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Transgressions and Transformations: Initiation Rites among Urban Portuguese Boys Author(s): Julio Alves Source: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 95, No. 4 (Dec., 1993), pp. 894-928 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/683023 Accessed: 10/06/2010 09:35 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=black. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Blackwell Publishing and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Anthropologist. http://www.jstor.org
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Transgressions and Transformations: Initiation Rites among Urban Portuguese BoysAuthor(s): Julio AlvesSource: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 95, No. 4 (Dec., 1993), pp. 894-928Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/683023Accessed: 10/06/2010 09:35

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=black.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Blackwell Publishing and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,preserve and extend access to American Anthropologist.

http://www.jstor.org

JULIO AIVES Smith College

Transgressions and Transformations: Initiation Rites among Urban Portuguese Boys

In the absence of institutionalized, adult-guided initiation rites in the community of Ajuda in Lisbon, Portugal, nine- and ten-year old boys constructed their own rites in the peer group. These rites consisted of a combination of rampages throughout the community and narrative performances about those experiences in the peer group. Both the rampages and the narratives exhibit features traditionally associated with rites of passage. This article applies traditional concepts in novel ways that may prove promising in studying initiation rites in other contemporary, Western, urban societies.

TN THE WORKING-CLASS COMMUNITY OF AJUDA in Lisbon, Portugal, which I studied from November 1986 to June 1987, there were no institutionalized, adult-guided initiation

rites. However, nine- and ten-year-old boys constructed their own initiation rites in the peer group, rites that displayed features usually associated with traditional rites of passage. These rites consisted of rampages throughout the community (solo or with peers) and subsequent public narrativization of these experiences before peers.

Rampage narratives occurred in any number of public settings (the school yard, the playground, the street) where there was an audience of peers. The two narratives discussed in this article (included in full in Appendixes A and B) were told by two nine-year-old boys, Bernardo and Ernesto, one wintry Monday afternoon (February 2, 1987) in the former cafeteria of their school. The school no longer served hot meals and the former cafeteria was nothing but a big room with a few tables and chairs that was used for play and special projects. The boys attended school only in the morning, and in the afternoon, weather permitting, they often played in the school yard and the street in front of the school. On cold and rainy days, like the one on which the two narratives discussed here were collected, play moved indoors into the former cafeteria. Present in the room the day these two narratives were collected were myself, Bernardo, Ernesto, and three other boys. By the time I collected these narratives, I had been part of the boys' life in the school, the school yard, the playground, and the street for over three months, during which time I got to know the boys well, conducted observations of their verbal and nonverbal interaction in a variety of locales, and had the opportunity to talk with community members about the boys and other matters.

Rampage narratives were performed regularly in the peer group by nine- and ten-year-old boys. Once introduced, these narratives often generated other narratives of the same type, as was the case when the two narratives discussed here were collected. The storytelling events could turn into a kind of competition for the best story. Those boys (like Ernesto) who successfully underwent rampages and were highly skilled performers of rampage narratives had power and status in the peer group; they were considered more manly than the majority of the boys.1 In some ways, the performances of rampage narratives in the peer group were more important initiation rites than the rampage experiences themselves, because the experiences, unlike the narratives, were usually beyond the scrutiny of the peer group. In other words, within the context of the

American Anthropologist 95(4):894-928. Copyright ? 1993, American Anthropological Association.

894

Alves] TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS 895

storytelling events, the narrative performances were more real than the experiences: it was the narrative performances that accorded storytellers more manly status in the peer group. The narratives and the actual experiences are very much two sides of the same coin, however, and should be discussed together; the boundary between narrative and experience is not always easily discernable.

Van Gennep and Turner on Rites of Passage

In an early, groundbreaking work, van Gennep (1960[1909]) argued that the life cycles of individuals and collectives can best be understood as the crossing of a series of ritual thresholds. In his words, "life itself means to separate and to be reunited, to change form and condition, to die and to be reborn. It is to act and to cease, to wait and rest, and then to begin again, but in a different way" (p. 189). From birth to death, human beings everywhere are positioned in various social states, "synchronically and in succes- sion," said van Gennep. Periodic transitions from one state to another involve changes in social status and are always times of social and emotional crisis for those undergoing the changes. Ritual ceremonies aid in incorporating individuals into their new statuses in the group. These ceremonies may differ in form, depending on the particular culture and event, but they all have the similar function of aiding individuals in passing from one well-defined state to another. It is these ceremonies that van Gennep originally called rites de passage, or rites of passage.2

Rites of passage, then, are ceremonies that occur at times of transition (crisis) in individuals' social and cultural lives. Specifically, events such as birth, initiation rites (social puberty), betrothal, marriage, advancement to a higher class, or funerals are but a sample of times of transition in the lives of human beings across cultures; of course, the particular times of transition deemed critical across cultures vary. For van Gennep, the full schema of a rite of passage comprises three major phases: (1) preliminal rites (rites of separation), (2) liminal (or threshold) rites (rites of transition), and (3) postliminal rites (rites of incorporation). Each of these phases is, however, not devel- oped to the same degree in every ceremonial pattern, even within the same culture. For example, rites of separation may be emphasized in funeral ceremonies, whereas rites of transition may be an important part of initiation, betrothal, and pregnancy ceremonies, but be minimized in adoption, birth of a second child, or remarriage ceremonies. Rites of incorporation may be prominent in marriage ceremonies.

Turner (especially 1967, 1969, and 1974a) developed van Gennep's argument spe- cifically in terms of initiation rites, rites of social puberty.3 Turner (1974a:298) elaborated the thesis that "a man is both a structural and an anti-structural entity, who 'grows' through anti-structure and 'conserves' through structure." Structure, Turner said, is "all that holds people apart, defines their differences, and constrains their actions" (p. 47). However, structure does not characterize all social activity. Turner used van Gennep's term liminality to describe the domains of antistructure, which he defined as "any condition outside or on the peripheries of everyday life" (p. 47). Times of transition between well-defined, fixed states dominated by social structure (everyday life) are always liminal; that is, they are always temporally, spatially, and socially "ambiguous, unsettled, and unsettling" (p. 274). Turner (1974b) described such periods as "social limbo." Out of these periods of liminality, a state of what Turner called communitas emerges.

In Turner's framework, communitas is a vague and elusive term that is defined extensively in contrast to structure. Both communitas and structure are social modali- ties. Communitas is brought about during liminal periods by ritual trials, ritual strip- pings of preliminal status, and ritual humiliation. It liberates individuals from the constraints of conformity to social norms imposed by structure. Itis "a direct, immediate and total confrontation of human identities" (Turner 1969:132; 1974a:49). In a very brief and impressionistic manner, the opposition between the experiences of commu- nitas and structure might be outlined as follows:

896 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [95, 1993

Communitas Structure

Nature Culture Freedom Law Spontaneous Controlled Direct and immediate Circumstantial and removed Concrete Abstract Undifferentiated Differentiated Nonrational Rational Liberating Confining Egalitarian Hierarchical

It is important not to confuse structure and social structure, for both communitas and structure are part of social structure, part of a person's overall (contrasting) social experience. As Turner (1974a:274) made clear, "communitas does not merge identities; it liberates them from conformity to general norms, though [and this is important] this is necessarily a transient condition if society is to continue to operate in an orderly fashion."

Traditionally, anthropologists have studied preindustrial, highly religious cultures in which stages of physiological and social maturation tend to be overtly accompanied by religious (highly ritualized) ceremonies; for example, initiation ceremonies in these cultures might involve mutilation rites (such as circumcision) as a means of symbolizing permanent differentiation (a rite of separation). Generally, however, initiation rites exist in all societies in varying degrees. Turner (1967:93) argued that "rites de passageare found in all societies but tend to reach their maximal expression in small-scale, relatively stable and cyclical societies, where change is bound up with biological and meteorologi- cal rhythms and recurrences." Gilmore (1987) and others (see Gilmore 1987:15 for details and references) have noted, however, that Mediterranean societies (urban and rural) are particularly lacking in institutionalized, adult-guided initiation rites. In general (there are exceptions), becoming a man in the Mediterranean is an individual enterprise. Boys have to find their own ways to demonstrate their manhood, because there is pressure on them to do so even though formal rites are minimal or nonexistent. In Gilmore's words, "in the resultant absence of a clear-cut consensual rupture with femininity, and without biological markers like menarche to signal manhood, each individual must prove himself in his own way" (1987:15).

