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AMERICA AND THE FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
Roger W. Gardner
Part I. The Weak Horse and the Strong Horse
"When people see a strong horse and a weak horse, by nature they will like the strong
horse."
Osama bin Laden
"Yes, there have been appeasers in the past, and the president is exactly right, and one
of them is Neville Chamberlain. I believe that its not an accident that our hostages came
home from Iran when President Reagan was president of the United States. He didnt sit
down in a negotiation with the religious extremists in Iran, he made it very clear that
those hostages were coming
home."
John McCain
It has become fashionable to draw parallels between the supposed misadventures
of our New American Imperialism and the Fall of the Roman Empire -- a comparison
that conveniently overlooks the fact that it took over a thousand years for the Roman
Empire to fall. One of the most glaring inconsistencies of this comparison is that the
Roman Empire was an unapologetically ruthless military power, which experienced no
liberal pangs of guilt about its hard-won conquests. Indeed, to the typical Roman, who
enthusiastically relished the daily bloody spectacles of the arena, the whole concept of
having moral qualms about the manner in which they had acquired their vast Empire
would be incomprehensible.
The Roman formula for conquering new provinces was fairly straight-forward. The Roman
legions would simply annihilate any opposing force (no matter how long it took, or what
it cost them in lives and treasure), systematically root out all remaining insurgents, and
impose a locally administered Roman-style government, which would eventually buildRoman-style buildings in which to conduct Roman-style business.
Once their territories were conquered, however, the Romans would govern them with a
relatively light touch (despite a spate of anti-Roman, pro-Christian biblical movies
produced in the 1950s -- usually starring the late Charlton Heston -- that invariably
portrayed the Roman soldiers as sadistic brutes). So long as the local citizenry behaved
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according to the proscribed boundaries of the Roman model of civilization, adhered to
the basic tenets of Roman jurisprudence, paid their taxes (which, for the most part, were
considerably less than they had been paying under their previous rulers), and offered
ceremonial homage to the Emperor once a year, the Roman attitude towards the loca
customs and religious practices was
generally fair and unobtrusive.
However, Roman authorities would
react swiftly and mercilessly to any
perceived threat of dissent. In 146
B.C., in the city of Corinth, in the
Roman protectorate of Greece, two
Roman envoys were set upon by an
unruly crowd of malcontents and
were beaten up. The Roman response
was quick and unequivocal.
The Senate dispatched the brutal
Roman General Mummius who, with
his four Legions, attacked the city of
Corinth. He killed all of the men of military age, enslaved all of the remaining populace
burned the city to the ground and then, ceremoniously
sowed salt on the earth so that nothing would ever
grow there again.
An over-reaction? Perhaps. However, needless to say,
after Corinth, anyone considering attacking a Roman
citizen would, most likely, have serious second
thoughts.
Indeed, if we are looking for parallels between our present-day American society and the
Roman Empire, we need look no further than this episode of the two Roman
ambassadors in Corinth, and compare the Roman reaction then to our governments
ignoble non-response to the plight of our helpless 70 American citizens who were held
hostage for 444 days in the infamous 1979 Tehran Embassy takeover.
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What then, if anything, can we learn from the history of the Romans?
First, when discussing the moral lessons symbolized by the 'Fall of the Roman Empire
we should perhaps consider how long it actually took to 'fall'. If one accepts the
traditional date for the founding of Rome of 753 B. C., and the traditional date of the 'fall'
of 476 A.D., then that means that the Roman civilization lasted for something like 1,200
years, while the actual process of the 'fall' arguably took about 300 years.
Transposing these figures onto America's timetable, this would mean that we might start
losing ground around the year 2705, and could be in serious trouble by the year 3005. It
seems to me that it would be a little difficult to realistically describe this 1200 year
process as a 'fall'. I think it could better be described as a pretty big success story.
Additionally, this particular episode at Corinth occurred approximately 200 years before
the Empire really reached it's peak, and, far from hindering the development of the
Roman world, this incident, and many others like it, only served to strengthen its
reputation and intimidate its potential rivals.
For 444 days, while our hapless President Jimmy Carter dithered and dallied with endless
and empty diplomatic negotiations, our helpless 70 American citizens suffered the
painful privations and unknown perils of their captivity. Only when a new president was
sworn into office, an altogether different kind of man, whom they suspected might
actually resort to force, were the hostages released.
These, then, are the lessons from Corinth in 146 B.C., and from Tehran in 1979 A. D
Somewhere between these two extreme reactions there is an eternal truth.
There are times when force is the only answer.
