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    Peter Thomas

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza

    Introduction1

    Louis Althusser is chiey remembered today, when

    he is remembered at all, as the progenitor and

    leading exponent of structuralist Marxism, a curious

    hybrid which ourished on the left bank of the

    Seine in the 1960s and later enjoyed the status of an

    exotic import in the left-wing Anglophone academyin the late 1960s and early 1970s. Structuralist

    Marxism was regarded as the convergence of two

    independent conjunctures: on the one hand, the

    structuralist movement, whose emergence in post-

    Resistance French intellectual life seemed to

    offer the possibility of a powerfully unifying dis-

    course across the ossied boundaries of the humanand social sciences; and on the other, those currents

    within Western Marxism which were attempting to

    renew Marxist theory in the space opened up by the

    partial thaw of Stalinism following Khrushchevs

    Historical Materialism, volume 10:3 (71113)

    Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2002Also available online www.brill.nl

    1 I would like to thank Gary Maclennan, Paul Jones, Dan ONeill, Martin Thomas,Murray Kane, Melissa White, Ben Jones, Daniel Bensad, John Game and SebastianBudgen for encouraging remarks and suggestions on a previous version of this paper.Ted Stolze, Gregory Elliott, Geoff Goshgarian, Andr Tosel and Warren Montag didnot allow positive references to their own work to blind them to the decienciesof mine.

    http://www.brill.nl/
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    secret speech of 1956. Structuralism had been hailed initially as a decisive

    intellectual advance of potentially epochal dimensions (witness the famous

    closing lines of Foucaults The Order of Things). But it was almost as quicklyrelegated to the dustbin of history, granted a lingering half-life as a pedagogical

    prop used in introducing students to post-structuralism. A similar fate awaited

    the work of Louis Althusser. The advent of Althussers structuralist reading

    of Marx and of some of the central categories of Marxist theory seemed, for

    some at least, the necessary correlate at the level of high theory of the more

    general structure of feeling and revolutionary optimism now referred to by

    the title of The Sixties. But the Althusserian moment was soon eclipsed by

    a combination of international political events, tragedy in the personal life of

    its protagonist, and most importantly, a radical change in intellectual fashion.

    As Gregory Elliott notes,

    The alliance Althusser had sought in the early 1960s between Marxism and

    avant-garde French theory unravelled after 1968 as the philosophies of desire

    and power tributary to May drove high structuralism from the seminarroom. Althusserianism was thus doubly compromised as a Marxism and

    as a structuralism.2

    Having hitched [his] Marxism to structuralisms rising star, it seemed that

    Althussers thought was condemned to follow it into the archive of failed

    projects.3 Althusserianism passed into the memories (sometimes with fond-

    ness, more often, perhaps, with regret) of those Communists and New-Leftistintellectuals who had ocked to its banner in its heyday, while some of

    Althussers central texts, particularly the celebrated Ideology and Ideological

    State Apparatuses: Notes Towards an Investigation, subsequently became

    foundational texts in the post-1960s reformulation of the social sciences and

    cultural studies.4

    There was at least one Marxist theorist, however, for whom the equation

    of the Althusserian tendency with structuralism was far from self-evident:Louis Althusser himself. In his lments dAutocritique of 1974 (published in

    English in 1976 in the volume Essays in Self-Criticism), Althusser explicitly

    72 Peter Thomas

    2 Elliott 1987, p. 282.3 Elliott 1987, p. 283.4 The most comprehensive accounts of the fate of Althussers work can be found

    in Kaplan and Sprinker 1993 and Elliott 1994.

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    denied that he and his co-workers had been structuralists, and, in their defence,

    offered an alternative intellectual afliation. He argued:

    If we never were structuralists, we can now explain why: why we seemed

    to be, even though we were not, why there came about this strange mis-

    understanding on the basis of which books were written. We were guilty

    of an equally powerful and compromising passion: we were Spinozists . . .with

    very few exceptions our blessed critics, imbued with conviction and swayed

    by fashion, never suspected any of this. They took the easy road: it was so

    simple to join the crowd and shout structuralism! Structuralism was allthe rage, and you did not have to read about it in books to be able to talk

    about it. But you have to read Spinoza and know that he exists: that he still

    exists today. To recognize him, you must at least have heard of him.5

    Gregory Elliott has voiced an obvious objection to this line of defence:

    Admission of Spinozism does not automatically compel acquittal on the

    count of structuralism, and it had been apparent some time before Althussers

    confession.6 Some critics, already enraged by the theoretical anti-humanism

    of Althussers structuralist Marxism, in which human agency was reduced

    to mere Trger of the relations of production, seemed to regard Althussers

    declared admiration for one of the most rigorous determinists of the modern

    philosophical tradition as merely adding insult to injury. So rather than

    closing the case against Louis Althusser, his confession of Spinozism instead

    resulted in his Marxism becoming doubly condemned as both a struc-turalism and as a Spinozism.

    Yet, as Montag has noted, it is questionable whether this pronouncement

    was an accurate remembrance of the forces which shaped the early Althusserian

    project (specically, the texts For Marx and Reading Capital), or was rather,

    nothing more than a retrospective construction, the very condition of which

    was a renaissance in French Spinoza studies that took place at the end of the

    sixties.7 Montag points to the lack of any systematic and textually explicitstudies of Spinoza by Althusser and his colleagues in this period, arguing

    that, even if it is true that the Althusserian school developed in a Spinozistic

    environment, they nevertheless did not produce any sustained work on

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 73

    5 Althusser 1976, p. 132.6 Elliott 1987, p. 183.7 Montag 1998, pp. xixii.

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    Spinoza, certainly nothing resembling their readings of other philosophers.8

    Their interest in Spinoza remained vague and indeterminate during the period

    when the Althusserian paradigms central features were elaborated, and itwas only later, in very different political and intellectual circumstances, that

    it solidied into a denite line of research. Even then, it was not Althusser

    who produced an extended study of Spinozas relevance to Marxism (his

    published comments are limited to a chapter in Essays in Self-Criticism, and

    several confessional passages from his autobiographical writings), but some

    of his former students and colleagues (primarily, Balibar and Macherey), as

    their own development led them in directions not entirely compatible with

    the austere theoreticism for which the Althusserian moment is remembered.

    Considerations on Western Marxism

    Nevertheless, as Montag further notes, Althussers assertion in Elements of

    Self-Criticism that he, Balibar and Macherey were Spinozists, [was taken by

    Perry Anderson] as conrmation of his worst suspicions concerning Althussersreliance on pre-Marxist thought.9 Anderson was one of Althussers few,

    blessed critics who had indeed heard of Spinoza. In fact, in the epigraphs to

    his celebrated and widely inuential study, Considerations on Western Marxism,

    Anderson gave pride of place to the following juxtaposition of the views of

    Lenin and Spinoza on the relationship of philosophy to political practice.

    Correct revolutionary theory assumes nal shape only in close connection

    with the practical activity of a truly mass and truly revolutionary movement.

    LENIN

    The multitude, and those of like passions with the multitude, I should

    ask not to read my book; nay, I would rather that they should utterly neglect

    it, than that they should misinterpret it after their wont. SPINOZA10

    74 Peter Thomas

    8 Montag 1998, p. xi. Montags comments should be understood as referring tothe exoteric doctrines of Althusser and his circle in this period (though he perhapsunderestimates the extent of the Spinozistic elements to be found even in these,particularly Reading Capital). Within the general intellectual environment of thisgroup, Spinoza was an abiding and constant presence. Thanks are due to GregoryElliott for stressing this point.

    9 Montag 1998, p. xi.10 Anderson 1976, p. ix. The quotation from Lenin is from Left-Wing Communism

    An Infantile Disorder (Lenin 1950, p. 15); Spinozas is from the preface to the Tractatus

    Theologico-Politicus (Spinoza 1951, p. 11). Several features should be briey noted here

