provinces such as
Qum got in contact with the second deputy and sent him money
and goods through merchants who knew nothing about what
relation existed between the senders and Abu Ja‘far, the second
deputy of Imam (A). So they transported the goods to Abu Ja‘far
from Qum.29
The second deputy was very careful about his
contacts with his agents not to give government officials any clue
and in order to guard his and the Imam's life against danger. Abu
Ja‘far did not have direct contact with the agents from the remote
provinces. He ordered those who brought him goods and money
to put them in a particular place and did not give them any receipt
in return.30
Within the complicated system of the agency between
Message of Thaqalayn 86
him and other agents from the Shi‘ite regions, he communicated
by symbols and secret codes in a way that even the messengers
were not aware of its content.31
According to Shaykh Tūsī, Abu Ja‘far had some pieces of writing
on hadiths which were received by Husayn ibn Rūh and later by
Abu al-Hasan Saymurī.32
The role of other Shi‘ite groups during the Minor
Occultation
During the Zanj rebellion between 225 and 270 AH, the condition
of the Twelvers deteriorated. The rebellion leader, ‘Ali ibn
Muhammad, descended from Zaid ibn ‘Ali, the brother of Imam
Bāqir (A). A large number of ‘Alawids joined him in his rebellion
in 257 AH.33
Officials of the government considered this
rebellion linked to the ‘Alawids as a whole, and according to
Tabarī, the suppression of the Zanj rebellion34
in 270 AH was
followed by government propaganda against the ‘Alawids.
The other factor in the straining relations between the Twelvers
and the ‘Abbasids was discovering subversive activities of the
two Isma’ilite parties35
- the original Isma’ilites and the
Karmatians.
Like the Twelvers, Isma’ilites narrated some hadiths from the
Holy Prophet (S) as:
Mahdi (A), the Upriser, will hide to be prepared
for the uprising.
However, they gave an explanation for some hadiths so that they
could confirm their attempts of gaining immediate access to
positions in Morocco. They also applied other Twelvers' hadiths
about Imam Mahdi (A) to their hidden leader who had organized
87 Autumn 2010, Vol. 11, No. 3
87
his followers in an effective hidden movement and ordered them
to extend their activities to new regions by means of military
forces to prepare for the rising of the Mahdi (A).
On the other hand, according to Sa‘d Ash‘arī's report, the number
of Karmatians was increasing in the villages adjacent to Kufa.
According to Nawbakhti, they recruited around a hundred
thousand partisans in those villages. After using their propaganda
in the western coasts of the Gulf and in Yemen, a large number of
Arabs responded to their invitation and consequently their
uprising occurred in Kufa villages in 278 A.H.36
The Karmatians allowed their followers to kill their opponents
and to confiscate their properties.37
Since the Twelvers and the
Karmatians both were counted as Shi‘a from the ‘Abbasids' point
of view, and both expected the advent of Imam Mahdi (A), then
it was likely that the Bani ‘Abbās accused the Twelvers of the
manner of Karmatian and simply eliminated them. The Twelfth
Imam (A) intended to keep the Shi‘ites away from the
Karmatians' influence and to impel the government to distinguish
between the Karmatians and his adherents. Perhaps for this
reason he (A) cursed Muhammad ibn Abi Zaynab and his
followers in a letter to his second agent. The second agent spread
the Imam's letter among the Twelvers through his agent, Ishāq
ibn Ya‘qūb.38
Kulayni also wrote Refutation of the Karmatians.39
Mu‘taḍid carefully inspected the Shi‘ites' hidden meetings and in
282 A.H discovered that Muhammad ibn Zayd, the head of the
Zaydi government of Tabaristan, annually sent 320,000 dinars to
Muhammad ibn Ward al-‘Attār to distribute among the ‘Alawids
of Baghdad, Kufa, and Medina.40
Mu‘taḍid's constant inspections
led to the arrest and assassination of many ‘Alawids. According
to Abu al-Faraj Isfahāni, they were not at all Karmatians, though
they were wrongly convicted for this claim. As the result of these
Message of Thaqalayn 88
actions, the governmental authorities ascertained that the
Twelvers had an organization of their own. According to
Kulayni, the spies who worked for ‘Ubaydullah ibn Sulaymān,
the prime minister, discovered that the Twelvers still had an
Imam who led their activities in secret. Kulayni narrates:
Husayn ibn Hasan ‘Alawi says: “The two
intimate friends of Badr Hasani (the caliph's
courtier) were speaking with each other and one
of them said: Why does he (the Twelfth Imam)
collect money and have agents? Then they
mentioned names of all agents and submitted
this information to ‘Ubaydullah ibn Sulaymān,
the anti-Shi‘a prime minister, who was
attempting to arrest Imam (A). But Mu‘taḍid
told them that they must search for his (Imam’s)
place, because it is an important issue.