My research supports Turner's (1967:93) claim that "rites de passage are found in all societies" and Douglas's (1966, 1970) point that everyday life in contemporary, Western, urban societies is full of common symbols and everyday rites, including initiation rites, that we do not recognize (frame) as such. Indeed, "there is no evidence that a secularized urban world has lessened the need for ritualized expressions of an individ- ual's transition from one status to another" (Kimball 1960:XVII). As Douglas (1966:68) convincingly showed, an activity as mundane as spring cleaning, for example, can be construed as a rite of separation and renewal. However, there are obvious, important differences between initiation rites in preindustrial societies and those in a contempo- rary, Western, urban society like Ajuda. In Ajuda, initiation rites were not formal and institutionalized, and the novices (those undergoing the rites, also known as candidates, initiands, or neophytes) were not guided through the rites by elders (also known as instructors or shamans). This lack of adult guidance had repercussions for the organi- zation of initiation rites: the rites became exclusively peer-group centered. Coon's comments about contemporary American culture apply also to Ajuda:

Unlike the children of hunters, the boys and girls [nowadays] have no adults to guide them through the puberty ordeals that they need in order to maintain social continuity. It is no wonder that they create age-graded micro-societies of their own. The secrecy that once formed

897 Alves] TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

a vital part of puberty rites is transferred to their parents, to whom they will not reveal what they have been doing. [1971:392]

The Rampage: Initiation Rites in Ajuda

In Ajuda, preadult stages of social maturation were intimately connected with school- ing. There were three primary stages of social development for boys. As predicted by van Gennep (1960[ 1909] ), all three stages entailed not only a change in social position, but also a change in territorial (spatial) domains. The three stages were as follows:

Stage 1 Early childhood app. 0-05 years old Stage 2 Late childhood app. 6-10 years old Stage 3 Adolescence app. 11-18 years old

Each of these stages manifested a different Discourse.4 A child spent early childhood (stage 1) with a primary caretaker (usually the mother) and siblings within the confines of the home (spatially, the house and the backyard). The child was not allowed to go out unattended. The beginning of late childhood (stage 2) was marked by the beginning of schooling and, for boys, a move out into the street. Boys then spent most of their time either at a local elementary school or playing with their peers in the street.5 They explored different areas of their immediate environment together, unescorted by a caretaker. Adolescence (stage 3) was marked by the end of primary schooling (at a local school) and the beginning of secondary schooling in a different neighborhood. In this stage, boys explored their own neighborhoods thoroughly and began exploring neigh- borhoods beyond their own, ultimately, the entire city and beyond.

In this article, I focus on the transition between late childhood (stage 2) and adolescence (stage 3). In terms of Discourses, I analyze the transition from the Discourse of the male child to that of the male adolescent. In general, the male Discourse became increasingly gendered and dominant over time. As noted above, however, there were no formal, institutionalized, adult-guided initiation rites in Ajuda. In the absence of these, nine- and ten-year-old boys in Ajuda created their own initiation rites by them- selves and/or with their peers; this supports Gilmore's (1987) claim that initiation rites in the Mediterranean are an individual enterprise to a great extent. The boys went out into the community on their own or in small groups and ran wildly, seemingly without a purpose (other than for the sake of running itself), through other people's backyards, creating damage as they went along and exposing themselves to danger. Such antisocial behavior is expected during liminal periods, when "the young people can steal and pillage at will or feed and adorn themselves at the expense of the community" (van Gennep 1960[1909]:114) and "profane social relations may be discontinued, former rights and obligations suspended, the social order may seem to have been turned upside down" (Turner 1974b:59). Douglas (1966), too, argued that antisocial behavior is an appropriate way to express one's marginal condition during liminal periods.

The rampages were subsequently followed by long, involved narrative accounts in the peer group. The rampages and the narrative performances worked in tandem as an initiation rite in the peer group. The narratives were a crucial aspect of the rampages because, in the absence of adults who could publicly declare the meanings of specific experiences, they were the only means boys had to invest the rampages with appropriate meanings in a public forum. Also, as noted earlier, because the boys often underwent rampages on their own or with a small group of friends, the narrative performances were a means for them to make their experiences known to the wider peer group. The rampages and their narrative accounts were rites accompanying a critical transition period in the construction of an increasingly well-defined, gendered male Discourse. Consequently, they reflected a state of communitas.

898 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [95, 1993

Turner (e.g., 1967, 1974b) noted that during the liminal periods of initiation rites, a state of communitas is brought about by a series of ritual trials, ritual stripping of any signs of preliminal status, and ritual humiliation. Initiation into the various stages of manhood is usually a difficult process for novices. As Gilmore (1990:11) noted, "real manhood [across cultures] is different from simple anatomical maleness ... it is not a natural condition that comes about spontaneously through biological maturation but rather is a precarious or artificial state that boys must win against powerful odds." The

rampage narratives of boys in Ajuda reveal a number of ritual trials, especially in the form of confrontations with dangerous situations, peers, and even adults. In all cases, boys had to show courage by holding their ground and standing by their convictions.

Participation in the ritual trials of the rampage was compulsory if a boy wanted to increase his power and status within the peer group. (Across cultures, participation in initiation rites is also a compulsory, nonvoluntary activity; cf. Gilmore 1990.) The

rampage was exciting and empowering for the boys, but it was also frightening. Boys who were afraid to participate in rampages risked being accused of childishness and/or effeminacy (accusations that would have greatly diminished their power and status in the peer group), so they usually had excuses ready as to why they did not participate, such as Bernardo's:

1:B(A):6

1 eu tava la num dia I was there one day

2 a brincar corn o meu irmao nas ferias grandes playing with my brother during summer vacation

3 eramos uns tropas que andavamos a correr pelos quintais we were soldiers who were running through backyards

4 ia ia tum tum (sound effects)

5 e o meu irmao and my brother

6 eu tinha que ir nesse dia ao medico I had to go to the doctor that day

7 e fui-me embora and went away

8 tomei banho I took a bath

Sometimes, however, boys were struck by fear on the spot and simply refused to

participate, or quit halfway through if the rampage was already underway. In the

following excerpt from Ernesto's narrative, Bernardo quit halfway through:

2:E(B):

48 fomos a andar fomos a andar we walked we walked

49 ate que chegamos a um beco sem sa/da until we got to a dead end

50 "olha agora so podemos sair por este quintal" "look now we can only go out through this backyard"

899 Alves] TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

51 era o Nardo assim and Nardo went like this

52 "ai nao por ai nao saio "oh no I'm not going out through there

53 ta ai um velho there's an old man there

54 ha ai um velho there's an old man there

55 vou mas e vou mas e dar a volta what I'm going to do what I'm going to do is go around

56 e ainda aparece ai com um sacho ou com uma vassoura and he might well show up there with a weeding hoe or a broom

57 ficamos sem cabeta" we'll lose our heads"

Ernesto went on to tease Bernardo for having lost his nerve, and implied that he'd acted like a girl. In relating Bernardo's alleged excuse as direct discourse (lines 52-57), Ernesto was teasing his friend (who was one of the boys present at this performance) by projecting on him the values of the domestic realm (safety, caution, fear) and simulta-

neously glorifying himself by implicitly disavowing those values for himself. Instead he claimed for himself one of the quintessential value of the public realm: courage.

Later in the narrative, when Ernesto returned to Bernardo, who had stayed behind, and told him of his adventures, Ernesto again teased his friend. Ernesto reported the following interchange between the two, beginning with Bernardo's response:

3:E(B):

114 B: "ah ah iii porque e que tu nao me disseste? "ah ah heee why didn't you tell me?

115 porque?" why?"

116 E: "eujfa estava a espera" "I was waiting for that"

117 B: "tu e que tens tanta sorte" "you're just very lucky"

118 E: "a culpa foi tua por nao vires comigo" "it was your fault for not having come with me"

119 acabou it ended

Ernesto deemed Bernardo's behavior cowardly and Bernardo was publicly teased for it in the narrative performance. During the rampage, caution was a weakness and a sign of childishness and effeminacy. Such behavior was teased. Bernardo missed out on the excitement of roaming through the neighborhood and exposing himself to all sorts of danger because he did not have courage. Bernardo tried to defend himself by pinning the incident on luck (line 117). Ernesto contradicted him, however. He was ready with an answer, because, as he said, he "was waiting for that [the excuse]" (lines 116 and

900 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [95, 1993

118). Emesto countered that it was Bernardo's "fault" (line 118), the "fault" being that Bernardo did not show more courage and go with him in the first place.

Such teasing is not uncommon during initiation rites. Turner (1974a) discussed similar practices of ritual humiliation during initiation rites. Actually, it is one means of

bringing about a state of communitas. Gilmore (1990:12-14) also noted that, in many cultures, including Greek Aegean culture (Bernard 1967), boys who are not unwaver-

ingly courageous and show signs of weakness during oftentimes brutal initiation rites are scorned and accused of childishness and effeminacy. Ernesto's teasing of Bernardo was friendly and not mean-spirited, but the message was clear nonetheless.

Like the rampage experiences, the performances of the rampage narratives in the

peer group were a kind of trial for the boys performing, because in performing their

rampage narratives, boys publicly exposed themselves to the scrutiny and judgment of their peers. Also like the rampage experiences, the performances were compulsory if a

boy wanted to enhance his power and status in the peer group; undergoing rampages on one's own was not sufficient to enhance one's power and status in the peer group. The fact that the teasing/humiliation that happened between Ernesto and Bernardo at the time of the rampage happened again during Ernesto's performance of his narrative (with a new audience) further exemplifies the interconnection between narrative and

experience. Such interconnections between narrative and experience conflate absolute distinctions between the two with regard to initiation rites in Ajuda and often make it difficult to discern between the two.