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    As the argument of Considerations on Western Marxism made clear, Spinozas

    statement was considered by Anderson to be a precursor of the esotericism,

    litism and removal from politics which he nominated as some of the deningco-ordinates of Western Marxism as a whole. As he noted, without the slight-

    est hint of irony, the very surplus [of Western Marxist theorists works]

    above the necessary minimum quotient of verbal complexity was the sign

    of its divorce from any popular practice.11 The fundamental cause of this

    development, Anderson argued, had been the experience of Stalinism. With

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 75

    as a corrective to Andersons implicit suggestion of Spinozas litism and removalfrom politics. First, the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (TTP) was a work dedicated tocombating the intellectual foundations of superstition (the dominant ideologicalformation of Spinozas time and place, the Dutch Republic of the 1660s) by means ofa scrupulous examination of the meaning and history of scripture. Furthermore,it was an intervention into a hostile political and theological climate (as Spinoza,excommunicated from Amsterdams Jewish community and already regarded withsuspicion by the liberal Christianity of the Netherlands, knew only too well), onerapidly moving to the Right as the Calvinist orthodoxy and the House of Orangemobilised a discontented populace against the republic of the liberal mercantile

    bourgeoisie. Spinozas request that those of like passions with the multitude shouldnot read his book (i.e. the multitude in the Netherlands in the 1660s, who wererallying to the banner of reaction and religious orthodoxy) was less an litist separa-tion of intellectuals from the masses than prudent advice to the orthodox amonghis contemporaries that they were bound to be offended by his demolition of themisinterpretations upon which their prejudices and rgime of mystication werefounded. (Signicantly, despite, or perhaps because of, this conjunctural role of themultitude, the political theory of both the TTP and the later, post-restoration TractatusPoliticus are suffused with an awareness that it is the power and imagination ofthe multitude which determine the course of political events). Finally, the TTP was

    also designed, in part, as a secular resolution to the ongoing Averroist controversyconcerning the proper relation between philosophy and theology which had markedthe emergence of modern Europe from the theocracy of the Middle Ages. Spinozawas appealing to an audience of fellow philosophers, or potential philosophers, toresolve this debate nally in the interests of the autonomy of reason, in much thesame way as Lenins Left-Wing Communism was, in part, an appeal to fellow communiststo adopt a political outlook appropriate to their own concrete political conditions.The passage in full reads as follows: To the rest of mankind I care not to commendmy treatise, for I cannot expect that it contains anything to please them: I knowhow deeply rooted are the prejudices embraced under the name of religion; I am

    aware that in the mind of the masses superstition is no less deeply rooted than fear;I recognise that their constancy is mere obstinacy, and that they are led to praiseor blame by impulse rather then reason. Therefore the multitude, and those oflike passions with the multitude, I ask not to read my book; nay, I would rather thatthey should utterly neglect it, than that they should misinterpret it after their wont.They would gain no good themselves, and might prove a stumbling block to others,whose philosophy is hampered by the belief that Reason is a mere handmaid toTheology, and whom I seek in this work especially to benet (Spinoza 1951, p. 11).For an excellent discussion of these and related themes, see Tosel 1997, particularlypp. 1506.

    11 Anderson 1976, p. 54.

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    the failure of proletarian revolutions in the advanced zones of European

    capitalism after the First World War, the rise of a bureaucratic ruling lite

    in the Soviet Union and the Stalinisation of the Comintern, the connectionof Marxist theory and revolutionary working-class practice, which had

    characterised historical materialism in its classical phase, was severed. 12

    Thereafter, Western Marxist theorists led a shadowy half-life on the edge of

    the Communist parties, bullied, cajoled and disciplined by the apparatus

    if they chose to remain within them (often resulting in a self-imposed

    censorship and increasingly cryptic language), marginalised and isolated

    from contact with the organisations of the working class if they opted for the

    role of fellow-traveller or friendly critic. Under these conditions, Western

    Marxism began increasingly to turn towards both pre- and non-Marxist

    philosophy, a shift symptomatic of these theorists distance from tasks of

    direct political organisation (giving their thought an increasingly speculative

    dimension, tending towards the history of philosophy) and working-class

    culture (leading them to a closer relationship with contemporary bourgeoisculture and theory, rather than proletarian practice).

    Anderson acknowledged that the turn to pre-Marxist philosophy, in par-

    ticular, had lled a noticeable gap in the comprehensiveness of historical

    materialism as an intellectual research programme. Any creative development

    of Marxist philosophy as such, Anderson noted,

    would inevitably have had to move through a reconsideration of the

    complex cognitive history which Marx himself ignored or bypassed. The

    existing starting-points within the work of Marx itself were too few and too

    narrow for this not to be necessary.13

    This acknowledgement, however, was accompanied by a cautionary note:

    At the same time, the dangers involved in a prolonged recourse to pre-

    Marxist philosophical traditions need no emphasis: the overwhelming weight

    of idealist or religious motifs within them is well enough known.14

    If the explication and supplementation of the works of Marx were required,

    Anderson seemed to suggest, these resources should be drawn from the

    76 Peter Thomas

    12 Anderson 1976, p. 92.13 Anderson 1976, p. 61.14 Ibid.

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    experience of class struggle as it has unfolded since Capital not from the

    formulations and arguments of philosophers whose thought lay on the wrong

    side of Marxs Copernican revolution.When he turned to an explicit consideration of Althussers Spinozism,

    Anderson found it to be a particular manifestation, if not the example par

    excellence, of this general Western Marxism tendency of turning to pre-Marxist

    philosophy in order to legitimate, explicate or supplement the philosophy

    of Marx himself.15 Less philologically explicit than other Western Marxist

    attempts to read Marx in relation to Hegel, Kant etc., Anderson argued that

    Althussers engagement with Spinoza was nevertheless substantively the

    most sweeping retroactive assimilation of all of a pre-Marxist philosophy into

    Marxism, the most ambitious attempt to construct a prior philosophical

    descent for Marx, and to develop abruptly new theoretical directions for

    contemporary Marxism from it.16

    In order to support this judgement, Anderson had carefully noted the

    scattered and often elliptical references to Spinoza in For Marx and ReadingCapital, which he here systematised and whose signicance he briey assessed.

    The inuence of Spinoza on Althusser was found to be pervasive. Anderson

    went so far as to argue that nearly all the novel concepts and accents of

    Althussers Marxism, apart from those imported from contemporary disci-

    plines, were in fact directly drawn from Spinoza.17 Despite the disclaimer

    that Althusser had also been inuenced by contemporaneous currents in

    non-Marxist philosophy and other academic disciplines (those thinkers andthought-forms most often noted by Althussers critics and expositors, such

    as Bachelard and developments in epistemology and the philosophy of

    science, Lacans re-reading of Freud and psychoanalysis, and, of course, Lvi-

    Strauss and the high-structuralist tradition itself), the Spinozistic inuences

    on Althusser, outlined by Anderson, were, in fact, so comprehensive as to

    leave very little in the Althusserian system which was not directly drawn,

    taken straight, faithfully derived from Spinoza. Anderson nominated thesix following correspondences between the thought of Althusser and Spinoza:18

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 77

    15 Anderson 1976, p. 59.16 Anderson 1976, pp. 645.17 Anderson 1976, p. 64.18 The list of correspondences and supporting references occurs on pp. 645.

    Unfortunately, space will not permit the full examination and explication which they

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    First, Anderson argued that Althussers categorical distinction between

    objects of knowledge and real objects was taken straight from Spinozas

    famous separation of idea and ideatum.19

    Second, the Althusserian general essence of production, common to both

    thought and reality, was regarded as none other than a translation of the

    Spinozan maxim ordo et connexio idearum rerum idem est, ac ordo et connexio

    rerum (The order and connection of ideas is the same as the order and

    connection of things).20

    Third, Anderson detected in Althussers controversial thesis of the self-

    validating procedures of theoretical practice and consequent radical elimi-

    nation of the philosophical problem of the guarantees of knowledge or truth

    the inuence of Spinozas dictum veritas norma sui et falsi.21

    78 Peter Thomas

    deserve. Passages additional to those offered by Anderson will also be noted for theinterested reader. I have adopted the standard references for passages from the Ethics:D = Denition, P = Proposition, Sch = Scholium, App = Appendix.

    19 The relevant passages noted by Anderson are: Althusser and Balibar 1970, p. 40;Spinoza 1985, p. 12. Also important are EIIP6, EIIP7Sch.

    20 Althusser 1977, p. 169; Althusser and Balibar 1970, p. 216; EIIP7Sch. Althusser saccount of the process of abstraction in Marx in fact departs from Spinozas empha-sis upon the symmetry of the orders within the attributes. For Althusser, in ReadingCapital, thought is a peculiar real system, established on and articulated to thereal world of a given historical society (p. 42), but this articulation is one of uneven-ness rather than identity. Signicantly, Althusser maintains that Marx goes evenfurther [than Spinoza] and shows that this distinction [between idea and ideatum/

    thought-concrete and real-concrete] involves not only these two objects, but also theirpeculiar production processes (p. 41). See, in particular, the following argument:While the production process of a given real object, a given real-concrete totality (e.g.,a given historical nation) takes place entirely in the real and is carried out accordingto the real order of real genesis (the order of succession of the moments of historicalgenesis), the production process of the object of knowledge takes place entirely inknowledge and is carried out according to a different order

    , in which the thoughtcategories which reproduce the real categories do not occupy the same place as theydo in the order of real historical genesis, but quite different places assigned them bytheir function in the production process of the object of knowledge (p. 41) (Italics

    in original; underlining mine). This divergence is important for two reasons, whichwill become clearer later in this argument. First, it refutes Andersons thesis of theidentity of the concepts: Althusser himself points out that there is a signicantdifference between his (and Marxs) concept and that of Spinoza. Second, becauseAlthusser clearly posits that Marx himself had already taken over concepts fromSpinoza and further developed them (even if unconsciously), it refutes Andersonsclaim that Althussers deployment of Spinozistic themes was a novel and unwar-ranted development in Marxist theory.