‘Ubaydullah ibn Sulaymān said: “Let the agents
be arrested! But the caliph said: No, send some
secret spies among them in order to give money
to the agents; then arrest whoever would accept
the money.” After his failure in obtaining
information from the spies, the caliph inquired
the pilgrims of the shrines of Imam Husayn (A)
and the other Imams (A) in order to determine
the place of the Imam of the time (A) through
them.41
The ‘Abbasids' hostile attitude towards the agents of the second
deputy of Imam continued after the death of ‘Ubaydullah ibn
Sulaymān in 288 AH. His responsibility was entrusted to his son
Qāsim. Qāsim was well-known for his hostility towards the
Twelvers and towards Shi‘ites in general. During his office, he
followed his father's policy and showed even more hostility
89 Autumn 2010, Vol. 11, No. 3
89
towards them. According to a story narrated by Shaykh Tūsī,
Shaykh Muhammad ibn ‘Abdullah Qummī, who had an
inclination towards the Shi‘a and had visited the hidden Imam
(A), was sued by Qāsim and fled to Egypt.42
Because of the influence of his family, Bani Nawbakht, in the
‘Abbasid government, Ibn Rūh (the third deputy of the Imam)
gained popularity. However, armed conflicts of other so-called
Shi‘a groups, especially the Karmatians, put him in a critical
situation. His opponents linked these actions in order to arrest
him. In 311 A.H, after the Karmatians attacked the pilgrims’
caravan, in which a few relatives of the caliph existed Shi‘a
enemies such as Nasr Hājib linked this action with the Shi‘a and
used it as a powerful weapon against the Shi‘a prime minister,
Ibn Furāt. In 312 A.H, Ibn Furāt and his son Muhsin were
disposed and killed on the charge of provoking the Karmatians
into that attack.43
In 312 A.H, Ibn Rūh was arrested on the charge
of conspiring with the Karmatians in their attempt to occupy
Baghdad. He spent five years in Muqtadir's prison and was
released in 317 AH.44
Kulayni and his pupil Nu‘māni narrated some signs for the rising
of the Mahdi (A). These signs led to the denial of claims of an
Isma’ilite leader who called himself Mahdi after the revolt in 296
AH. These signs also led the Twelvers to avoid engaging in those
activities in which the network of Agents was not involved.45
‘Ali ibn Bābiwayh Qummī
I His scientific status and social services:
Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Husayn ibn Mūsā ibn Bābiwayh Qummī
(d. 329 AH) was a Shi‘ite jurist, a narrator of hadith, and a
religious authority leading the people of Qum.46
It is quoted from
Abu ‘Ali, son of Shaykh Tūsī, that:
Message of Thaqalayn 90
His [ibn Bābiwayh] status in jurisprudence and
narrating hadiths was so high that Shi‘ite scholars
referred to his opinion in the Sharāyi‘e book
(religious laws) when there was no associating
hadith available or there were doubts in the text
of hadith.47
Some scholars considered his opinion as authentic as the text of
traditions themselves, and presupposed that he must have had a
hadith which has been the source of his opinion.
There is no information about Ibn Bābiwayh's life except but a
few cases. Other than those cases, the information about his life is
limited to Imam Hasan ‘Askarī’s (A) letter to him, Ibn
Bābiwayh’s meeting with Husayn ibn Mansūr Hallāj (d. 309
A.H), and his travels to Baghdad.