Ritual Trials and Temporary Insanity

To be judged mature by their peers and acquire power and status in the peer group, boys in Ajuda confronted and overcame "powerful odds" (Gilmore 1990) in the form of dangerous physical trials, often cast in military terms. Boys performed rampage narratives to show their peers that they (the boys) possessed the prestigious qualities of the male Discourse: courage, autonomy, bravery, fearlessness, assertiveness, toughness, resolve. Again, the performances of rampage narratives were particularly important in the context of initiation rites because these performances were boys' main opportunity to present their newly constructed, adultlike Discourses to their peers; it was through these performances that they showed their peers that they were good at being men (to borrow a phrase from Herzfeld 1985:16). In other words, boys asserted their own manhood in the peer group extensively through public performances of rampage narratives. Similar celebrations of manhood through oral narrative performances have been documented for other cultures. For example, in eastern Morocco, the heroic, brave feats of "true" men are celebrated in songs at festivals (Marcus 1987); in Crete, men sing about their own (and their ancestors') virility-including the heroic, brave feats of both-in coffee shops (Herzfeld 1985).

Boys went to great lengths in their narratives to show the harshness of their trials during the rampages, and often they even claimed to have purposefully aggravated the trials to intensify their efficacy. Here is Ernesto, speaking of one such trial (ignore the column on the right for now):

4:E(B):

9 andamos a subir arvores preterit perfect we went around climbing trees

10 pedras a cair no inflected verb rocks falling

11 eramos uns aventureiros we were adventurers

preterit imperfect

Alves] TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS 901

12 e depois anddmos por ervas and then we walked through weeds

preterit imperfect

13 sujavamos os sapatos cheios de lama we would get our shoes really muddy

preterit imperfect

14 pra escorregarmos mais so that we slip more

personal infinitive

15 e pra termos mais frio and so that we feel colder

personal infinitive

16 e subiamos grandes mon/ and we would climb high moun/

preterit imperfect

no inflected verb 17 grandes subidas assim em pedra big ramps like of stone

18 que se a gente por acaso caisse that if we happened to fall by chance

preterit imperfect of the subjunctive mood

19 eramos capaz de partir duas pernas we could well break two legs

preterit imperfect

20 e e a cabeca e dois bracos and and the head and two arms

no inflected verb

21 ficavamos a quase paralfticos we would become practically paralyzed

22 todos embrulhados em ligaduras all wrapped up in bandages

preterit imperfect

no inflected verb

23 mas por sorte nada disso aconteceu but luckily nothing like that happened

24 eu desta vez desta vez desta vez this time this time this time I

preterit perfect

no inflected verb

25 desta vez eu era o o chefe this time I was the the leader

preterit imperfect

26 era o comandante I was the commandant

preterit imperfect

27 e eu e e eu e que ia tripular este treino and I and and I was the one who was going to navigate this training session

28 subi uma rampinha I went up a small ramp

simple present, preterit imperfect

preterit perfect

29 cheia de pedras a cairem full of falling rocks

future imperfect of the subjunctive mood

30 pus-me de pe I stood up

preterit perfect

[95, 1993 902 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

preterit perfect 31 olhei pra baixo looked down

32 e era eu assim pra mim and I went like this to myself

preterit imperfect

33 "ai meu Deus "oh my God

no inflected verb

34 ainda bem que nao tenho vertigens I'm glad I don't get dizzy spells

simple present

35 se naoja tava a dar um trambolhao" or I'd be falling right now"

preterit imperfect

preterit perfect 36 depois andamos then we went

37 andamos a rastejar pela relva we went crawling through the grass

preterit perfect

38 quando fomos a ver when we took a look

preterit perfect

39 estdvamos todos verdes por causa da erva we were all green because of the grass

preterit imperfect

Lines 13-15 speak specifically to the intensification of already difficult trials. Similar

intensification of trials during initiation rites to show extra bravery has also been

documented for other, radically different cultures. For example, on Truk Island in

Micronesia, young men show strength and courage, highly desirable qualities of man-

hood, by participating in dangerous, long-distance, open-ocean trips in small motor-

boats. Marshall (1979:59) wrote:

These boats are much less seaworthy than the sailing canoes, and young men often undertake

such voyages with limited fuel, a single motor, no oars or sails, and nothing aboard but liquid

refreshments . .., risking the open sea in a small craft... to show bravery. Several other risky

or dangerous endeavors occupy young Trukese men.... A way for exhibiting bravery on

Piis-Losap is to spearfish in the deepwater passes and areas outside the reef where large sharks are common. [Quoted in Gilmore 1990:72]

The Trukese constantly reaffirm their manhood by displaying aggressive acts of bravery

in a public forum. The details of these two situations are different, but the principles

are similar. The intended effect ofErnesto's narrative, above, is blatantly obvious. Ernesto wanted

to project to his peers the image of himself that he imagined to be most consistent with

the male Discourse as he and his peers constructed it. He accomplished this most

effectively through narrative by manipulating verb aspect and mood.

In Portuguese, the preterit imperfect is usually used to depict habitual actions

(durative, not restricted in time), whereas the preterit perfect is used to depict nonhabi-

tual actions (momentary, restricted in time). For example, of the following two sen-

tences, only Sentence A has a habitual ("whenever") reading:

A. Quando o bebe chorava, eu levantava-me. When (ever) the baby cried, I got up.

B. Quando o bebe chorou, eu levantei-me. When (one time) the baby cried, I got up.

preterit imperfect

preterit perfect

Verb tense, Number of Line numbers Percentage of total aspect and mood occurrences of occurrences number of inflected verbs

Present indicative 2 27, 34 8

Preterit perfect, 9 9, 12, 23, 28, 30, 35 indicative 31, 36, 37, 38

Preterit imperfect, 11 11, 13, 16, 19, 21, 42 25, 26, 27, 32, 35, 39

indicative

Preterit, imperfect, 1 18 4 subjective

Future, imperfect, 1 29 4 subjective Personal infinitive 2 14, 15 8

Total 26 9-39 lOla

a101% is due to the rounding off of numbers. The total should be 100%.

The use of the preterit imperfect is a strategy especially common in historical writings in which historical events are disguised as timeless or typical. For example, Peixoto (1931:38) wrote of the Indies in the preterit imperfect as follows:

As ndias adaptavam-se mais facilmente a civiliza?ao, pois se consideravam elevadas pela uniao com os brancos, que nao as desdenhavam~ [quoted in Cunha and Cintra 1986:451, emphasis in original]

The Indies adapted more easily to civilization, because they considered themselves superior due to the union with the whites, who did not despise them. [My translation]

In consistently emphasizing the habitual or durative aspect of the events he was describing by choosing the preterit imperfect over the preterit perfect, Peixoto disclosed his agenda not as that of recording specific, historically bounded events for posterity, but that of revealing the essence or character of the Indies. According to Cunha and Cintra (1986), the preterit imperfect is also a common verbal strategy in contemporary realist/naturalist fiction in the lusophone world (e.g., Jorge Amado in Brazil, Miguel Torga in Portugal, and Jose Luandino Vieira in Angola) to reduce temporal distance between past and present, thus making events more immediate to the readers.7

In the excerpt above (text 4), Ernesto consistently used verb aspect and, to a lesser extent, mood to depict past events as temporally unrestricted (unfinished, continuous, and permanent). In this brief episode, inflected verbs are distributed as shown in Table 1. If we consider just aspect, then 50 percent of the inflected verbs are in the imperfect. Thirty five percent of verbs are in the perfect.

The distribution of inflected verbs for nonrampage narratives of personal experience looks markedly different. Let us look at a representative sample episode from a nonrampage, personal experience narrative Ernesto told immediately after the ram- page narrative under study:

5:E:

1 neste neste fim de semana eu eu tive preterit perfect this this weekend I I was

2 a quase que fui um pai preterit perfect I was almost a father

903 Alves] TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

Table 1 The distribution of inflected verbs in text 4.