    21 Althusser and Balibar 1970, pp. 5960, EIIP43Sch. Also relevant are Spinoza 1985,pp. 1819, and the denition of an adequate idea in EIIDiv.

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    Fourth, the central concept of structural causality of a mode of produc-

    tion in Reading Capital was judged to be a secularized version of Spinozas

    conception of God as a causa immanens.22

    Fifth, Anderson argued that Althussers passionate attack on the ideolog-

    ical illusions of immediate experience as opposed to the scientic knowledge

    proper to theory alone, and on all notions of men or classes as conscious

    subjects of history, instead of as involuntary supports of social relations,

    was an exact reproduction of Spinozas denunciation of experientia vaga

    as the source of all error, and his remorseless insistence that the archetypal

    delusion was mens belief that they were in any way free in their volition,

    when in fact they were permanently governed by laws of which they were

    unconscious.23

    Sixth, and nally, Anderson argued that the implacable determinism,

    which had led Spinoza to argue that Those who believe that a people, or

    men divided over public business, can be induced to live by reason alone,

    are dreaming of the poets golden age or a fairy tale, had been adapted byAlthussers infamous thesis that ideology is the very element and atmosphere

    indispensable [to human societies] historical respiration and life.24

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 79

    22 Althusser and Balibar 1970, pp. 1879; EIP18.23 Althusser 1977, pp. 2325; Althusser and Balibar 1970, p. 180; EIIP35. See also

    Spinozas discussion of the consequences of human ignorance of the causes of thingsin EIApp.

    24 Althusser 1977, p. 232. Anderson incorrectly attributed the quote from Spinozato the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, rather than to the post-restoration Tractatus Politicus.His failure to contextualise this argument politically and historically allowed himto misrepresent it as a deep pessimism, rather than as an expression of the politicalrealism adopted by Spinoza in a period of reaction. After the fall of the Dutch repub-lic, Spinoza composed the Tractatus Politicus as an attempt to analyse the differentforms of government, not as political theorists argued they ought to be, but as theyhad been realised in concrete forms in human history. The passage in full readsas follows: We showed [in the Ethics] that reason can, indeed, do much to restrainand moderate the passions, but we saw at the same time, that the road, which

    reason herself points out, is very steep; so that such as persuade themselves, that themultitude or men distracted by politics can ever be induced to live according to the

    bare dictate of reason, must be dreaming of the poetic golden age, or of a stage-play(Spinoza 1951, p. 289). A full exposition of this passage, and a demonstration thatit in fact involves a valorisation of the imagination of the multitude rather thana rationalist dismissal of it, would need to refer to at least the following passages:the origin of inadequate ideas in EIApp, the three kinds of knowledge imagination,reason and intuitive knowledge outlined in EIIP40Sch2, the denitions of truth andfalsity in EIIP41 and EIIP35, the denition of the object of the idea constituting thehuman mind as the body in EIIP13 and the supporting proposition EIIP29Sch on

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    Just as Althusser had attempted to read the symptomatic silences of Marxs

    problematic, it appeared that Anderson had attuned his ear to the faint

    echoes which resonated throughout Althussers own work.25 With the declineof the popularity of the Althusserian paradigm in the English-speaking leftist

    academy, which was well noticeable even before the publication of Considerations

    on Western Marxism, and declining interest in Marxism in general, which

    was soon to follow (particularly those High Theoreticist variants which

    claimed a privileged access to a Truth denied to mere lived experience),

    this assessment became for a long period the accepted account of the nature

    and content of Althussers Spinozism.

    Considerations on Western Marxism was one of the rst studies in Anglophone

    Marxism to identify Althussers Spinozistic inspiration, a conclusion which

    Anderson repeated inArguments in English Marxism and in the editorial intro-

    duction (ascribed to New Left Review, but presumably written, or contributed

    to, by Anderson) to Andr Glucksmanns A Ventriloquist Structuralism in

    the anthology Western Marxism: A Critical Reader.26

    It was, and to some extentcontinues to be, widely inuential on subsequent studies of Althusser within

    Anglophone Marxism. Critics such as, on the one hand, Steven Smith, and,

    on the other, E.P. Thompson, Terry Eagleton and Ellen Meiksins Wood, have

    either reproduced Andersons arguments almost verbatim with little or

    no further commentary, as in the former case, or briey mentioned the

    importance of Spinoza for Althusser in passing, as in the latter.27 Gregory

    Elliotts The Detour of Theory contains some suggestive discussions of theSpinoza/Althusser relationship and its relevance to historical materialism,

    80 Peter Thomas

    the minds confused knowledge of the body, and, nally, Spinozas observation thatalthough it was the object of the idea constituting the human mind, no one leastof all political theorists has yet determined what the body can do in EIIIP2Sch.The reader interested in the evolution of Spinozas political thought is referred to the

    book-length studies of Negris The Savage Anomaly and Balibars Spinoza and Politicsand Warren Montags Masses, Bodies, Power: Spinoza and his Contemporaries. Montaghas also provided an excellent short and accessible summary of the main themes inhis Preface to Balibars Spinoza and Politics.

    25 The Althusserian notion of symptomatic reading itself bears an importantrelation to Spinozas proposals for the unmystied interpretation of scripture in Chapter7 of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, pp. 98119. For an extended discussion of thistheme, see Montag 1993.

    26 Anderson 1980, p. 125; New Left Review 1977, p. 275.27 Smith 1984, pp. 723; Thompson 1978, p. 201; Eagleton 1991, p. 146; Meiksins

    Wood 1986, p. 18.

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    but his assessment remains ambivalent with regard to the interpretation of

    Considerations on Western Marxism. Two works stand out against the general

    current of acceptance of Andersons judgement: Andrew Colliers ScienticRealism and Socialist Thought provides, among other interesting insights

    into the enduring relevance of the questions raised by Althusser, a novel

    treatment of Spinozas theory of composite bodies in relation to the Althusserian

    theory of structural causality. And Christopher Norris, in one of the longest

    and most signicant studies of Althussers afnities with Spinoza (Spinoza

    and the Origins of Modern Critical Theory) provides a more sympathetic and

    nuanced discussion.28 Despite these exceptions, Andersons account of

    Althussers Spinozism became, due to a combination of his pre-eminence

    among Anglophone Marxists, the novelty of his study in its time and the

    characteristic condence of his presentation, an important pole of reference

    for several generations of both theoretical and activist Marxists. The fact that

    it assumed this importance, despite its brevity (scarcely two pages, and those

    in a study whose main purpose was quite other than an examination ofSpinozas relation to Marxism), is an index of how totally marginal Spinoza

    has been until recently not only to Marxism but to Anglophone intellectual

    culture as a whole. The purpose of this study is to critically assess Andersons

    judgement, in the hope that one of the obstacles which presently impedes

    the more widespread engagement of Anglophone Marxism with the thought

    of Spinoza will thereby be removed. It also attempts to offer an alternative

    assessment of the nature of Althussers Spinozism, and in conclusion, to positsome preliminary theses to be used in a future study of contemporary Marxist

    Spinozisms.

    Spinoza and pre-Althusserian Marxism

    Recent research, however, has indicated that the three assumptions upon

    which Andersons analysis rested Spinozas externality to pre-AlthusserianMarxism, the notion that Althusser was offering Spinoza as a philosophical

    ancestor for Marx, and that Althusser had directly transcribed certain cen-

    tral propositions of Spinoza are not as persuasive as was perhaps once

    thought. Indeed, the last thirty years have witnessed a veritable renaissance

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 81

    28 Collier 1989, particularly pp. 8090; Norris 1991, particularly Chapter 1.

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    in scholarship and interest in Spinoza, comparable to the Spinozism of

    German Romanticism and its aftermath, which followed the Pantheismusstreit

    produced by Jacobis disclosure in 1787 that Lessing had considered himselfa Spinozist. Beginning in France in the late 1960s, studies by Marxists such

    as Macherey, Balibar, Tosel and Negri, and more recently, Montag, have been

    central to the transformation of the received image of Spinoza as a god-

    intoxicated pantheist.29 In particular, these studies have made clear that

    Andersons claim that Spinoza had been largely external to pre-Althusserian

    Marxism can no longer be sustained, for two reasons. First, Marx himself had

    read Spinoza passionately and had even gone so far as to transcribe passages

    from Spinoza into his notebooks under the strange title Spinozas Tractatus

    Theologico Politicus by Karl Marx. Anderson did, of course, acknowledge

    this engagement, but immediately asserted that despite this, there is little

    sign that he was ever particularly inuenced by him. Only a handful of

    references to Spinoza, of the most banal sort, can be found in Marxs work.30

    Yet, as Yirmiyahu Yovels treatment in Spinoza and Other Heretics has demon-strated (signicantly, because Yovel is not a Marxist seeking to justify a