To find out about his social position, it would be enough to know
that when he met Hallāj in Qum, Hallāj introduced himself as the
agent and deputy of the promised Imam Mahdi (A) and claimed
that he has special dignities and marvels. This angered Ibn
Bābiwayh and since he was not truthful by his claim, Ibn
Bābiwayh banished him from Qum.48
At least three of his journeys to Iraq have been reported. The first
journey was apparently shortly after the death of Muhammad ibn
‘Uthmān (304 or 305 A.H). As reported by Tal‘ukbari, his second
journey was in 326 AH. In his last journey to Baghdad in 328
AH, he gave permission to Abu al-Hasan ‘Abbās Kluzāni to
narrate from all of his books.49
When the Abbasid dynasty sought to block the Twelfth Imam
(A), Ibn Bābiwayh held discussions on the wilayah of the
infallible Ahl al-Bayt (A) and tried to promote Shi‘a education.
Reliable authorities have narrated a treatise from him in which he
91 Autumn 2010, Vol. 11, No. 3
91
debates Muhammad ibn Muqātil al-Rāzī in Rey over proving the
Imamate of Imam Ali (A). ‘Ali ibn Bābiwayh established the
facts for him in this debates, and this discussion led Muhammad
ibn Muqātil to convert to Shi‘i Islam.50
II ‘Ali ibn Bābiwayh's writings
Ibn Bābiwayh was a scholar who had many written works. Ibn
Nadīm has seen a manuscript of Shaykh Sadūq (Ibn Bābiwayh’s
son) in which he had granted permission to someone to quote a
hundred pieces of his father's books.51
Najāshī mentioned his
books like: Al-Wūḍū’, Al-Salāt, Al-Janā’iz, Nawādir Kitāb al-
Mantiq, Kitāb al-Ikhwān, Kitāb al-Nisā’ wa al-Wildān, Kitāb al-
Sharāi‘ which he sent to his son, Kitāb al-Tafsīr, Kitāb al-Nikāh,
Kitāb Manāsik al-Hajj, Kitāb Qurb al-Asnād, Kitāb al-Taslīm,
Kitāb al-Tib, Kitāb al-Mawārīth and Kitāb al-Mi‘rāj.52
In the book Al-Fihrist, Shaykh Tūsī wrote about ‘Ali ibn
Bābiwayh:
... He was a great and trustworthy jurist and
compiled many books... Muhammad ibn ‘Ali
(Shaykh Sadūq) narrated all his books and his
traditions to me, Shaykh Mufīd, Husayn ibn
‘Ubaydullah al-Ghaḍā’irī from his father.53
‘Ali ibn Bābiwayh was in the same position as Shaykh Kulayni,
Safwāni, Tal‘ukbari, and Muhammad ibn Quluwayh. He quoted
from Shaykh Kulayni’s teachers such as Muhammad ibn Yahyā
al-‘Attār, ‘Ali ibn Ibrāhīm al-Qummī, Ahmad ibn Idrīs al-
Ash‘arī, and from other individuals such as ‘Abdullah ibn Ja‘far
al-Humayrī, the author of Qurb al-Asnād and Sa‘d ibn ‘Abdullah
al-Qumī et al.54
III His spiritual qualities
Message of Thaqalayn 92
Before the age of occultation, ‘Ali ibn Bābiwayh lived in the age
of Imam Hasan ‘Askarī (A) for a while and had a high position
before the Imam (A). One of his received honours was a letter
that Imam Hasan ‘Askarī (A) wrote to him and honored him with
some advice. The letter is as follows:
Bimillah. O’ The honorable and my trustworthy
one! Oh jurist. Oh Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali ibn al-
Husayn Qummī! May God bless you to do
praiseworthy deeds in his sight and may God
generate from you – out of His mercy - pious
children.
I advise you to be wary for sake of God, pray, and
give alms –since prayer is not accepted from those
who do not give alms.
I also advise you to overlook the others' sins,
control your anger, observe bonds of relationship,
sympathize with your brothers and to fulfill their
needs, either in difficulties or at ease, acquire
knowledge, think deeply and understand religion
and learn it, and be determined in your duties, take
an oath to the Qur’an, be open-hearted, and enjoin
the good and to prohibit the evil, because God, the
Exalted states: “There is no good in much of their
secret talks, except him who enjoins charity or
what is right or reconciliation between people…”
(4:114) and to avoid all the evil. You should
perform the midnight prayer, as the Holy Prophet
(S) advised Imam ‘Ali (A), saying: "Oh ‘Ali! You
should practice the midnight prayer! You should
practice the midnight prayer! And you should
practice the midnight prayer! Those who consider
93 Autumn 2010, Vol. 11, No. 3
93
the midnight prayer trivial are not among us. So
put my advice into practice and direct all my
Shi‘ites to act accordingly.