904 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [95, 1993

3 e os meus amigos tambem and my friends too

4 os meus amigos foram as maes my friends were the mothers

5 eufuio pai I was the father

6 nos anddmos ali pelos moinhos na nos moinhos we walked around there by the windmills on the windmills

7 ah e encontrdmos la quatro caezinhos ah and we found four puppies there

8 e nos pensdvamos que tavam abandonados and we thought they were abandoned

9 pra eles nao morrerem de frio e de fome so that they wouldn't die of cold and hunger

10 trouxemos para o nosso bairro we brought (them) to our neighborhood

11 depois tratdmos deles then we took care of them

12 t/vemos-lhe a dar leite com um biberon we were feeding them milk with a (baby) bottle

13 houve li um que mamou meio biberon there was one that sucked half a bottle

14 duma garrafa de coca-cola from a coke bottle

15 (mimicks)

16 bebeu ca com uma esgalha he drank with such fury

17 os outros era tudo a olhar the others were all staring

18 outro a gente tratdmos deles another we took care of them

19 e ate que lhe fizemos uma barraquinha and we even made them a little hut

20 tivemos com com eles tres dias we were with with them three days

21 porque num dia foi tao bonito because one day it was so beautiful

22 a mae deles their mother

no inflected verb

preterit perfect

preterit perfect

preterit perfect

preterit perfect

preterit imperfect, preterit imperfect

personal infinitive

preterit perfect

preterit perfect

preterit perfect

preterit perfect, preterit perfect

no inflected verb

no inflected verb

preterit perfect

preterit imperfect

preterit perfect

preterit perfect

preterit perfect

preterit perfect

no inflected verb

Alves] TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS 905

23 parece que tinha o faro que os caes tavam ali it seems that she could scent that the dogs were there

24 foi a andar ate la she walked right up there

simple present, preterit imperfect, preterit imperfect

preterit perfect

25 e comeqou a ganir assim pra nos and she started yelping at us like this

preterit perfect

26 (mimicks) no inflected verb

27 assim a ganir tadinha like yelping the poor thing

no inflected verb

28 depois nos nos nao sabiamos o que e que ela tava a dizer then we we didn't know what it was that she was saying

preterit imperfect, preterit imperfect

29 e ela come?ou a correr a correr and she started to run to run

preterit perfect

30 na direcao onde tava a barraca dos caezinhos in the direction where the puppies' hut was

preterit imperfect

31 foi pra la she went there

preterit perfect

32 come?ou assim a esfregar-se na barraca she started like rubbing herself on the hut

33 e e nos vimos que era ela a mae and and we saw that she was the mother

preterit perfect

preterit perfect, preterit imperfect

34 abrimos a por/ we opened the doo/

35 abrimos a porta dos caezinhos we opened the door to the puppies

preterit perfect

preterit perfect

36 e ela foi ter com eles and she went to them

preterit perfect

37 lambeu-os she licked them

preterit perfect

In this episode, inflected verbs are distributed as shown in Table 2: only 24 percent of the verbs are in the imperfect; a resounding 70 percent are in the perfect.

By choosing the imperfect in the rampage narratives, Ernesto accomplished three important objectives. First, by choosing verbal forms that disguised past events as temporally unrestricted ones, Ernesto minimized the element of time, thus effectively conveying the atemporal quality of the state of ecstasy (the sensation of "standing or stepping outside reality as commonly defined," Berger 1967:43) he experienced during the rampage. Such experiences are typical of a state of communitas. As Turner (1974a:238) has argued, "communitas is almost always thought of or portrayed by actors as a timeless condition, an eternal now, as 'a moment in and out of time,' or as a state to which the structural view of time is not applicable." Relatedly, in using the imperfect, Ernesto reduced the temporal distance between past and present, thus making past events more immediate to his audience. Ernesto's choice of the imperfect conflates the

[95, 1993 906 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

Table 2 The distribution of inflected verbs in text 5.

Verb tense, Number of Line numbers Percentage of total

aspect and mood occurrences of occurrences number of inflected verbs

Present indicative 12 3

Preterit perfect, 26 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 10, 70

indicative 11,12, 13(2), 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 29, 31, 32, 33,

34, 35, 36, 37

Preterit imperfect, 9 8(2), 17,23(2), 24

indicative 28(2), 30, 33

Preterit, imperfect, 0 None 0 subjunctive

Future, imperfect, 0 None 0 subjunctive

Personal infinitive 19 3

Total 37 1-37 100

absolute distinction between narrative and experience. As already noted, this is a

common literary strategy used to attain the same ends in contemporary lusophone

realist/naturalist fiction. Lastly, in designating events as temporally unrestricted by

using the imperfect, Ernesto represented those events not as historical events but as

typical. In other words, the narrative represents who he is, not just what he did. As we

have already seen, this is a strategy, common in historical writing, whereby historical

events are disguised as timeless or typical.

Throughout his narrative (in Appendix B), Ernesto was vague as to what the exact

turn of events was, but was highly suggestive of the nature of the trials, and, consequently,

of his own character for having undergone such trials. In the narrative, Ernesto

constructed himself as powerful, assertive, and courageous, all attributes of a Discourse

he wanted his peers to ascribe to him. The imaginative element in Ernesto's narrative

was revealed explicitly in his use of the imperfect of the subjunctive mood (lines 18 and

29) and the personal infinitive (lines 14 and 15). Consequences such as those outlined

in lines 18 through 22 were completely hypothetical, a fact explicitly noted in line 23.

In thus enhancing his experiences through narrative, Ernesto is once again collapsing

absolute distinctions between narrative and experience. The trials discussed above often happened when the boys involved were in a self-as-

serted temporary state of (nonrational) insanity. In this regard, too, the rampages are

"a timeless condition... 'a moment in and out of time'... a state to which the structural

view of time is not applicable" (Turner 1974a:238). In the rampage narratives, boys often

professed that they and/or their peers were insane, as in the following examples:

6:B(A):

9 tava la e eles I was there and they

10 o meu irmao my brother

907 Alves] TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

11 eles sdo malucos they are insane

12 mais os dois companhei/ with the two frien/

13 tres companheiros meus three friends of mine

14 andavam la a correr a correr a correr la nos quintais they were running running running through the backyards there

7:E(B):

1 eu um dia one day I

2 agora fui ali ter com o Nardo now I went over there to meet Nardo

3 ali com o meu amigo Bemardo there with my friend Bernardo

4 e mais maluco que que dois doidos he is more insane than two lunatics

These claims appeared at the beginning of rampage narratives only, thus signaling that the proceeding narratives were rampage narratives. The boys' explicit claim that the rampage trials often happened when they (the boys) were in a temporary state of insanity is another indication that these experiences were liminal experiences, on the peripher- ies of the ordinariness of everyday life. Van Gennep (1960[1909] ) and Turner (1974b) both argued that during liminal periods, novices approach mental states close to insanity.

The temporary experience of marginal mental states is one way in which novices defy their culture's "standard definitions and classifications" (Turner 1974a:232) during liminal periods. During these times, novices are at once no longer classified and not yet classified. Because of this, novices often experience a kind of "invisibility" regarding their culture's "standard definitions and classifications." (Such ambiguous states are necessarily transitory, however, because society does not allow individuals who are permanently, in Turner's famous phrase, "betwixt and between.") In some cultures, physical invisibility is enforced with overt seclusion of the novices. In Ajuda, "invisibility" for nine- and ten-year-old boys manifested itself in at least three ways.

First, at the level of the rampage, the boys carried on with their destructive, intrusive behavior because they were not "visible" in the way younger and older children were. My conversations with community members revealed that they more readily tolerated antisocial (rampage-like) behaviors from nine- and ten-year-olds than from either younger or older boys. In Ajuda, it was felt that young children needed to be closely watched and protected, and adults would have perceived rampage-like behaviors on their part as self-endangering and would thus not have tolerated such behaviors. The same behaviors on the part of adolescents, on the other hand, would have been perceived as too invasive and threatening to be tolerated. Nine- and ten-year olds were old enough not to be too closely watched and young enough not to be too threatening. Thus, they benefited from a kind of social invisibility.

Second, at the level of the family, nine- and ten-year-old children were more likely to be ignored than ever before in their lives. As already noted, during early childhood, children were under the exclusive vigilance of their caretakers. On public outings,

908 [95, 1993 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

children were always supervised by their caretakers. Come late childhood, however, when children gained access to the streets in their immediate environment on their own, they were usually accompanied by adults on outings, but were not necessarily closely supervised. In fact, they were often ignored, and thus they became "invisible" to some extent; consequently, they could sometimes be forgotten or left behind. Diogo, another boy in the study, told one such story. One Sunday, he went on an outing to a public park in the city (as far as I can tell from his description, with at least his parents, his grandmother, his uncle, his aunt, and his cousins). They stayed a while, then they all left for elsewhere, but forgot to take him. So he said:

8:D:

1 eu fui la ver ali a esquina duma rua I went there to take a look there at a streetcorner

2 a ver se via alguma coisa to see if I saw anything

3 pois eles foram-se embora then they went away

4 pois eu quando cheguei la then I when I got (back) there

5 ja nao tava la ninguem there wasn't anybody there anymore

6 depois fiquei la assim encostado a then I stayed there like leaning on

7 assim encostado la a uma carrinha like leaning against a station wagon there

8 depois depois dum tempo e que eu then it was after a while that I

9 a minha avo depois viu my grandmother then saw

10 que eu nao tava la com eles that I wasn't there with them

11 e pois e que veio a rua a ver se eu tava la and it was then that she came out to the street to see if I was there

12 pois eu tava la na rua then I was there in the street

Not surprisingly, getting lost was a prevalent fear for boys of this age in Ajuda, and is documented in the personal experience narratives of the boys in Ajuda (Alves 1991:303).

Third, at a wider social level, social invisibility was reflected in the lack of services for children of this age. The community provided virtually no social services catering exclusively to children in late childhood, although they did provide more adequate services for younger and older children. Social services in the form of after-school activities for children of this age were all private (thus, unaffordable to working-class people) and, even so, could accommodate only about 6 percent of the children. Thus,

Alves] TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS 909

in terms of social services, more than three thousand children were nonexistent, invisible as citizens with rights and needs.