    Spinozist deviation), Marxs engagement with Spinozistic themes extended

    beyond his youth and explicit references and became an abiding inuence

    on the works of his maturity.31 Similarly, Anderson was incorrect to argue

    that Althusser was the rst signicant Marxist to be drawn to Spinoza, aside

    from such gures as Plekhanov, Labriola and even Engels himself.32 As Montag

    notes,

    82 Peter Thomas

    29 A review of these recent Marxist Spinozisms will appear in a future issue ofHistorical Materialism.

    30 Anderson 1976, p. 64. Among the less banal references by Marx is his rankingof Spinoza as an intensive philosopher, a pure ideal ame of science, and ananimating spirit of world-historical developments alongside Aristotle and Hegel(Marx and Engels 1975, p. 496). Also important is Marxs argument in his early Critiqueof Hegels Doctrine of the State that democracy is the essence of all political constitutions,

    socialised man as a particular political constitution; it is related to other forms ofconstitution as a genus to its various species (Marx 1974, p. 88). This is a perspec-tive which remains the foundation of Marxs political views throughout his work,nowhere more so than in Capital, and which bears an important resemblance toSpinozas analysis of the foundation of the different forms of government in theTractatus Politicus. The point is not to play off one list of references against another.Rather, it is that Andersons brusque dismissal on the basis of explicit references toSpinoza in Marxs major works was issued before a thorough study had been madeof both exoteric and esoteric Spinozism in Marxs entire oeuvre.

    31 Yovel 1989, Vol. 2.32 As Montag correctly notes, Anderson followed Colletti (a continental point of

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    a denitive account of [the history of Marxist detours through Spinoza]

    remains to be written. In each succeeding period of crisis within Marxism,

    usually occasioned by a stabilization and expansion of capitalism after aneconomic and/or political crisis that was hailed as nal, in the 1890s, the

    1920s, the 1970s and 1980s, prominent Marxists, many of whom (from

    Thalheimer to Negri) do not t the prole of the Western Marxist painted

    by Anderson, turned to Spinozas philosophy.33

    Second, the presence of explicit references or not do not account for what

    Pierre Macherey has referred to, in reference to Heidegger, Adorno andFoucault, but undoubtedly with Spinoza in mind, as a thinkers philosophical

    actuality. Macherey has argued that

    One can consider a philosophy to be living or present not only because

    it constitutes a source of reference or an object of study and reection

    but because its problems and some of its concepts, independently of

    every explicit citation, nonetheless in the absence of their author continue

    to accompany other forms of thought which, elaborated in new times . . .

    propose to bring new developments to philosophical reection.34

    In fact, this philosophical actuality of Spinozas thought in certain previous

    Marxisms, and the belief that Spinoza is an important resource for the

    contemporary regeneration of Marxism, has been the central argument of

    recent Marxist Spinozist scholarship, most notably in the studies of Macherey,

    Balibar, Negri and Montag.

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 83

    reference for the NLR at the time of the composition of Considerations on Western

    Marxism) in his down-playing of this tradition (Montag 1998, p. x). The followingis Plekhanovs account of his conversation with Engels in 1889 in London: I hadthe pleasure of spending almost a week in long discussions with him on variouspractical and theoretical subjects. At one point our discussion turned to philosophy.Engels strongly criticised what Stern rather imprecisely calls the materialism in thephilosophy of nature. So for you, I asked him, old Spinoza was right when hesaid that thought and extension were nothing but two attributes of one and the samesubstance? Of course, Engels replied, old Spinoza was absolutely right (Colletti1972, p. 72).

    33 Montag 1998, p. ix.34 Macherey 1998, p. 126.

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    Marxs only direct ancestor

    Similarly, publications after the composition of Considerations on Western

    Marxism cast doubt upon the assimilation of Althussers Spinozism to ageneral trend in Western Marxism to supplement Marxism with themes drawn

    from pre-Marxist philosophy. Certainly, the often dramatic, rarely textually

    specic (and sometimes contradictory) pronouncements ex cathedra regard-

    ing Spinoza in For Marx and Reading Capital seem to suggest that Althusser

    thought of Spinozas work as a prior vantage-point from which to interpret

    the meaning of Marxs work itself in much the same way as had been doneby previous Western Marxist theorists in relation to Hegel.35 For instance,

    in Reading Capital, Althusser elaborated his notion of an historical fact . . . as

    a fact which causes a mutation in the existing structural relations , as a prelude

    to his denition of philosophical events of historical scope as those which cause

    real mutations in the existing philosophical structural relations, in this case

    the existing theoretical problematic.36 As a paradigmatic example of such a

    mutation, he then offered the case of Spinoza. He declared thatSpinozas philosophy introduced an unprecedented theoretical revolution

    in the history of philosophy, probably the greatest philosophical revolution

    of all time, insofar as we can regard Spinoza as Marxs only direct ances-

    tor, from the philosophical standpoint.37

    Similarly, in For Marx (in the essay On the Young Marx), Althusser proposed

    that, rather than sublating Hegel, as much of both classical and WesternMarxism had supposed, Marx had instead retreated or returned to real his-

    tory in order to found a scientic discourse freed from ideological mystication.

    Althusser drew the conclusion that science (Marxism) was not, therefore, the

    truth of ideology (philosophy), but, rather, was an alternative thought-form

    generated by returning to the authentic objects which [were] (logically and

    historically) prior to the ideology which has reected them and hemmed

    them in.38 As a part of his clarication of this thesis, he then proposed that

    science can by no criteria be regarded as the truth of ideology in the Hegelian

    sense. If we want a historical predecessor to Marx in this respect we

    84 Peter Thomas

    35 Anderson 1976, p. 59.36 Althusser and Balibar 1970, p. 102.37 Ibid.38 Althusser 1977, p. 77.

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    must appeal to Spinoza rather than Hegel. Spinoza established a relation

    between the rst and the second kind of knowledge which, in its immedi-

    acy (abstracting from the totality in God), presupposed precisely a radicaldiscontinuity. Although the second kind makes possible the understanding

    of the rst, it is not its truth.39

    Assertions like these, therefore, make Andersons conclusion that behind

    Althussers general (and rhetorical) assertions about Spinozas relation to

    Marx was a developed and coherent argument which posited Spinoza, rather

    than Hegel, as the philosophical ground from which to understand Marx understandable.40 Yet, shortly after Considerations on Western Marxism was

    written, and shortly before it was published, Althussers lments dAutocritique(1974) appeared, in one of whose chapters Althusser offered a more complex

    account of his reference to Spinoza. This is not to say that he claried the

    specic substantive points of agreement or divergence between his thought

    and Spinozas. As Anderson remarked in a footnote attached to his analysis

    after this event, Althussers account [of his relation to Spinoza] remains vagueand generic, characteristically lacking textual references and specic corre-

    spondences.41 Nor is it to claim that Althusser retracted his claim for the

    relevance of Spinoza to the understanding of the genesis of Marxism. Even

    more than the brief comments in Reading Capital and For Marx, the chapter

    on Spinoza in Essays in Self Criticism makes large claims regarding the afnities

    of Marx and Spinoza, and attempts to offer further arguments (schematically,

    and in an undeveloped form) for Spinozas solitary preguration of Marxsthought. What Althusser did offer in this text, however, and which must

    surely temper any judgement that he was simply following in a long line

    of Western Marxist turns to pre-Marxist philosophy in order to legitimate,

    explicate or supplement the philosophy of Marx himself, was an extended

    meditation on his encounter with Spinoza, in philosophical, personal and

    political terms. From this text, it can be seen, in retrospect, that the mostsignicant feature of Althussers relation to Spinoza was less the substantive

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 85

    39 Althusser 1977, p. 78.40 Further declarations which seem to endorse Andersons interpretation can be

    found in Althussers discussion of the distinction between the object of knowledgeand the real object (Althusser and Balibar 1970, p. 40), and the notion of structuralcausality (Althusser and Balibar 1970, p. 187).

    41 Anderson 1976, p. 66.

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    claims he advanced regarding the afnity of Spinoza and Marx, than the

    distinctive nature of the method of philosophical reading and activity he

    claimed had informed this encounter. Rather than an explicator of Capitalavant la lettre, what Althusser found in Spinoza was instead a foil to facilitate

    his understanding of Marxs work and his own works relationship to it.