You should have patience and expect the
deliverance (faraj) [of the Imam (A)] because the
Holy Prophet (S) said: “The most preferable deed
of my Umma is the expectation of the
deliverance.” My Shi‘ites will constantly be in
sorrow and grief until my son who the Prophet (S)
has promised about, returns, where he said: “He
(A) will fill the earth with justice and equity, as it
is full of injustice and cruelty.”
Then, Oh great [scholar]! Be patient and direct all
of my Shi‘ites to have patience: “The earth indeed
belongs to Allah, and He gives its inheritance to
whomever He wishes of His servants, and the
outcome will be in favor of the Godwary” (7: 128).
May God’s hail, mercy, and blessings be upon you
and upon all our Shi‘ites! God is sufficient for us.
He is an excellent help, the best master, and the
best helper…55
‘Ali ibn Bābiwayh had a special position before Imam Mahdi
(A). He got in contact with Husayn ibn Rūh Nawbakhti, the third
deputy of Imam, in Iraq and wrote a letter to Imam Mahdi (A)
asking him to pray to grant ibn Bābiwayh children. The Imam (A)
responded, saying: “I asked God and He shall give you two
sons.” After a while, God granted ‘Ali ibn Bābiwayh two sons
who became great jurists. One of them was Shaykh Sadūq. Thus,
Shaykh Sadūq felt proud of the grace of his birth and used to say:
“I was born by blessings of Imam of the age (A).”56
Message of Thaqalayn 94
The day when ‘Ali ibn Bābiwayh passed away in Qum in 329
A.H, ‘Ali ibn Muhammad Saymurī, the forth deputy of Imam
(A), was sitting with a group of people in a meeting in Iraq. Then
he suddenly turned to them and informed them of the passing of
‘Ali ibn Bābiwayh. They recorded the time of his passing and 17
or 18 days later, they received news from Qum that he had passed
away right in the recorded time.57
Ibn Bābiwayh originated a lineage of scholars whose members
were well-known until the late six century, and the last scholar of
this family, Muntakhab al-Dīn had the same nickname and name
of Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Bābiwayh. Bahrāni has written
biographies of the members of this family in Fihrist of the Būyid
wa ‘Ulamā al-Bahrain.58
1 Cf. Iqbāl, ‘Abbās, Nawbakhtī Dynasty, pp. 116-123.
2 Cf. Muhammad Sadr, Tārīkh Al-Ghaybah al-Şughrā, p. 372.
3 Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Husayn Mas‘ūdi, Al-Tanbīh wal Ishrāf, pp. 317- 318.
4 Mas‘ūdi, Murawwij al-Dhahab, vol. 5, p. 126; Al-Tanbīh wal Ishrāf, p. 318.
5 Muhammad Javād Mashkūr, Farhang-e Feraq-e Islami, pp. 292- 294; cf.
Sayyid Ahmad Khezri, History of ‘Abbasids Caliphate from the Beginning to
the End of Buyid Dynasty, p. 115. 6 Muhammad Javād Mashkūr, ibid. p. 358; cf. Jalāl al-Dīn Suyūtī, Tārīkh al-
Khulafā’, p. 416. 7 Suyūtī, op cit. p. 413; actually this number seems to be exaggerated.