Old Men, Walls, and Movement

Across cultures, old men often function as bogeymen (van Gennep 1960[ 1909]) for the novices during initiation rites. In many preindustrial societies, elders often disguise themselves and chase the novices, often beating or otherwise maltreating them. The elders may even ritually abduct the novices, which van Gennep considered to be a symbolic celebration of the separation of the novices from their previous environment. In some cultures, these bogeymen may explicitly represent the ancestors who have come back to life specifically for these ceremonies. Even though bogeymen often impersonate death, they are also bearers of a new life for the novices. As van Gennep pointed out, images of death and rebirth into a different state are common in rites of passage.

Over the years I have noticed that it is not uncommon for children in early childhood in Portuguese society to fear old men in the community. Mothers often blackmail their children into obeying them by threatening to call whatever old man the children happen to fear. The threat is usually that of abduction. Old men often play along in pretending to be bogeymen. In Ajuda (at least), old men continued to have special functions in late childhood. They were the only adults mentioned in the rampage narratives. The relationship between the boys and the old men during the rampages was always one of confrontation.

Below is an example of a confrontation with an old man from Ernesto's narrative. At the moment we pick up the action here, Ernesto had just fallen off a wall. So he said:

9:E(B):

71 era eu assim I went like this

72 "bem agora tenho que percorrer o caminho pela terra" "well now I have to walk the rest of the way on the ground"

73 vou conforme eu dou um passo I go (but) as soon as I take a step

74 aparece-me um granda velho a big old man appears in front of me

75 e ainda por cima trazia um cao and on top of everything he had a dog

76 era eu I went

77 "iii ola caozinhoja tas a olhar assim muito pra mim "heee hello little dog you're already watching me way too much

78 pernas para que te quero" pshiu legs do what I want you for" pst

79 salto por uma capoeira acima I jump on top of a chicken coop

80 ia partindo uma telha I almost broke a (roof) tile

910 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [95, 1993

81 salto por ali pelo muro abaixo pumba

I jump through there down from the wall boom

82 por pouco nao cai de cabea I only missed falling on my head by a little

83 quando vi tavam dois caes a olhar para mim when I looked there were two dogs watching me

84 era eu I went

85 "ola ainda bem e que tao presos "hello I'm glad you're all chained up

86 adeuzinho bye bye

87 amanha volto para vos visitar" tomorrow I'll come back to visit you"

88 comego

a correr a correr a correr a correr I start to run run run run

Several aspects of this episode are deserving of comment. The main characters are Ernesto himself, the old man, and the old man's dogs. The main events are the confrontations with the old man and the dogs. As in text 4, the

telling highlights the dangers of these incidents. When Ernesto said in line 72 that he had to get off the wall and go the rest of the way on the ground, it was understood that such a move entailed great danger because it made him more vulnerable to being caught. The fact that he broke a roof tile when he jumped onto the chicken coop (line 80) also highlights the possibility that he might have fallen. In line 82, he entertained the possibility of falling on his head-highly unlikely-again highlighting not just the real, but all the possible dangers he could think of. (These remarks also suggest the intensified nature of the trials.) These courageous feats were further enhanced by the fact that Ernesto was not daunted by the danger, but instead confronted it with a sense of humor, conveyed by the use of sound effects (such as "iii," line 77; "pshiu," line 78; and "pumba," line 81), proverbs (line 78), and his verbally addressing the dogs (lines 77-78 and 85-87). In fact, if we divide up the episode into verses and stanzas (cf. Gee 1990; Hymes 1981; Tedlock 1983) so that its organization is revealed, it becomes clear that the purpose of the episode is not to impart any real information, but to make the same point dramati- cally three times over. The episode is composed of three stanzas. Each stanza is thematically organized and all are identically patterned. The first and third stanzas are composed of four thematic verses: complicating move, dangerous consequence, evalu- ation, and resolution. The second stanza is slightly abbreviated in that the evaluation is implicit in the dangerous consequence. Specifically, it concerns line 80: breaking a roof tie when jumping onto a roof implies that the jump was not totally successful. The three stanzas are interconnected in that the resolution of one is the complication that opens the next (see Table 3). The stanzas, then, thematically parallel each other and make essentially the same point: that Ernesto courageously overcame the danger at every step. This particular narrative did not detail a full-fledged confrontation with the old man. Others did. The boys knew that they were forbidden to trespass on other people's private property and that in doing so they were bound to encounter the owners/protectors of those spaces (in the rampages, the old men). Such encounters could easily escalate into

Complicating Dangerous move consequences Evaluation Resolution

Stanza 1 Lines 71-73 Lines 74-75 Lines 76-78 Line 79 Stanza 2 Line 79 Line 80 (Implicit) Line 81 Stanza 3 Line 81 Lines 82-83 Lines 84-87 Line 88

Alves] TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS 911

Table 3 Text 9 divided into verses and stanzas.

full-fledged confrontations with unwelcome consequences. Any man was assumed to be dangerous in the context of the rampages because, as the boys knew, male honor is intimately connected to the protection of the domestic realm. Male strangers were not, as a rule, threatening in the public realm if they were not infringed on. In general, the public realm was what van Gennep (1960[1909] :18) called neutral zones, spaces "where everyone has full rights to travel." However, men were threatening to those infringing on their private property. In other personal experience narratives, the boys talked about fighting other boys who had infringed on their own private property, a sign that the boys themselves were emerging as protectors of the domestic realm (Alves 1991:193- 198).

Old men became bogeymen in the context of the rampages, and were portrayed as such in the narratives. Boys feared that the old men might chase, beat, or even abduct them; as noted above, ritual abduction of novices by elders is not uncommon in initiation rites across cultures. Abduction to these modem boys, however, usually meant being taken to the police. For example, once a friend of Bernardo's was caught by an old man when he was unable to cross a barbed wire fence during a rampage. The old man said:

10:B(A):

29 "ai tens que irja ao ao hospital "oh you have to go to to the hospital right away

30 porque fizeste ali um golpe" because you made a cut right there"

To which Bernardo commented:

11:B(A):

31 mas o homem era esperto but the man was smart

32 queria mas era levar a pol/cia what he wanted was to take (him) to the police

In these narratives, old men were always connected with dogs and weapons. In Ernesto's narrative, it was clear that the old man was threatening in his own right. He was qualified as "a bigold man" ("um grandavelho," line 74 from text 9, above), but he was also accompanied by a dog (sometimes, two dogs). Later in the story, the old man reappeared with a dog and a weapon:

12:E(B):

99 aparece-me o velho corn uma vassoura I see the old man with a broom

Rampage Nonrampage

Appendix A: Appendix B: Bernardo Ernesto Bernardo Ernesto (44 lines) (125 lines) (29 lines) (66 lines)

Percentage of verbs 53% 51% 62% 81% not requiring physical dislocation between two points

Percentage of verbs 47% 49% 38% 19% requiring physical dislocation between two points

Difference 6% 2% 24% 62%

[95, 1993 912 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

100 e com um cao and with a dog

101 era o cao atras de mim the dog came after me

The old men could carryall sorts of weapons, the most common of which were a broom or some sort of gardening blade, for example, a weeding hoe (see text 2, line 56, above).

An important, striking feature of the rampages is that of constant movement. In the excerpt about the old man (text 9), cited above, Ernesto mentioned running and jumping explicitly only twice each (lines 78 and 88, and 79 and 81, respectively), often highlighted with sound effects (lines 78 and 81, respectively), but the whole story was really about movement and blockades against movement. The old man and his dogs were symbolically significant blockades against freedom of movement through all territories, private and public. Both movement and blockades against movement were elements of symbolic significance in rampage narratives. From a performance point of view, movement is also embedded in the narrativization itself. Ernesto started the narrative at a normal rate of speaking, but periodically increased his rate (especially during lines 11-15 and 41-43). About halfway through the narrative (line 65), he increased his rate and sustained his fast rate until he finished narrating his rampage (line 112). The last few lines (112-125), Ernesto's teasing of Bernardo and his leave taking, were spoken at a normal rate once again.

The importance of movement in the rampages is also attested by the greater fre- quency of verbs requiring physical dislocation between two points in rampage narratives than in nonrampage, personal experience narratives.8 If we compare Bernardo's and Ernesto's rampage narratives that we have been discussing (the narratives in Appendixes A and B, respectively) with two nonrampage, personal experience narratives that the two boys told after the rampage narratives, we get the distribution of verbs shown in Table 4. Clearly, the rampage narratives are significantly more dominated by verbs requiring physical dislocation between two points than nonrampage narratives. Note how movement as a feature of the overall rampage experience interpenetrates both narrative and experience, once again conflating absolute distinctions between the two.

Like the old men and their dogs, walls and fences were symbolic blockades against freedom of movement in the rampages recounted in the narratives. A number of the

Table 4 The distribution of verbs that do not require physical dislocation between two points and those that do require physical dislocation in rampage and nom/aupage narratives.