    A detour . . . but with regard to another detour

    The rubric under which Althusser placed his engagement with Spinoza

    was that of a detour, a term he used with a precise philosophical sense andconsciousness of its Marxist heritage. Having for years banged our heads

    against a wall of enigmatic texts and wretched commentaries on them, he

    remarked about the unresolved difculty of Marxs mature work, we had to

    decide to step back and make a detour.42 Two reasons were offered for this

    decision. First, Hegels thought had itself been founded upon a detour: a

    detour via Spinoza. Or, rather, Hegel had proposed certain interpretationsand solutions to problems posed by Spinoza, which had resulted in the

    distinctive orientation of his own system, which in turn (suitably inverted

    and demystied) had made possible Marxs critical and materialist dialectic

    (borrowed from the most speculative chapters of the Great Logic of Absolute

    Idealism).43 Returning to Spinoza, therefore, provided the opportunity to

    examine those radical features of Spinozas thought (primarily, its anti-

    teleology and anti-subjectivism) which had been submerged in the Hegeliansynthesis, only tentatively to reappear so Althusser argued in the work

    of Marx. As Althusser stated at one point in his comments, Spinoza allows

    us to perceive Hegels mistake.44

    Thus far, it would appear that Althussers detour via Spinoza was consonant

    with the Western Marxist urge to seek out a prior philosophical vantage point

    for the purpose of understanding Marx, though the perceived philosophical

    lineage on which this was based is such that it cannot easily be rejectedas an eclecticism diluting the purity of historical materialism with foreign

    additions (as, for instance, Timpanaros supplementation of Marx with Leopardi

    86 Peter Thomas

    42 Althusser 1976, p. 133.43 Althusser 1976, p. 134.44 Althusser 1976, p. 137.

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    could be considered, although Anderson curiously regarded this case as a

    possible exception to the Western Marxist tendency he condemned).45 However,

    Althussers second reason for this detour decisively departs from thetemplate, and furthermore, seems to me to be a much more signicant and

    revealing account of the utility he found in reading Spinoza. For Althusser,

    a philosophic detour was something more than his own idiosyncratic

    solution to the general problem encountered by all who had attempted to

    comprehend Marx: the singularity and complexity of his thought. On the

    contrary, detours, or steps back, were essential to the practice of philosophy.

    A philosophy, Althusser argued, only exists in so far as it works out

    its difference from other philosophies, from those which, by similarity or

    contrast, help it to sense, perceive and grasp itself, so that it can take up its

    own positions.46 This description applied to no philosophy more than it

    did to Marxs, whose own experience in fact formed the inspiration and the

    model for Althussers theory of a detour. What else did Marx do, Althusser

    asked, throughout his endless research, but go back to Hegel in order torid himself of Hegel and to nd his own way, what else but rediscover

    Hegel in order to distinguish himself from Hegel and to dene himself?47 To

    emphasise this point, he further noted that Marx . . . was not content with

    making a single detour, via Hegel; he also constantly and explicitly, in his

    insistent use of certain categories, measured himself against Aristotle, that

    great thinker of the Forms.48

    Althusser, therefore, proposed that, in order to understand this dynamicwhich had animated Marxs own philosophic practice thereby entering into

    the interior of his thought and becoming capable of developing it further

    to meet the new challenges which had arisen in the twentieth century it

    was necessary to mimic (or more generously, reproduce) the philosophic

    procedures and conditions by and under which it had been originally pro-

    duced. As Althusser acknowledged, the adoption of this strategy of repetition

    entailed taking certain risks. Marxs own philosophic detours, particularlyvia Hegel, had not occurred without a theoretical cost (the coquetting with

    Hegelian phraseology which Althusser thought had misled subsequent

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 87

    45 Anderson 1976, pp. 60 & 91.46 Althusser 1976, p. 133.47 Ibid.48 Althusser 1976, pp. 1334.

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    Marxists; the continuing re-emergence of Hegelian (ideological) concepts even

    in Marxs mature work; the always provisional status of the epistemological

    break Althusser would propose in his later revision of the early theorysmessianism). But it would only be possible to determine this cost, to under-

    stand the price Marx had had to pay for his detours along with that now

    risked by the Althusserian school, by ourselves working on these detours.

    In our subjective history, and in the existing ideological and theoretical

    conjuncture, this detour became a necessity.49 Thus, the primary reason and

    motivation for his and his co-workers step back:

    We made a detour via Spinoza in order to improve our understanding of

    Marxs philosophy. To be precise: since Marxs materialism forced us to think

    out the meaning of the necessary detour via Hegel, we made the detour via

    Spinoza in order to clarify our understanding of Marxs detour via Hegel. A detour,

    therefore; but with regard to another detour.50

    Ironically, given Althussers reputation as the arch anti-Hegelian of the 1960s

    (a perception which has become less tenable in recent years, with the publi-

    cation of his early writings and their deep engagement with and critique of

    the work of Hegel, rather than like so many others its mere rejection),

    Althussers account of his detour via Spinoza seems performatively to conrm

    the most Hegelian of philosophic procedures: the phenomenological attempt

    to grasp the inner form of previous philosophies, as an element in under-

    standing the organic relationships which composed them, recapitulating inthought and in a condensed form the complex cognitive development which

    formed the prehistory and conditions of possibility of continuing philosophical

    practice. Like Hegel, Althusser attempted to ground this phenomenology

    in history that is, in the actual philosophic forms which had occurred in

    previous epochs by crafting a dense historical narrative which traced the

    laborious and impeded emergence of what he proposed were the distinctive

    features of Marxs thought, a veritable Calvary of Marxist science; but alsosimilarly to Hegel, the importance of this condensed Bildungsroman, viewed

    phenomenologically, was that it enabled Althussers thought to repeat and

    internalise the signicant features of those previous forms, in such a way that

    he would be able to realise their potentials in his own practice.

    88 Peter Thomas

    49 Althusser 1976, p. 134.50 Ibid.

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    A further dimension of the strongly affective, personal and at the same

    time directly political nature of Althussers reading of Spinoza is revealed by

    remarks originally written for his autobiography, but only recently publishedin English as a chapter in The New Spinoza. Althussers admiration for Spinoza

    as a philosophical strategist is clear; in fact, it is perhaps not exaggerating

    to say that above and beyond any particular substantive philosophic propo-

    sition, what most attracted Althusser to Spinoza was the subtle polemical

    strategy of the Ethics, a revolutionary philosophical strategy which Althusser

    curiously compared to Maos theory of guerrilla warfare.51 He said:

    What also fascinated me in Spinoza was his philosophical strategy. . . .

    Spinoza began with God! He began with God, and deep down inside

    (I believe it, after the entire tradition of his worst enemies) he was (as were

    da Costa and so many other Portuguese Jews of his time) an atheist.

    A supreme strategy: he began by taking over the chief stronghold of his

    adversary, or rather he established himself there as if he were his own

    adversary, therefore not suspected of being the sworn adversary, and re-disposed the theoretical fortress in such a way as to turn it completely

    around, as one turns around cannons against the fortresss own occupant. . . .

    Generally this is not the way that a philosopher proceeds: they always

    oppose from a certain exterior the forces of their theses, which are destined

    to take over the domain protected and defended by previous theses, which

    already occupy the terrain.52

    Althusser further commented that his interpretation of the conjunctural

    nature of Spinozas thought had a profound impact upon his conception of

    the political tasks confronting his own philosophical practice. Spinoza had

    given one of the greatest lessons in heresy that the world had ever seen, by

    occupying orthodox theological positions so deeply that he had transformed

    them into their opposite, and by outwitting the theologians on their own

    ground of rigorous scriptural interpretation.53 Might it not then be possible,Althusser seemed to muse, to effect a similar transformation of the reigning

    orthodoxy of Stalinism, based as it was upon the near-scriptural status ascribed

    to certain of Marxs and Engelss texts, and possessing its own distinctive

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 89

    51 Althusser 1997, p. 11.52 Althusser 1997, pp. 1011.53 Althusser 1976, p. 132.

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    hermeneutic of diamat?54 Again, it was not primarily a matter of arguing

    that Spinoza was Marx without a beard, but, rather, of attempting to draw

    inspiration from Spinoza in order to confront a set of contemporary problemswhich seemed, at least to Althusser, to have been pregured in a previous

    era, namely, the theological disputes of the late seventeenth century. As

    Althusser revealingly reected, no doubt this [Spinozas] strategy comforted

    me in my personal philosophical and political strategy: to take over the Party

    from inside its own positions . . . but what pretensions!55

    The political implications of these pretensions will shortly be examined.

    For now, Althussers theory of a philosophic detour should alert us to the

    possibility that something more dynamic had occurred in his engagement

    with Spinoza than a mere transcription, as Andersons third assumption

    suggested. As we have seen, Anderson argued that many of the main fea-

    tures of the Althusserian synthesis were directly drawn, taken straight,

    faithfully derived from Spinoza.56 This was undoubtedly the most serious

    element in Andersons characterisation of the nature of Althussers relation-ship to Spinoza, both in terms of its implicit and unargued assertions and

    the effects its dismissive brevity have had on subsequent Anglophone Marxist

    scholarship.57 Implicit in it were two questionable, unargued assertions: rst,

    the assertion that Althussers Marxism was not in fact his Marxism at all,

    but, instead, the recycling of the themes of pre-Marxist metaphysics, the direct

    transposition of Spinozas thought into twentieth-century Western Marx-

    ism. In other words, the Althusserian systems origin lay in the thought ofSpinoza (and in Andersons unfortunate choice of metaphors, he came close

    to accusing Althusser of a sometimes-acknowledged plagiarism). Following

    on from this was the second implicit assertion that the political failings of

    90 Peter Thomas

    54 Althusser suggests such an interpretation in his autobiography, when he links

    the appeal to Marx to the refusal of orthodoxy. Althusser 1994, p. 222.55 Althusser 1997, p. 11, see also Althusser 1994, p. 222.56 Anderson 1976, p. 64.57 This brevity was perhaps unavoidable in a work whose main concern was with

    themes other than Althussers Spinozism. Nevertheless, given the seriousness of hisassertions particularly that Althusser had directly transcribed elements of Spinozasthought the absence of a full analysis of the nature and signicance of this rela-tionship remains a glaring omission which Anderson has not rectied in a separateand more extended study despite asserting that further study would have littledifculty in documenting the real extent and unity of the transposition of Spinozas

    thought in Althussers theoretical work (Anderson 1976, p. 66).