8 Cf. Abu al-Qāsim Sahāb, The Lives of ‘Askarīyayn (A): Imam ‘Ali al-Naqi
(A) and Imam Hasan ‘Askarī (A), p. 101; and Sayyid Ahmad Reza Khedri, op
cit. p. 115. 9 Muhammad Sadr, A Research in the life of Imam Mahdi (AJ) and an
Approach to the History of Minor Occultation, pp. 202-203. 10
Jasim Husayn, ibid. p. 145. 11
To know more about the events of Mu‘tamid's time, refer to Tabarī’s
History, vol. 9, continue after page 474; ‘Iz al-Din ibn Athīr, Al-Kāmil [fi
Tārīkh], vol. 4, pp. 429- 559; Mas‘ūdi, Murawwij al-Dhahab, vol. 5, pp. 107-
95 Autumn 2010, Vol. 11, No. 3
95
136; Ya‘qūbi History, vol. 2, pp. 541- 546; ‘Aziz al-Allah Bayāt, History of
Iran from the Advent of Islam to Deylamites' time, p. 134; ‘Ali Akbar Fayyāz,
History of Islam, pp. 229- 230. 12
Tārīkh-e Tabarī, vol. 10, p. 30. 13
Hasan Pīrniya, ‘Abbās Iqbāl, History of Iran, the chapter(s) of History of
Islam, p. 211. 14
Al-Kāmil [fi Tārīkh], vol. 4, pp. 592-594. 15
Dissimulation of one's belief in the event of danger. 16
Tārīkh-e Tabarī, vol. 10, pp. 54- 62. 17
Cited from Jāsim Husayn, ibid. p. 146. 18
Cf. Tabarsī, op cit. p. 63; and Fayyāz, op cit. p. 231. 19
Qarmatah, the founder of the Karmatians, whose name and origin were
matters of dispute is mostly known as Hamdān al-Ash‘ath. It is said that he
was nicknamed by the mentioned name because he was short and walked
stepping his feet near each other. This sect is a branch of the Isma’ilites which
emerged around 280 AH. Among the Dā‘īs or missionaries of this sect are
Zakarūyah ibn Mahrūyah and Abu Sa‘īd Janābī. The Karmatians believed that
Muhammad ibn Ismā‘il was the seventh Imam and the Lord of the Time. They
believed in rising with swords and killing their opponents from other Islamic
sects. To go on pilgrimage, to kiss the stone of the Kaaba, and to have faith in
the external aspects of religion were prohibited in their sect. As for religious
law, they believed in special type of interpretation and their motto (like the
Isma’ilites) was the white flag (On this subject, refer to Ibn Khaldūn, Al-‘Ibar
Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, vol. 3, p. 14.).
When the first Isma’ilite Dā‘īs settled in Ahwaz and began their Isma’ilite
mission (eg. da‘wa or invitation) to summon for the Imamate of Muhammad
ibn Ismā‘il and his descendants, they sent one of their missionaries, named
Husayn Ahwazī, to the rural district of Kufa. There, he met a man named
Hamdān ibn al-Ash‘ath known as Qarmat. Hamdān soon responded to the
Bātinīs' invitation and helped him with this cause. He put such an effort into
this work that Husayn Ahwazī left his da‘wah activities to him in the rural
district of Kufa. Then he chose "Kilwāzā", a suburb in Baghdad, as the centre
of his da‘wah which was spread and responded in 276 AH so quickly that he
engaged in buying weapons and forming an army. They soon began bloodshed
and killing of their opponents, and struck utter terror in the hearts of Iraqi
Muslims. Fearing their lives, many people responded to their call. In 277 AH,
Iraqi Karmatians built a great castle named "Dār al-Hijrah" for their own in the
suburb of Kufa. Thereafter, Hamdān proceeded to make financial regulations
and social rules expedient on his citizens and obligated everyone to buy their
own weapons. Hamdān's son-in-law, named ‘Abdān Kātib, was one of his
adroit dā‘īs. In around 280 AH, a disagreement occurred between Hamdān and
‘Abdān with the Isma’ilite centre of mission in Ahwaz. Consequently, a new
sect by the name of Karmatian was formed (cf. Mo‘īn Dictionary, vols. 5 and
Message of Thaqalayn 96
6, proper names and places section, under the title of Karmatians and Hamdān
al-Ash‘ath; and Farhang-e Feraq-e Islami by Muhammad Javād Mashkūr, p.