Alves] TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS 913

buildings in Ajuda had small, walled-in backyards. Beyond these yards, some people had appropriated small plots of unused land for gardens and for keeping small, domestic livestock such as chickens and rabbits; these plots were either walled or fenced in. Walls were especially symbolic because they separated the various private spaces from public spaces and from one another. Walking on walls was dangerous because it was an ambiguous state. Walking on walls for boys in Ajuda symbolized the fact that they were walking the sensitive dividing line between private spaces, as in the following excerpt:

13:E(B):

41 "oh nao vamos mais rastejar "oh let's not crawl anymore

42 nao vamos mais rastejar let's not crawl anymore

43 vamos ali andar por aqueles muros" let's walk on those walls over there"

44 fomos pelos muros we went on the walls

Ernesto's call to walk on the walls was a challenge because it involved walking on the threshold of another's private space, and thus risking confrontation with those on the other side of the wall. Ernesto was well aware of the precariousness of infringing on someone else's boundaries. In another narrative, Ernesto described in great detail a fight he'd had with a boy because the boy was standing on his (Ernesto's) wall, dirtying it (Alves 1991:193-198).

Van Gennep (1960[1909]) pointed out that transitions in social status are usually accompanied by territorial passages, such as entering a house, changing rooms, or crossing streets or squares. In Ajuda, crossing walls was usually an important rite accompanying transitions in social status. The first wall that the boys had to overcome in the path to adulthood was, of course, their own wall to the street. They made this crossing in the transition between early childhood and late childhood, as noted above. By the end of late childhood and the rampages, boys were running well beyond their own wall, but still within limits; some walls were still too difficult for young boys to walk on or cross over. Those who failed to cross difficult barriers or whose crossing was messy tried to justify the outcome to avoid criticism and denigration in the peer group:

14:E(B):

58 eu "olha entfao vai tu me "look you go then

59 vai por ai que eu vou por aqui go through there and I'll go through here

60 tenho so que saltar pelo quintal" I only have to jump through the yard"

61 vou tentar ir por uma por uma parede I'm going to try to go on on a wall

62 mas nao consegui but I wasn't able to

63 porque tava bastante escorregadio because it was rather slippery

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

64 e tamem e a parede era assim em descida and also and the wall was like on a decline

65 e ndo tinha nada pra me segurar and I didn't have anything to hold on to

66 tive que cair bumba I had to fall boom

The younger the boy, the more insurmountable barriers there were. There were many barriers that young boys could not cross, in which case they suffered some repercussion, often an injury, but sometimes getting caught:

15:B(A):

19 eles tinham que passar por baixo do arame farpado they had to cross under the barbed wire

20 senao cortavam assim um bocado da perna or they would cut like a part of the leg

21 eles passaram they crossed

22 e um colega meu and a friend of mine

23 que era o mais pequenino who was the smallest

24 chamado Inacio called Inacio

25 que ele ia a correr that he was running

26 e e fez um golpinho acho que na mao and and cut himself I think on his hand

27 e o homem apanhou-o and the man caught him

The older ones passed (Bemardo's older brother and his friends), but the younger one failed to pass; he was literally weeded out from the older boys. Bernardo himself (a borderline case) refused to participate and was narrating the events secondhand. Those who crossed these difficult barriers gained power and status in the peer group. Those who did not kept trying.

Conclusions

Communitas is simultaneously dangerous and empowering. As Turner (1974a:243) said, communitas is "a potentially dangerous but nevertheless vitalizing moment, domain, or enclave." Communitas is simultaneously dangerous and empowering be- cause it is a time when novices push the margins of their Discourses. It is dangerous because one's social context (in social structure) is temporarily lost, and instead one experiences a new kind of structure, "one of symbols and ideas, an instructional structure" (p. 240). As Douglas (1966, 1970) argued, "all margins are dangerous. If they are pulled this way or that the shape of fundamental experience is altered. Any structure of ideas is vulnerable at its margins" (1966:121). However, this is exactly why communitas

[95, 1993 914

TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

is also empowering. The novice becomes more powerful by venturing beyond the margins of his Discourse as a child and beginning to construct for himself a new Discourse as an adult. He also becomes more knowledgeable, acquiring gnosis, or "deep knowledge" (Turner 1974a:258). As Turner (1974a:258) wrote,

it is not merely that new knowledge is imparted, but new power is absorbed, power obtained through the weakness of liminality which will become active in postliminal life when the neophytes' social status has been redefined in the aggregation rites.

Douglas (1966) made an explicit connection between states of temporary insanity and power. Like Turner, she argued that temporary insanity is both dangerous and empow- ering. It is dangerous because such states into which a person enters are indefinable. It is powerful because the individual "who comes back from these inaccessible regions brings with him a power not available to those who have stayed in control of themselves and of society" (p. 95). In short, "to have been to the margins [a condition often expressed by antisocial behavior] is to have been in contact with danger, to have been at a source of power" (p. 97).9

As liminal experiences, rampages were transgressive and transformative in nature. Psychologically, they were ventures "into the disordered regions of the mind" (Douglas 1966:95). Socially, they were ventures "beyond the confines of society" (p. 95). During the rampages, boys acted crazy and did crazy and dangerous things. The flagrant trespassing and destruction of other people's private property was certainly a crazy and dangerous thing to do, because private property was normally considered inviolable in Ajuda. The old man, with his weapons and his dogs, symbolically embodied the danger inherent in violating another person's private space (crossing the forbidden and forbidding walls) if such a violation led to a confrontation. The rampages were also empowering, however, because they were a means for boys to test and push the limits of their social and territorial freedom. The confrontations with the old men were a source of power because they elevated the boys to an equal footing with men, although in a momentary and one-sided way. Of course, later on, the narrative performances empowered the boys in the peer group also. These experiences enabled boys to begin constructing themselves as "men" in their own right. As noted earlier, boys like Ernesto who acted manly by undergoing rampages and skillfully narrativized their experiences before their peers acquired manly stature in the peer group; they became leaders.

During the rampages, boys gained new knowledge that prepared them for dealing with the social world afterwards. As Turner said, the novices return to the social world "with more alert faculties perhaps and enhanced knowledge of how things work" (1974a:106). They are thus better prepared to cope with novel situations and take initiative. Turner wrote:

For society requires of its mature members not only adherence to rules and patterns, but at least a certain level of skepticism and initiative. Initiation is to rouse initiative as much as it is to produce conformity to custom. Accepted schemata and paradigms must be broken if initiates are to cope with novelty and danger. They have to learn how to generate viable schemata under environmental challenge. [1974a:256]

In Ajuda, boys placed evaluative comments throughout the rampage narratives that showed that they had enhanced their knowledge of behavior in everyday life by participating in the rampages. For example:

16:B(A):

17 eles foram they went

18 passaram por passed through

Alves] 915

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

19 eles tinham que passar por baixo do arame farpado they had to cross under the barbed wire

20 senao cortavam assim um bocado da perna or they would cut like a part of the leg

21 eles passaram they crossed

22 e um colega meu and a friend of mine

23 que era o mais pequenino who was the smallest

24 chamado Inacio called Inacio

25 que ele ia a correr that he was running

26 e e fez um golpinho acho que na mao and and cut himself I think on his hand

27 e o homem apanhou-o and the man caught him

28 ele disse he said

29 "ai tens que irja ao ao hospital "oh you have to go to to the hospital right away

30 porque fizeste ali um golpe" because you made a cut right there"

31 mas o homem era esperto but the man was smart

32 queria mas era levar a policia what he wanted was to take (him) to the police

40 agora jd sei now I know

41 jd ndo vou serparvo I'm not going to be afool anymore

42 ndo vou jd andar aipor essas hortas I'm not going to go around through those fields

43 podem-me apanhar they could catch me

These comments indicate that the boys perceived the rampage trials as practice for adulthood. Gilmore (1990:64-65) noted that the violent initiation rites among the

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TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

Trukese are "a kind of basic training for a challenging, demanding male adulthood." The same is true here and may well be true of initiation rites in general.

In summary, the rampage was accompanied by a sense of growth, newfound knowl-

edge, and power. A boy's worth as a "man" in the eyes of his peers was dependent on the extent to which he had proved himself worthy. By empowering themselves before their peers through rampage narratives, boys acquired status in the peer group and took an important step toward initiation into the company of men. If they did not prove themselves in the trials of the rampage, then they were mocked if they tried to keep the

company of men. Bernardo made this very clear in his description of a picture of a group of fishermen and a boy taking in the daily catch on the shore. In his description, Bernardo mocked the boy for standing around with the men. He said:

17:B:

1 ta lai um miudo no meio dos homens there's a kid there among the men

2 quere-se armar em homem he wants to pretend to be a man

3 coitado the poor thing

In Bemardo's judgment, the boy was too young to have proven himself worthy of the company of men.

JULIO ALVES is Lecturer, Department of English Language and Literature, Smith College, Northampton, MA 01063.

Notes

This article is based on a chapter of my Ph.D. dissertation in Applied Linguistics at Boston University (Alves 1991). I would like to thank my readers, Carol Neidle, Beth Goldsmith, and especially my first reader, Mary Catherine O'Connor, for their early comments and support. Part of this article was presented as a paper at the AAA Annual Meeting in December, 1992.