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    Althussers work could, therefore, be traced to its dependence upon Spinoza,

    or that Spinoza was, in some suitably indeterminate sense (as in the best of

    all slanders), responsible for those same failings.58 The rst assertion makesit impossible to think the specicity and conditions of possibility of the

    Althusserian initiative, and to learn the political lessons which Althussers

    detour via Spinoza holds for those concerned to restore the Marxist unity of

    theory and practice; the second gave rise to a tendency to judge the relevance

    and fertility of Spinoza for Marxism on the basis of the perceived failings or

    successes of Althussers project. Given Althusserianisms spectacular fall from

    grace in the late 1970s, the equation, in most instances and except for those

    previously noted, has been deleterious. Both resulted in Anderson endors-

    ing, unintentionally and against the central thesis of Considerations on Western

    Marxism,59 a theory of an ahistorical transfer of a philosophical essence

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 91

    58 This may or may not have been the perspective behind Andersons characteri-sation of Althussers use of Spinoza; whatever his doubts about the relevance ofSpinozas metaphysics and political theory to twentieth-century Marxism, he hasexpressed elsewhere admiration for the personal character of Spinoza (Anderson 1980,p. 125). Nevertheless, his choice of metaphors had the predictable unfortunate effectson the reputation of Spinoza among Anglophone Marxists. If Althusser = Spinoza,then one can argue that Spinoza must bear at least some of the responsibility forAlthussers errors as in, for example, the following comment of Simon Clarke. Inthis conception [the theory of Darstellung outlined in Reading Capital] the economic ispermanently present in the political and ideological realms, on the analogy of thepresence of the Freudian unconscious in the conscious as the absent presence of a

    present absence. The economic, like Lacans unconscious, exists only in its effects. Thephilosophical inspiration for this conception is not Marx but Spinoza. It is only by recourseto the Spinozist conception of the relation between God and Substance, with the eco-nomic taking the role of God and the political the role of Substance, that Althusser can nda place for the economic at all. Since it is only an act of faith that can establish thedetermination, even in the last instance, of the economic once a secular, bourgeois,conception of society is adopted, it is hardly surprising that Althussers dominantphilosophical inspiration is that of metaphysical theology (Clarke 1980, pp. 845,italics mine).

    59 For the central thesis of Considerations on Western Marxism was that Western

    Marxisms philosophic detour was an effect of a complex political situation whosecause was Stalinism and its reverberations throughout the international communistand working-class movement. Anderson developed this analysis in great detailand across an impressive range of theorists throughout this study. Yet, in his specicanalysis of Althussers relation to Spinoza, he characterised that relationship in termswhich seemed to attribute the failings of the Althusserian system to the derisory effectsof reading Spinoza not to the complicated (and compromised) nature of Althussersmanoeuvring within the heavily Stalinised PCF (a fact even more noticeable giventhat Anderson elsewhere has offered one of the more balanced political assessmentsof Althussers relationship to Stalinism (Anderson 1980, pp. 10030)). In the absence

    of these necessary historical considerations, Andersons depiction of the nature of

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    from one thinker to another which has little in common with the tradition

    inaugurated by The German Ideology. A properly Marxist intervention into

    the eld of the history of ideas cannot be content to posit an essential (oreven virtual) identity between different thinkers on the basis of an apparent

    homology between their concepts. Rather, if there is a remarkable similarity

    between Althussers and Spinozas concepts, it behoves an historical-mate-

    rialist study to explain the complex interaction of intellectual, historical, and

    political causes which produced such an extraordinary event.

    The return of the repressed

    Warren Montags work is the necessary starting point for developing such

    an explanation. In a guarded critique of Andersons suggestion that Althusser

    simply and directly transcribed central elements of Spinozas thought, Montag

    has sought to demonstrate that, instead, a more determined relationship

    obtained, one founded not merely in a subjective contingency on Althusserspart, but, much more importantly, in the similarity and singularity of the

    historical circumstances in which these two philosophies were produced.

    Montag argues that

    To speak of the inuence of Spinoza on Althusser is already to grant a

    conceptual rgime that both thinkers refused. The term inuence does not

    begin to capture the way in which an important part of Althusser s work

    is itself Spinozist, constituting a theoretical project profoundly internal to

    the conceptual space delimited by Spinozas works. Of course, as Althusser

    himself has said, this taking of positions was never simply the result of

    a personal choice. It was rather that something of Spinozas theoretical

    struggle, modied by the relationship of theoretical forces that characterised

    the latter half of the seventeenth century, repeated itself in the theoretical

    conjuncture of 1960s France. This repetition, or return of the repressed,

    signalled and continues to signal the existence of a conict to be analysed.60

    As Montag further argues, this repetition should not be understood in terms

    of a simple reiteration of concepts. Rather, it was a repetition of conjunctural

    92 Peter Thomas

    Althussers relationship to Spinoza committed the classic error which Spinoza denouncedas the source of all errors: mistaking effects for causes.

    60 Montag 1993, pp. 512.

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    features, or more exactly, the re-emergence of a distinctive philosophical and

    political terrain, which allowed Althusser to attempt to re-actualise signicant

    elements of Spinozas thought. When this situation is acknowledged, Montagargues, the Spinozistic themes in Reading Capital which were incomprehen-

    sible to many critics become explicable as

    not an interpretation of Spinoza but an intervention in the relationship

    of forces that governs his text, taking the side of certain hypotheses against

    others, pushing these hypotheses to extreme conclusions, towards the

    dismantling of a theoretical apparatus in which the notions of transcen-dence, immateriality or ideality are dominant. This intervention produces

    a materialism so thoroughgoing that it remains for Althusser s critics, as for

    Spinozas three hundred years earlier, illegible and unthinkable. 61

    In more recent work, Montag has attempted to specify those features of

    Spinozas thought which made it amenable to such a re-actualisation or

    re-deployment. Spinozas works, Montag argues,

    constitute a philosophy that never denitively closes upon itself, that is

    never strictly identiable with a nite set of propositions or arguments that

    would allow it to be categorised once and for all as rationalist or even

    materialist.62

    He emphasises that this openness should not be understood as an indeter-

    minacy or ambiguity of Spinozas thought, but, rather, as a function of the

    central philosophical strategy of the Ethics the operation of the Sive (in Andr

    Tosels phrase), which was the foundation of Spinozas famous depiction of

    the one substance as Deus sive Natura. This philosophical slogan, Montag

    argues, summarizes both the content and the form of Spinozas philosophy

    in the very fact that it simultaneously afrms and denies that it afrms

    the radical abolition of transcendence. The rst term is translated into and

    then displaced by the second. God disappears into nature63

    but such atranslation and displacement must necessarily always remain provisional.

    Having abandoned all a priori transcendental guarantees, Spinozas denial

    of transcendence can only become actual, Montag suggests, when it is

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 93

    61 Montag 1993, p. 52.62 Montag and Stolze (eds.) 1997, p. x.63 Montag 1999, p. 4.

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    linked to the movements of the multitude which themselves seek to reassert

    their immanent power (potentia) against the Power (potestas) of transcendent

    authority. The 1960s witnessed such a moment, thus making possible there-emergence of Spinozistic themes in the Althusserian initiative. When those

    conditions were eclipsed by the reaction of the 1980s and 1990s, materialist

    philosophies of immanence such as Althussers and Spinozas necessarily

    began to once more appear illegible and unthinkable.

    This interpretation represents a real advance over that proposed in Con-

    siderations on Western Marxism. By refusing a rhetoric of origins or inuence

    and, instead, seeking to comprehend the actuality of Spinozas thought

    in Althusser, Montag is able to move to a consideration of the substantive

    problems with which both thinkers attempted to deal, rather than a formal-

    ist dismissal of them. In particular, his treatment of Althussers Spinozism

    is the site of the development of a sophisticated materialist theory of the

    relations between thought-forms from different eras. In Benjaminian terms,

    Montags analysis can be said to characterise Althussers Spinozism as aseizing hold of a memory when it ashed up at a moment of danger, the

    forging of an alliance across the centuries with another thinker who had

    attempted to remain a heretic in the truth, through which Althusser sought

    to gain theoretical resources for his attempt to provide an immanent critique

    of the reigning Stalinist orthodoxy in the PCF and the international Communist

    movement.64 By emphasising that this alliance was no mere repetition, but a

    development of a long-neglected materialist anti-transcendentalism, Montagmakes it possible to think the positive and politically enabling features of

    Althussers Spinozism.