358). 20
The pilgrims of Mecca. 21
Cf. Bayāt, op cit. p. 135. On this subject, cf. Khezri, op cit. p.123. Cited
from Petroshevski, et al. Islam in Iran, p. 311. 22
The Fātimid caliphs, the ‘Ubaydi caliphs, the ‘Ubaydite and the ‘Alawi
caliphs (from 297/909 to 567/1171 AH/AD), were a great dynasty which
founded a powerful empire in Egypt, and subsequently expanded it in Syria
and a part of Africa. This dynasty was called Fātimid, because its caliphs
traced their ancestry to Lady Fātima (A), the daughter of the Prophet (S). The
Idrisids, who also claimed descent from Lady Fātima (A), paved the way for
the Fātimids to advance their cause because during their time, numerous dā‘is
influenced the Barbarians (residents of North Africa) and spread Shi‘a
doctrines among them. When ‘Ubaydallah called himself "Mahdi" and gave
himself the title of Caliph and Amīr al-Mu‘minin, these earlier actions
facilitated his advance. In 297 AH/ 909 AD, he eliminated the last vestiges of
the Aghlabid rulers and quickly took possession of North Africa except the
regions possessed by the Idrisid rulers in Morocco. The Fātimid caliphs are
called ‘Ubaydid’, because of their family relationship to ‘Ubaydallah. The son
of ‘Ubaydallah, named Muhammad ibn ‘Ubaydallah, who the Sunnites know
as a descendant of ‘Ubaydallah ibn Meymūn Qaddāh and the followers of the
Isma’ilites know him as a descendant of Ismā‘il ibn Ja‘far al-Sādiq (A). He is
considered to be the original founder of the above-mentioned dynasty. Half a
century later, the Fātimids annexed Egypt and Syria to their territory. In 356
AH/ 969 AD, Jawhar, their commander, took the reign of Egypt from Amir
Saghīr Akhshīdī’s hand and built Al-Qāhira castle in the Nile valley. This
castle became the origin for the present-day city of Cairo. At the same time,
South Syria was also conquered and Aleppo was annexed to the Fātimid
dominions in 381AH/ 991 AD. During this time, their state was extended from
the Syria Desert and Al-‘Ās River to the coasts of Morocco. The Fātimid
capital first was Mahdia city near Tunisia, and was then transferred to Cairo.
Though this resulted in losing possession of their western dominions, the
Fātimids held the power in Egypt and Syria for years and extended their range
of wealth and trade to domains on the sides of Mediterranean Sea. The Fātimid
dynasty of Egypt was overthrown by Salāh-al-Din Ayyūbi in 567 AH/ 1171
AD (Mo‘īn Dictionary, vol. 6, p. 1298, the entry of the Fātimids in proper
names and places section). 23
Mas‘ūdi, Al-Tanbih wal Ishrāf, p. 328. 24
Cf. ibid. p. 327, and ‘Azizullah Bayāt, ibid, p. 135- 136 and 137; cf. Fayyāz,
ibid, p. 232. Banī Hamdān, the family of Hamdān, belonged to the Taghlab
tribe, who lived in some region neighboring Mosul. In 260 AH/ 873 AD,
Hamdān ibn Hamdūn, their grandfather was greatly influential in political
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97
events that occurred in Mosul, in 281 AH/ 894 AD. Muhammad ibn Hamdān
took possession of the city of Mārdian though he was exiled by Mu‘taḍid . In
292 AH, Abu al-Hayjā Abdullah ibn Hamdān was appointed to rule Mosul and
its suburbs. From this date on, the Hamdānids had a great period of prosperity.
The Hamdānid rulers were Shi‘ite and respected Sayf al-Dawla, the Egyptian
Fātimid caliph. They ruled until 369 AH/ 979 AD (Mo‘īn Dictionary, vol. 5,
under the entry Hamdānids). It is said that in 234 AH/ 935 AD after a long
period of conflict with his paternal uncles, Abu al-Hayjā's son named Hasan
ibn Abdullah ibn Hamdān (Nāsir al-Dawla) was issued to the ruling on Mosul
and Jazira (the Bakr, Rābi‘a, and Muḍir territories) by the order of the caliph
al-Rāḍī and his brother ‘Ali (Sayf al-Dawla) also assisted him in protecting
these territories. Taking his seat of power in Jazira, Nāsir al-Dawla rose to
support Amīr al-Umarā Ibn Rā‘iq and the caliph al-Muttaqi in opposition to
Baridids of Basra. He finally killed Ibn Rā‘iq, and in 330 AH/ 942 AD, seized
his office. He ruled for about a year, until a man named Tūzūn raised in
rebellion. Nāsir al-Dawla withdrew to his capital in Mosul and attempted to
support al-Muttaqi, but after a while submitted to it. Mu‘iz al-Dawla imposed
his power on the Hamdānids who were insubordinate peasants. Finally, Nāsir
al-Dawla was withdrawn from the caliphate by his sons and two years later
died (Joel, Corms, Cultural Revival in the time of Būyid Family, p. 138). 25
Fayyāz, ibid. p. 233. 26
Shaykh Tūsī, Al-Ghayba, p. 244; cf. Tarjomat ul-Ghayba, Muhammad Rāzī, "The Blessed Gift in the Signs of the Promised Mahdi (A)", p. 283. 27
Shaykh Tūsī, ibid. p. 243; and Shaykh Hūrr ‘Āmilī, Wasā’il al-Shi‘a, vol.