1. Bernardo told the narrative in Appendix A even though he participated in only part of the rampage. Even though Bernardo was not ready to participate in the rampages (he dropped out of the rampages reported in both narratives in the appendixes), he knew at least that public performances of such narratives was what it took to acquire power and status in the peer group. This is why he was telling a narrative about events that only his peers experienced first-hand.

2. In his introduction to van Gennep's work, Kimball (1960:VII) noted that "passage might more appropriately have been translated as 'transition,' but in deference to van Gennep and general usage of the term 'rites of passage,' this form of the translation has been preserved." In this article, I defer to the generic usage of the term, although I, too, prefer the term transition over passage because it is more accurate.

3. Van Gennep and Turner preferred the term initiation rites to the more common expression puberty rites. Van Gennep argued that the term puberty rites is inaccurate because it confuses physiological puberty and social puberty, two very different processes that do not usually coincide. Physiological puberty may precede social puberty, or vice versa. To complicate matters further, puberty ceremonies often do not occur at the same time as physical manifestations of sexual maturity. For example, van Gennep noted, for Hottentot boys, puberty ceremonies took place at 18 years of age, whereas for Elema boys, the first ceremony took place at 5 years of age, the second at 10, and the third only much later when the boy became a warrior and was free to marry. (The Elema are an ethnic group of the Papuan Gulf.) The evidence seems to indicate that puberty rites are generally not rites of (physiological) puberty per se, but markers of change in gender identity. The term initiation rites refers specifically to social puberty (i.e.,changes in gender identity), not physiological puberty.

917 Alves]

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4. A Discourse is defined as "a socially accepted association among ways of using language, of thinking, feeling, believing, valuing, and of acting that can be used to identify oneself as a member of a socially meaningful group or 'social network', or to signal (that one is playing) a socially meaningful 'role'" (Gee 1990:143). In this usage, Discourse with a capital "D" differs from discourse with a lowercase "d." The latter refers to "connected stretches of language that make sense, like conversations, stories, reports, arguments, essays" (p. 142).

5. I never observed girls playing in the street with boys in Ajuda. However, I did ask the boys if girls ever played in the street with them, and they told me that girls did play in the street with them sometimes, but that this was only very occasionally.

6. As already noted, the two narratives that are the main subject of this article are included in full in the appendixes. Excerpts quoted in the body of the article are headed by similar identification codes, for example, 13:E(B). The first number (13) refers to the position of this excerpt in the sequence of primary texts quoted in the article. (In this case, this is the 13th excerpt quoted.) This is followed by the initial of the name of the boy who produced the text (in this case, "E" for Ernesto). The letter in parentheses refers to the appendix where the full narrative can be found (A or B). The line numbers of the entire narrative in the appendix are preserved for easy cross-reference. If an excerpt is not part of one of the narratives in the appendixes, then the parentheses are omitted and the lines are numbered from 1.

The texts recorded were transcribed as they were spoken and translated into English. False starts, repetitions, and discursive markers (e.g., the Portuguese equivalent of such expressions as ah and uh in English) all were preserved. I have translated the Portuguese as accurately as possible, and I have tried to convey syntactic awkwardness, where appropriate, in the translations. Line breaks in the transcriptions indicate major pauses. I have also transcribed contractions and phonological reductions common to informal, spoken Portuguese (but not allowed in standard, written Portuguese) as they were spoken.

7. Similar narrative strategies have been noted for English literature, also. For example, Cohan and Shires (1988) discussed the following passage from D. H. Lawrence's Sons and Lovers (1976:151-152):

And gradually the intimacy with the family concentrated for Paul on three persons-the mother, Edgar, and Miriam. To the mother he went for that sympathy and the appeal which seemed to draw him out. Edgar was his very close friend. And to Miriam he more or less condescended, because she seemed so humble.

But the girl gradually sought him out. If he brought up his sketch-book, it was she who pondered longest over the last picture. Then she would look up at him. Suddenly, her dark eyes alight like water that shakes with a stream of gold in the dark, she would ask:

"Why do I like this so?" Always something in his breast shrank from these close, intimate, dazzled looks of hers. "Why do you?" he asked. "I don't know. It seems so true." "It's because-it's because there is scarcely any shadow in it; it's more shimmery, as if I'd

painted the shimmering protoplasm in the leaves and everywhere, and not the stiffness of the shape. That seems dead to me. Only this shimmeriness is the real living. The shape is a dead crust. The shimmer is inside really." And she, with her little finger in her mouth, would ponder in these sayings. [Quoted in Cohan and Shires 1988:86-87; emphasis in original]

In this passage, adverbs (such as "gradually" and "always"), plural nouns (such as "these sayings and looks"), and the conditional past tense of some verbs (such as "If he brought up," "Then she would look up at him," and "She would ponder these sayings") conflate the past and the present, giving the events a temporal significance that is only possible in narration, not in the actual linear happening of events.

8. For example, verbs such as run, walk, go, jump, return, or bring require physical dislocation between two points. Obviously, verbs such as be, want, say, give, arrange, or have require little or no movement, so they clearly do not require physical dislocation between two points. Verbs such as play, hit, open, make, cut, or drink, all of which require some motion, do not require physical dislocation between two points, and so they are classified accordingly as not requiring physical dislocation between two points.

9. Going to the margins involves the kind of momentary discontinuity in social reality that I have been calling temporary insanity here.

918 [95, 1993

TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

References Cited

Alves, Julio 1991 The Social Construction of Subjectivity through Narrative Discourse: The Case of Urban,

Working-Class, Portuguese Boys. Ph.D. dissertation, Program in Applied Linguistics, Boston University.

Berger, Peter 1967 The Sacred Canopy. Garden City: Doubleday.

Bernard, H. Russell 1967 Kalymnian Sponge Diving. Human Biology 39:103-130.

Cohan, Steven, and Linda Shires 1988 Telling Stories: A Theoretical Analysis of Narrative Fiction. London: Routledge.

Coon, Carleton 1971 The Hunting Peoples. Boston: Atlantic-Little Brown.

Cunha, Celso, and Lindley Cintra 1986 Nova Gramitica do Portugues Contemporaneo. Lisbon: EdicoesJoao Sa da Costa.

Douglas, Mary 1966 Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. London: Ark

Paperbacks. 1970 Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology. New York: Pantheon Books.

Gee, James P. 1990 Social Linguistics and Literacies: Ideology in Discourses. Bristol, UKI The Falmer Press.

Gilmore, David D. 1987 Introduction: The Shame of Dishonor. In Honor and Shame and the Unity of the

Mediterranean. David D. Gilmore, ed. Pp. 2-21. Washington, DC: American Anthropological Association.

1990 Manhood in the Making: Cultural Concepts of Masculinity. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Herzfeld, Michael 1985 The Poetics of Manhood: Contest and Identity in a Cretan Mountain Village. Princeton:

Princeton University Press. Hymes, Dell

1981 "In Vain I Tried to Tell You" Essays in Native American Ethnopoetics. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Kimball, Solon T. 1960 Introduction. In A. van Gennep, The Rites of Passage. Monika Vizedom and Gabrielle

Caffee, trans. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lawrence, D. H.

1976 Sons and Lovers. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Marcus, Michael A.

1987 "Horsemen are the Fence of the Land": Honor and History among the Ghiyata of Eastern Morocco. In Honor and Shame and the Unity of the Mediterranean. David D. Gilmore, ed. Pp. 49-60. Washington, DC: American Anthropological Association.

Marshall, Mac 1979 Weekend Warriors. Palo Alto: Mayfield.

Peixoto, Afranio 1931 Noces da hist6ria da literatura Brasileira. Rio de Janeiro: Francisco Alves.

Tedlock, Dennis 1983 The Spoken Word and the Work of Interpretation. Philadelphia: University of Pennsyl-

vania Press. Turner, Victor

1967 The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 1969 The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure. Chicago: Aldine. 1974a Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society. Ithaca: Cornell

University Press. 1974b Liminal to Liminoid, in Play, Flow, and Ritual: An Essay in Comparative Symbology.

Rice University Studies 60:53-92.

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van Gennep, Arnold 1960[1909] The Rites of Passage. Monika Vizedom and Gabrielle Caffee, trans. Chicago:

University of Chicago Press.