    Nevertheless, it seems to me that, in at least one respect, Montags analysis

    remains incomplete: namely, it does not open up the space to think that which

    divides Althusser from Spinoza as much as that which unites them. Attempting

    94 Peter Thomas

    64 Benjamin 1970, p. 257. Althussers Augustinian commitment to the PCF (andhis coquetting with Maoism) necessarily complicated and perhaps compromisedthe genesis and effects of his critique. To note this political origin is to rememberAlthussers work as a concrete intervention into a concrete political conjuncture. Thisis particularly important given, on the one hand, the still lingering Thompsonianprejudice, perhaps more often thought in the general Marxist culture than stated inscholarly studies, that Althusserianism was little more than Stalinism theorised asideology; and, on the other, the tendency to treat Althussers categories as neutral

    ahistorical techniques to be absorbed into the arsenal of bourgeois social science.

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    to think the differences between Althusser and Spinoza (sometimes, as we

    shall see, within their apparent identity) is equally as important to the reassess-

    ment of the Althusserian legacy as is defending his detour via Spinoza fromrash charges of heresy. This is because such a consideration allows us to think

    both the positive and negative consequences of this detour, and, therefore,

    the lessons it holds for contemporary attempts to reinvigorate historical mate-

    rialism by means of similar methods. In order to open up this space, and as

    a rst attempt to theorise one element of Althussers detour, I will therefore

    propose the following thesis: rather than the direct transcription of Spinozas

    thought asserted by Anderson, or the continuation and development pro-

    posed by Montag, Althussers Spinozism can be characterised as involving

    a very complicated transposition of theformal structures of Spinozas thought

    onto the very different content of twentieth-century Marxist politics.65 If this

    transposition allowed Althusser to make an important contribution to the

    ongoing development of Marxist theory, it was not achieved, as Althusser

    knew only too well, without taking certain risks, the price of which waspotentially negative political and theoretical consequences. In order to demon-

    strate the feasibility of this thesis I will conclude by comparing two of

    the central propositions of Spinozas and Althussers thought: Spinozas

    equation of cause and effect implicit in his notion of God as an immanent

    cause, and the Althusserian notion of structural causality. If, at rst glance,

    Althussers notion appears to have sprung fully grown from the head of

    Spinoza, this apparent similarity conceals deeper, historical and substantive,discrepancies between the two thinkers which can only be comprehended

    through developing a fully historicised account of the nature of their rela-

    tionship and their concepts.66

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 95

    65 Obviously, I am not suggesting that Althusser adopted the infamously difcult

    mode of presentation of the Ethics (more geometrico). Rather, I am referring to Althussersredeployment of elements of Spinozas philosophical strategy, primarily, the treatmentof the relations between concepts, between concepts and objects, and the ways oftransforming both of these. Clearly, this strictly philosophical thesis will requiremodication when it is brought into relation with an explicit consideration of theother elements of Althussers detour (the historical and the political), which I hopeto attempt in a future study.

    66 Space will not permit an analysis of the other, formally similar, notions ofAlthusser and Spinoza which were nominated by Anderson. At least one pair of these,however, should be noted as a fertile eld for further research: Spinozas theory of

    the imagination and Althussers theory/theories of ideology. (Spinozas theory of the

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    Deus sive Natura

    Spinoza scandalised the theological establishment of the seventeenth cen-

    tury by asserting that God was the immanent, not the transitive, cause ofall things.67 In the place of the transcendent creator of Judeo-Christian

    orthodoxy, a God (the innite) conceived of as prior to and external to his

    creations (the nite), Spinoza posited that there was only one substance (Deus

    sive Natura), a being absolutely innite and self-caused (causa sui), consisting

    of an innity of attributes68 by which the intellect was able to perceive

    the essence of substance and modied into the different modes whichcomprised the entities of the nite world. It made no sense to talk of an

    omniscient, omnipotent, innite God, as both Jewish and Christian ortho-

    doxy did, if God was then depicted as possessing attributes similar to those of

    a human: a will, desire, and appetite, all signs of imperfection and limitation.

    The only solution to this contradiction, Spinoza argued, was to conceive of

    God as a true instead of false innite, as an absolutely innite being of innite

    powers, on whom no limitation could be placed. Counterposing the innite,conceived as an abstraction, to the concreteness of the nite, was the rst

    (human, all too human) prejudice which needed to be overcome. As Althusser

    recognised, Spinoza had overturned the theological certainties of his time by

    pressing their own logic to a conclusion, until they were transformed into

    96 Peter Thomas

    imagination was in fact the subject of some of Althussers most specic and detailedobservations vis--vis his relation to Spinoza, particularly in the essay published inThe New Spinoza). A close examination of the relations of similarity and divergence

    between these theories, and the historical causes for these relations, might help tocounter the still widespread prejudice that the Althusserian notion is nothing morethan poorly disguised Stalinism. Furthermore, attending to the development of therelationship between imagination and superstition in Spinozas political texts mighthelp to clarify some of the ambiguities which I believe Althusser introduced into hisoriginal treatment of the notion of ideology in Marxism and Humanism by his laterrevisions in the celebrated Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses.

    67 EIP18.68 It is important to note that Spinoza does not, as is often supposed, posit onlytwo attributes (thought and extension) of the one substance. As a being absolutelyinnite, God necessarily consists of an innity of attributes, of which each oneexpresses an eternal and innite essence (EID6). Only two, thought and extension,are treated in the Ethics, because it is, precisely, an ethics rather than a metaphysicsor encyclopaedic system. As Spinoza states in the Preface to Book II, I pass now toexplaining those things which must necessarily follow from the essence of God, orthe innite and eternal being not, indeed, all of them . . . but only those thatcan lead us, by the hand, as it were, to the knowledge of the human mind and its

    highest blessedness.

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    something quite other than what the orthodoxy intended. Spinoza did not

    regard himself as an atheist his response to his critics was, in effect, the

    famous maxim of Epicurus: Impiety does not consist in destroying the godsof the crowd but rather in ascribing to the gods the ideas of the crowd. But

    the consequences of what Althusser called Spinozas unparalleled audacity

    was to prepare the way for a fully secularised conception of the universe,

    a plane of immanence, in Deleuzes phrase, which could be explained on

    its own terms and without reference to a beyond which determined and

    guided it.69

    It was this argument, more than any other, which led to the reputation

    of Spinozism during most of the eighteenth century as a most perdious

    atheism. In the changed conjuncture of German romanticism and its after-

    math, however, a different interpretation of Spinozas Deus sive Naturabegan

    to gain ascendancy for Novalis, Spinoza was the God-intoxicated man; for

    Hegel, the problem with Spinoza was that far from his denying the divine,

    with him there is too much God.70

    Yet Spinozas contemporaries recognisedhis philosophy for what it was in its own conjuncture: an intervention against

    the pretensions of the orthodox theology of the time to maintain the innite

    as a beyond from which the nite world was derivative and to which it was

    secondary. If the concept of God encompassed everything, then the term lost

    all critical force to distinguish between states of corruption and perfection,

    the nite and the innite, this world and a beyond distinctions which were

    absolutely crucial not only for defending the religious orthodoxy of the daybut also for maintaining the political status quo. As both Balibar and Negri

    have recently stressed, this theological critique cannot be separated from its

    political context: in the seventeenth century, theological disputes were directly

    political. Deprived of a distinct status, Deus sive Natura soon became merely

    Natura , a reduction which did not bode well for that other increasingly

    dominant duality of the period, Monarch sive State. Spinozas critique of

    traditional Judeo-Christian conceptions of God in the Ethics was in fact tied,in the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, to a critique of the foundations of theo-

    cratic political institutions in the history of the Jewish people, and, in the

    Tractatus Politicus, he extended and reworked this perspective into a critique

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 97

    69 Althusser 1997, p. 11.70 Hegel 1995, p. 282.

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    of all political formations which transferred the democratic power of the

    multitude to a particular individual or class.

    A further, crucial consequence of this proposition was that it led Spinozato reject abstract, mysticatory explanations of phenomena, in favour of

    concrete knowledge of their determinants. If Nature herself is the power

    of God under another name, and our ignorance of the power of God is co-

    extensive with our ignorance of Nature, it followed that it was absolute

    folly, therefore, to ascribe an event to the power of God when we know

    not its natural cause, which is the power of God. 71 Phenomena were to be

    explained according to the order of causation which obtained in one of the

    innite attributes, not through reference to an inexplicable and inscrutable

    divinity who stood outside the order of nature. Spinoza put this thesis to

    devastating use with regard to the nature and origin of prophecy and mira-

    cles in the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, and, at the same time, inaugurated

    a materialist tradition of reading (continued in our own time by Althusser

    and Derrida) which refuses a hermeneutics which would posit a texts con-ditions of intelligibility as exterior to its own material, discursive existence.