18, ch. 11, sections on The Attributes of Judges, hadith no. 4. 28
Abu al-Fida’, ‘Imād al-Dīn Ismā‘īl, Al-Mukhtasar fi Akhbār al-Bashar, vol.
2, p. 69; and Shaykh Tūsī, Al-Ghayba, p. 192. 29
Shaykh Tūsī, Al-Ghayba, pp. 294- 296. 30
Ibid. 31
Cf. Shaykh Sadūq, Kamāl al-Dīn wa Tamām al-Ni‘ma, p. 498; Jāsim
Husayn, ibid. p. 175. 32
Cf. Shaykh Tūsī, Al-Fihrist, p. 189; his biography, cf. Mamaqānī, Tanqīh al-
Maqāl, vol. 3, p. 149. 33
Tabarī, vol. 3, pp. 57, 18, 1857, 2024 and 2109; cited from Jāsim Husayn, op
cit. p. 175. 34
The rebellion of Zanzibari slaves occurred between 255 and 270 AH. An
Iranian man named ‘Ali ibn Muhammad from Warzanayn led this sedition. He
claimed descent from ‘Ali (A) and at the beginning introduced himself as the
spiritual leader and officially declared his Azāriqites belief (a branch of
Khārijites). Soon he sought protection from the slaves and promised them
freedom, plunder, and robbery. He occupied the outskirts of Basra, including
the lower grounds of the Karun valley. Thousands of African slaves and a
large number of the Bedouins joined together under his flag. The caliphate
Message of Thaqalayn 98
armies were defeated many times by him, until Basra was conquered by the
Zanzibaris. They plundered and massacred until they left Basra and scattered
along the Persian Gulf on the north and the south coasts and after occupying
Wāsit, pillaged Ahwaz. The caliph Muwaffaq could not invest in all his efforts
to suppress this rebellion until the death of Ya‘qūb. But he finally gathered a
huge army and dispatched to repel the Zanzibaris. Consequently, these rebels
surrendered in the swamp area and their leader was killed after fifteen years of
bloodshed and the rebellion was put down (Mu‘īn Dictionary, vol. 5, under the
entry of Zanj). 35
Isma’ilite is a sect of Twelver Shi‘ism, which branched as a result of a
difference over the imamate of Ismā‘il ibn Ja‘far al-Sādiq (A) and his brother
Mūsā ibn Ja‘far (A). Those who maintain that imamate must be kept in the
family of Ismā‘il are known as Isma’ilites or Bātinīs. They believe that after
the departure of Imam Ja‘far (A), since his son Ismā‘īl died before his father,
the imamate was passed to Muhammad ibn Ismā‘il, who is (ending to seven)
and seventh era ends at him and after him, imamate remains in his family; the
succeeding imams after Muhammad split into two groups: one group were
hidden imams who went undercover around the city, while their da‘īs were
openly promoting their invitations. After the hidden imams, it was the time of
‘Ubaydullah Mahdi, who manifested his invitation and after him. His
descendants were imams, one by one and [they believed] everyone who dies
while he is in opposition to them, "has died in ignorance of being like pre-
Islamic atheists". Among the dā‘īs who were actively promoting the Ismā‘īli faith and establishing the foundations of this sect during the Imam's (A)
occultation, there was Maymūn ibn Daysān known as Qaddāh. He and his
descendants engaged in activities in Khuzestan, Iraq, and Syria for a while and
their dā‘īs were active in extending the Ismā‘ili invitation. Among these dā‘īs,
was Abu ‘Abdullah Hasan ibn Ahmad, known as Abu ‘Abdullah Shī‘ī who
gained great power in the western cities and overthrew the Aghlabid
government in that region. In doing so, he freed ‘Ubaydullah Mahdi, who was
imprisoned in Saljamāsa and believed that he is the same anticipated Mahdi
from the family of ‘Ali (A), and that the Imamate belongs to him. Accordingly,
the Fātimid government was formed in North Africa (297 AH).