Appendix A Bernardo's Rampage Narrative

1 eu tava la num dia I was there one day

2 a brincar comrn o meu irmao nas ferias grandes playing with my brother during summer vacation

3 eramos uns tropas que adivamos a correr pelos quintais we were soldiers who were running through backyards

4 ia ia tum tum (sound effects)

5 e o meu irmao and my brother

6 eu tinha que ir nesse dia ao medico I had to go to the doctor that day

7 e fui-me embora and went away

8 tomei banho I took a bath

9 tava la e eles I was there and they

10 o meu irmao my brother

11 eles sao malucos they are insane

12 mais os dois companhei/ with the two frien/

13 tres companheiros meus three friends of mine

14 andavam la a correr a correr a correr la nos quintais they were running running running through the backyards there

15 e vinha um homem and a man was coming

16 entao eles eles vinh/ ele so they they com/ he

17 eles foram they went

920 [95, 1993

TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

18 passaram por passed through

19 eles tinham que passar por baixo do arame farpado they had to cross under the barbed wire

20 senao cortavam assim um bocado da perna or they would cut like a part of the leg

21 eles passaram they crossed

22 e um colega meu and a friend of mine

23 que era o mais pequenino who was the smallest

24 chamado Inacio called Inacio

25 que ele ia a correr that he was running

26 e e fez um golpinho acho que na mao and and cut himself I think on his hand

27 e o homem apanhou-o and the man caught him

28 ele disse he said

29 "ai tens que irja ao ao hospital "oh you have to go to to the hospital right away

30 porque fizeste ali um golpe" because you made a cut right there"

31 mas o homem era esperto but the man was smart

32 queria mas era levar a policia what he wanted was to take (him) to the police

33 entao o gajo fugiu then the dude ran away

34 acho que tava a rasca de fazer c6c6 nao sei I think he needed to go to the bathroom I don't know

35 e foi he went

36 "oh av6 av6 av6" "oh grandma grandma grandma"

37 e agora tou corn medo que me aconteca isso a mim and now I'm afraid that that might happen to me

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38 que ele pode ser esperto that he can be smart

39 mas agora que eujai sei que ele podia levar a policia but now that I know that he could have taken (him/me) to the police

40 agoraja sei now I know

41 jai no vou ser parvo I'm not going to be a fool anymore

42 nao vouja andar ai por essas hortas I'm not going to go around through those fields

43 podem-me apanhar they could catch me

44 e acabou -and it ended

Appendix B Ernesto's Rampage Narrative

1 eu um dia one day I

2 agora fui ali ter com o Nardo now I went over there to meet Nardo

3 ali com o meu amigo Bernardo there with my friend Bernardo

4 e mais maluco que que dois doidos he is more insane than two lunatics

5 e e tivemos a ajogar and and we were playing

6 por exemplo a treinarmos for example training

7 por exemplo quando a gente formos prai tropa for example for when we go into the military

8 ja tamos bem treinados we are already well trained

9 andamos a subir arvores we went around climbing trees

10 pedras a cair rocks falling

11 6ramos uns aventureiros we were adventurers

12 e depois andamos por ervas and then we walked through weeds

922 [95, 1993

TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

13 sujavamos os sapatos cheios de lama we would get our shoes really muddy

14 pra escorregarmos mais so that we slip more

15 e pra termos mais frio and so that we feel colder

16 e subiamos grandes mon/ and we would climb high moun/

17 grandes subidas assim em pedra big ramps like of stone

18 que se a gente por acaso caisse that if we happened to fall by chance

19 eramos capaz de partir duas pernas we could well break two legs

20 e e a cabeca e dois bracos and and the head and two arms

21 ficavamos a quase paraliticos we would become practically paralyzed

22 todos embrulhados em ligaduras all wrapped up in bandages

23 mas por sorte nada disso aconteceu but luckily nothing like that happened

24 eu desta vez desta vez desta vez this time this time this time I

25 desta vez eu era o o chefe this time I was the the leader

26 era o comandante I was the commandant

27 e eu e e eu e que ia tripular este treino and I and and I was the one who was going to navigate this training session

28 subi uma rampinha I went up a small ramp

29 cheia de pedras a cairem full of falling rocks

30 pus-me de pe I stood up

31 olhei pra baixo looked down

32 e era eu assim pra mim and I went like this to myself

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33 "ai meu Deus "oh my God

34 ainda bem que eu nao tenho vertigens I'm glad I don't get dizzy spells

35 se naoji tava a dar um trambulhao" or I'd be falling right now"

36 depois andamos then we went

37 andimos a rastejar pela relva we went crawling through the grass

38 quando fomos a ver when we took a look

39 estavamos todos verdes por causa da erva we were all green because of the grass

40 depois then

41 "oh nao vamos mais rastejar "oh let's not crawl anymore

42 nao vamos mais rastejar let's not crawl anymore

43 vamos ali andar por aqueles muros" let's walk on those walls over there"

44 fomos pelos muros we went on the walls

45 e andamos agarrados corn os bragos and we went grabbing with our arms

46 com os bracos num num numa parede with our arms on on on a wall

47 e com os pes na outra parede and with our feet on the other wall

48 fomos a andar fomos a andar we walked we walked

49 ate que chegamos a um beco sem saida until we got to a dead end

50 "olha agora s6 podemos sair por este quintal" "look now we can only go out through this backyard"

51 era o Nardo assim and Nardo went like this

52 "ai naao por ai naao saio "oh no I'm not going out through there

924 [95, 1993

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53 tA ai um velho there's an old man there

54 ha ai um velho there's an old man there

55 vou mas 6 vou mas 6 dar a volta what I'm going to do what I'm going to do is go around

56 e ainda aparece ai com um sacho ou com uma vassoura and he might well show up there with a weeding hoe or a broom

57 ficamos sem cabeca" we'll lose our heads"

58 eu "olha entao vai tu me "look you go then

59 vai por ai que eu vou por aqui go through there and I'll go through here

60 tenho s6 que saltar pelo quintal" I only have to jump through the yard"

61 vou tentar ir por uma por uma parede I'm going to try to go on on a wall

62 mas nao consegui but I wasn't able to

63 porque tava bastante escorregadio because it was rather slippery

64 e tamem e a parede era assim em descida and also and the wall was like on a decline

65 e nao tinha nada pra me segurar and I didn't have anything to hold on to

66 tive que cair bumba I had to fall boom

67 caf para cima de uma couve I fell on top of a cabbage

68 fiquei comrn o rabo I got my bum

69 uma couve molhada a wet cabbage

70 fiquei comrn o rabo todo encharcado pumba I got my bum all soaked boom

71 era eu assim I went like this

72 "bem agora tenho que percorrer o caminho pela terra" "well now I have to walk the rest of the way on the ground"

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73 vou conforme eu dou um passo I go (but) as soon as I take a step

74 aparece-me um granda velho a big old man appears in front of me

75 e ainda por cima trazia um cao and on top of everything he had a dog

76 era eu I went

77 "iii ola cdozinho ja tas a olhar assim muito pra mim "heee hello little dog you're already watching me way too much

78 pernas para que te quero" pshiu legs do what I want you for" pst

79 salto por uma capoeira acima I jump on top of a chicken coop

80 ia partindo uma telha I almost broke a (roof) tile

81 salto por ali pelo muro abaixo pumba I jump through there down from the wall boom

82 por pouco nao cai de cabeca I only missed falling on my head by a little

83 quando vi tavam dois caes a olhar para mim when I looked there were two dogs watching me

84 era eu I went

85 "ola ainda bem 6 que tao presos "hello I'm glad you're all chained up

86 adeuzinho bye bye

87 amanha volto para vos visitar" tomorrow I'll come back to visit you"

88 comeco a correr a correr a correr a correr I start to run run run run

89 quando chego when I arrive

90 (mimics loss of breath)

91 o Nardo tava sentado ali num coiso de electricidade Nardo was sitting there on an electricity thing

92 numa caixa on a box

[95, 1993 926

TRANSGRESSIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

93 a que abastece aquele bairro that which supplies that neighborhood

94 era eu assim went like this

95 (mimics out of breath)

96 "ai ai ai meu Deus "oh oh oh my God

97 tu tiveste sorte em nao vir comigo you were lucky in not coming with me

98 mas perdeste uma grande aventura" but you missed out on a great adventure"

99 aparece-me o velho com uma vassoura I see the old man with a broom

100 e com um cao and with a dog

101 era o co atrais de mim the dog came after me

102 ai e depois vou eu vou pelas capoeiras oh and then I go I go through the chicken coops

103 ia partindo uma telha I almost broke a (roof) tile

104 ate as telhas tavam todas podres even the tiles were all rotten

105 salto pelo muro pelo muro pumba I jump over the wall over the wall boom

106 por pouco nao bato comrn a cabeca no ch,176o I miss hitting my head on the ground only by a little

107 ai depois ainda por cima apareceram-me dois caes oh then on top of everything two dogs appear

108 "ai pernas para que te quero "oh legs do what I want you for

109 adeuzinho" bye bye"

110 vim a correr I came running

111 galgo por ali a fora pelo I run right on ahead through

112 pel/pela estrada a dentro thro/through the road right ahead

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113 eele and he

114 "ah ah iii porque e que tu nao me disseste? "ah ah heee why didn't you tell me?

115 porque?" why?"

116 "eu ji estava a espera" "I was waiting for that"

117 "tu e que tens tanta sorte" "you're just very lucky"

118 "a culpa foi tua por nao vires comigo" "it was your fault for not having come with me"

119 acabou it ended

120 acabou it ended

121 bem por pouco nao tem well by just a little there isn't

122 bem amiguinhos esta foi uma das minhas melhores aventuras well my friends this was one of my best adventures

123 devem de estar todos invejosos you must all be very jealous

124 bem feita it serves you right

125 adeus goodbye

[95, 1993 928


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