    Knowledge . . . of the contents of Scripture, Spinoza argued, must be sought

    from Scripture alone, even as the knowledge of nature is sought from nature,

    rather than through deference to a supplementary interpretative tradition.72

    The foundation of this attempt was to examine Scripture in the light of its

    history, that is, to produce a rational account of the conditions of produc-

    tion, dissemination and (often) corruption of a text whose historicity hadbeen made incomprehensible by its subsequent elevation to a divinely inspired

    status in much the same way that rational knowledge of nature and humans

    within it had been obscured by the notion that the ultimate cause of their

    being was separate from them.73 In short, Spinozas proposition that Deus

    sive Natura was self-caused (causa sui) and innite demanded a rejection of

    98 Peter Thomas

    71 Spinoza 1951, p. 25.72 Spinoza 1951, p. 100.73 Spinoza 1951, p. 101. As Andr Tosel notes, Spinoza thus establishes a parallel

    between the Bible and Nature, but this analogy does not lend itself to operationsof a spiritualist kind. It is not Nature that becomes a text or a book; it is insteadtexts and the Bible that become Nature, that is, natural objects open to a naturalinterpretation. It is no longer a question of an analogy but of an explanation (Tosel

    1997, p. 159).

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    all forms of falsifying abstraction, and a search by the intellect for concrete,

    comprehensible and explicable reasons, considered sub specie aeternitatis.

    A cause immanent in its effects . . . in the Spinozist sense

    of the term

    Althussers notion of structural causality is, indeed, formally similar to this

    Spinozist critique of a transcendental notion of causality. The general co-

    ordinates of this notion are well known. While Spinozas immediate point of

    reference was theology, Althussers was the two theories of causation of thesocial totality which he argued had dominated previous Marxism. In Reading

    Capital, he claimed that

    classical philosophy . . . had two and only two systems of concepts with

    which to think effectivity. The mechanistic system, Cartesian in origin, which

    reduced causality to a transitive and analytical effectivity [and] the Leibnizian

    concept of expression.74

    Those traditions within Marxism which he branded as economist had, accord-

    ing to Althusser, conceived of the determination of the superstructure by the

    base/infrastructure in transitive terms. The crushing of the Left Opposition,

    the rise of Stalins socialism in one country, and the institution of state-directed

    production plans had been accompanied by the elevation of a strict notion

    of economic determinism (based upon a distorted reading of the base andsuperstructure metaphor) to a centrality and orthodox status it did not

    possess during the period of classical historical materialism.75 Although

    Althusser would not have accepted this foregoing narrative at any stage in

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 99

    74 Althusser and Balibar 1970, p. 186.75 Space does not permit the full argument required by this assertion. Nor will I

    attempt to arbitrate between those views which see Stalinist economism as a defor-mation of a more sophisticated pre-Stalinist Marxism (as I do), and those, like the lateAlthussers, which view it as the posthumous revenge of the Second International(Althusser 1976, p. 89). I will simply note that, despite the bacchanalian fantasies ofthe anti- and post-Marxist imaginary, a close reading of the texts of Marx, Engels,Lenin, Luxemburg, Trotsky, Lukcs and Gramsci (among others) reveals vulgareconomic determinism as less a fundamental tenet of Marxism, than a corruptionused to justify the forced labour camp called the USSR and the cretinisation of theinternational communist movement in the interests of Soviet imperialism a verita-

    ble Deus ex Machina called upon to cover up state capitalisms economic, political and

    moral bankruptcy.

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    his philosophical and political evolution, it nevertheless seems to me that his

    rejection of economism is properly understood as a rejection of one of the

    central ideological tenets of Stalinism, in favour of a model of causality whichacknowledged the much more complex process of determination between

    the various practices which constituted the social whole. In economism, he

    argued, the economy was posited as a rst cause which preceded and remained

    separate from its effects in the determined superstructure, which were

    then seen as derivative and epiphenomenal. He rejected this notion of social

    causation as not only mechanistic and transitive, but also as a transcenden-

    tal notion which, despite its seemingly secular orientation, was secretly

    modelled on the properly theological conception of a God who exercised his

    creative powers to bring the nite world into being.

    On the other hand, just as economism relied upon mechanical i.e. undi-

    alectical, pre-Marxist notions, Althusser argued that the alternative notion

    of expressivism had also resulted in a relapse to a pre-Marxist theory of

    causation in this instance, a Leibnizian-Hegelian model which posited thedetermination of the particular by the universal, or an essence of the whole

    which was expressed in each particular phenomenal form. Some critics

    have seen in this particular critique a coded attack upon Stalinism similar

    to that implicit in Althussers rejection of economism.76 Many more have

    argued that the tendency Althusser had in his sights in this case was, in fact,

    that of previous Western Marxisms focus upon the notion of totality as an

    alternative to Stalinist orthodoxy. Althussers characterisation of previousWestern Marxisms notion of totality and dismissal of the interpretation of

    the theory of commodity fetishism which derived from it (particularly as

    it was developed in the founding text of that tradition, Reication and

    the Class Consciousness of the Proletariat, the central essay of Lukcss

    History and Class Consciousness) is far from uncontentious. However, whether

    correctly or not, Althusser argued that this expressivist model, although

    distinct from (transitive) economism, in that it refused the notion of a privi-leged rst cause outside the order of causation, was nevertheless complicit

    with economism, insofar as it continued to posit a cause which remained

    strictly separate from its effects, even as it entered into a dynamic relation-

    ship with them.77 He argued that

    100 Peter Thomas

    76 See, in particular, Jameson 1981, pp. 378.77 The difference between transitive-economist and spiritual-expressivist accounts

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    The Hegelian totality is the alienated development of a simple unity, of

    a simple principle, itself a moment of the development of the Idea: so,

    strictly speaking, it is the phenomenon, the self-manifestation of thissimple principle which persists in all its manifestations, and therefore

    even in the alienation which prepares its restoration.78

    Althussers theory of Marxs epistemological break with Hegel required

    him to reject such a model of causation as non-Marxist. His alternative,

    following certain brief passages in Marx,79 was the notion of structural

    causality, in whichthe structure is immanent in its effects, a cause immanent in its effects

    in the Spinozist sense of the term, . . . the whole existence of the structure

    consists of its effects, in short . . . the structure, which is merely a specic

    combination of its peculiar elements, is nothing outside its effects.80

    Philosophical Strategies: Althusser and Spinoza 101

    of causation could be characterised in theological terms as the difference betweenan Hebraic creatio ex nihilo and a neo-Platonic emanation the two great rivals ofthe early Christian church, which Althusser condemned as inadequate for thecomprehension of the distinctly secular object of modern society. At the same time,however, I believe it remains to be determined by future research whether or not thetheory of structural causality does not itself run the risk of collapsing back into anemanationist model, and thus whether Andrew Collier is correct to argue that theSpinozian conception of structural causality applied to society is indeed the onlyfoundation of scientic politics (Collier 1989, p. 83).

    78

    Althusser and Balibar 1970, p. 203. See also the following: The Hegeliantotality may be said to be endowed with a unity of a spiritual type in which eachelement is pars totalis, and in which the visible spheres are merely the alienated andrestored unfolding of the said internal principle (Althusser and Balibar 1970, p. 204).

    79 The most signicant was the following suggestive description from the Grundrisse:In all forms of society it is a determinate production and its relations which assignevery other production and its relations their rank and inuence. It is a generalillumination [Beleuchtung] in which all the other colours are plunged and whichmodies their special tonalities. It is a special ether which denes the specic weightof every existence arising in it (Marx 1973, pp. 1067; quoted in Althusser and Balibar

    1970, p. 187). It is important to note, as Althusser did, but as some of his followershave not, that, in this instance, Marx was referring to the dominance in differenthistoric periods of specic forms of economic production i.e. agriculture, industry etc.

    80 Althusser and Balibar 1970, p. 189. Another example of the anti-transcendentaldimensions which had informed Althussers thought can be found in the following:

    The structure is not an essence outside the economic phenomena whichcomes and alters their aspect, forms and relations and which is effective onthem as an absent cause, absent because it is outside them. The absence of thecause in the structures metonymic causality on its effects is not the fault ofthe exteriority of the structure with respect to the economic phenomena; on the

    contrary, it is the very form of the interiority of the structure, as a structure, in its

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    This notion was similar to an expressivist (Hegelian) account of the totality,

    in that it focused upon the relationship of elements within the whole (rather

    than the originary moment of economism), but distinct from it, due to itsrejection of a unied and unifying centre, maintaining its integrity through-

    out its particular embodiments, and thus producing a symmetrical totality

    in which the various elements were equivalent to


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