The Fātimid invitation was quickly extended to Yemen, Bahrain, Syria,
Palestine, Iran, and North Africa (on this subject, cf. Ibn Khaldūn, Al-‘Ibar,
Ibn Khaldūn History, vol. 3, p. 13).
The Isma’ilites observed some stages in their mission and their dā‘īs were
entitled based on their ranks. The highest rank of the believers of this sect was
known as "Hujjat". Only a limited number of dā‘īs from among them could
hold this rank. Among Iranian dā‘īs, Nāsir Khusrow and Hasan Sabbāh had
this rank. For each of their imams, Isma’ilite dā‘īs assigned twelve Hujjats
who were spreading the invitation in twelve districts and in their invitation,
they believed the numbers of seven and twelve to be important. For all of the
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dā‘īs, there was a head named dā‘ī-al-du‘āt who had office in the caliphate
government. The Isma’ilites believed that there are hidden aspects behind
superficial appearance, of which only imams are aware, and one must learn
them through him or through those who have been taught by him. This led this
group to direct their attention from outward aspects of religion to inward and
esoteric aspects. (Mu‘īn Dictionary, vol. 5, under the entry of Isma’ilite, and
for further information: cf. Farhang-e Feraq-e Islami, p. 47). 36
Tabarī, Tārikh al-Umam wa al-Mulūk, vol. 8, p. 159; cf. Jāsim Husayn, ibid.
p. 177. 37
‘Ali ibn Ismā‘il Ash‘ari, Maqālāt Islāmiyayn, p. 85; cited from Jāsim
Husayn, ibid. 38
Cf. Shaykh Sadūq, Kamāl al-Dīn wa Tamām al-Ni‘mah, pp. 483- 485; cf.
Jāsim Husayn, op cit. p. 178. 39
Shaykh Tūsī, Al-Fihrist, p. 327. 40
Ibn Athir, Al-Kāmil, Beirut, vol. 4, p. 577. 41
Cf. Muhammad ibn Ya‘qūb Kulayni, Al-Kāfi, vol. 1, p. 525; Jāsim Husayn,
op cite. p. 179. 42
Shaykh Tūsī, Al-Ghayba, p. 255. 43
Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Maskūya, Tajārib al-Umam, vol. 1 (from four
volumes), p. 137; Jāsim Husayn, p. 199.
44 Cf. Al-Ghayba, p. 200; Shams al-Dīn Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn ‘Uthmān
Dhahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām wa Mashāhīr al-A‘lām, vols. 1- 4, footnote 132a,
cited ibid. 45
Jāsim Husayn, ibid. p. 182. 46
Najāshī, Rijāl, p. 261; Shaykh Tūsī, Al-Fihrist, p. 219. 47
Mīrzā Muhammad Bāqir Mūsavī Khunsārī, Rawzāt al-Jannāt, vol. 4, p. 275. 48
Shaykh Tūsī, Al-Ghayba, p. 318. 49
The Encyclopedia of Islamica (Farsi version), vol. 3, p. 61. 50
Khunsāri, Rawzāt al-Jannāt, vol. 4, p. 274. 51
The Grand Islamic Encyclopedia, ibid. 52
Rijāl Najāshi, p. 261; cf. Shaykh Tūsī, Al-Fihrist, p. 219. 53
Shaykh Tūsī, Al-Fihrist, p. 218.
54 Khunsāri, ibid. vol. 4, p. 278.
55 Mīrzā ‘Abdullah Afandī Isfihāni, Riyāz al-‘Ulamā’ wa Hiyāz al-Fuḍalā’,
vol. 4, pp. 7, 10 and 11. 56
Op cit. cf. Tohfih Qudsī, (translation of Al-Ghayba), p. 255. 57
The Encyclopedia of Islamica (Farsi version), vol. 3, p. 61. 58
Ibid.