This now is our new enemy
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These are his warriors
This is his ambition
And this is the threat
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Will we be the Strong horse?
Or the Weak Horse?
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AMERICA AND THE FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE: PARTTWO
Part II. The Global Village
A note from Radarsite: This is the second article in a three part Radarsite seriesAmerica
and the "Fall of the Roman Empire. In the first installment The Strong Horse and the
Weak Horse we saw how Rome used its military might to establish itself as a power to be
reckoned with. In these following two installments we will eavesdrop on the lively
conversation of a group of rather typical upper class Romans at a congenial dinner party.
In these interesting and sometimes heated conversations, we find them discussing some
of the most pressing issues of the day: globalization, immigration and, finally, the
Jewish question. rg
Globalization
Although, as we have seen, the attempt to equate present-day American foreign
policy with that of the Roman Empire does not hold up upon close scrutiny, there are a
few interesting parallels between the two. The Romans, like us, loved good food and
good conversation, and they loved nothing better than the combination of the two. For
the typical upper-class Roman family, in the second half of the First Century A.D., a
sumptuous late afternoon dinner in their gaily-frescoed triclinium, with a carefully-
chosen group of friends, relatives and clients would be the highlight of the day.
After dinner, and the usual small-talk about who was sleeping with whom, the
conversation would most likely turn to the most pressing issues of the day. During this
period, three of the hottest topics of conversation would be globalization
immigration and the Jewish question.
As early as the Fourth Century B.C., the Romans began construction of their famous
network of ingeniously designed roads (the Via Appia, the most famous of all Roman
roads was begun in 312 B.C.). By the time of our congenial dinner party, Roman roads
traversed the Empire from the furthermost outpost in Britain to the easternmost
Provinces of Pontus and Bithynia.
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Not only did they build them, but they used them -- at first for strictly military purposes,
but later on, for private and commercial transportation. Where it proved necessary, they
protected them.*
Then, in 67 B.C., acting on orders from the Roman Senate, the famous Roman general
Pompey the Great successfully swept the ubiquitous pirates from the waters of the
eastern Mediterranean, where they had always preyed upon the major trade routes. Not
only did he destroy their ships at sea, but, acting under a special warrant from the
Senate, his legions pursued the pirates inland to their home bases and destroyed these
also.
Thanks to Pompeys effective campaign, for the first time in recorded history, the
shipping lanes of the eastern Mediterranean became relatively safe.
During most of the First Century B.C., the Roman Empire had been wracked byviolent civil wars. However, after Augustus victory over the forces of Antony and
Cleopatra at the battle of Actium in 31 B.C., a welcome period of peace settled in, which
the Romans called the Pax Romana. The benefits of these positive developments were
felt almost immediately throughout the Empire. Journeys that had previously taken
weeks, or even months and were often difficult and dangerous, were now, thanks to the
network of well-maintained and well-protected roads and shipping lanes, accomplished
with relative safety and ease in a matter of days. Business and commerce prospered
International (or, in this case, interprovincial) trade flourished. Intricate new systems ofcredit were invented, and a whole new class of middlemen sprang up. Importing and
exporting became promising new avenues to wealth and status for adventurous
entrepreneurs, regardless of their previous rank in society.
A small potter in Ostia who previously could only hope to sell his wares within the
narrow radius of an arduous one-or two-day journey by mule now had potentia
customers in Britain and Spain. Indeed, shards of First Century Italian-made pottery have
been found all over Britain and Northern France. Remnants of Gaulish-manufactured
goods are still being unearthed in North Africa. Although it is doubtful that they ever
actually used the word globalization (or its Latin equivalent), that is exactly what they
accomplished. Our Ostian potter was now so successful that he had to expand his
pottery business and employ a dozen new workers to keep up with the demand. He
purchased a new house in the city, built a small villa at the seaside, and bought three
new slaves. Our enterprising Ostian businessman worked hard and was proud of his
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accomplishments; and he was proud of his Roman
citizenship, which entailed so many advantages and
protections. Many of these newly-absorbed members
of the Roman Empire shared the views of our
industrious potter, and looked forward to the day
when they, too, could earn Roman citizenship and
perhaps even visit Rome, itself.
However, there were some who were not happy
with these changes. Certain disgruntled provincials
with a religious bent felt that their traditional culture
was being subsumed into the hedonistic and
materialistic world of Rome. Not only were their
historic traditions and local religious customs being
neglected, but their ancient native languages were
falling into disuse. Nowadays, they complained,
almost everyone spoke Latin or Greek and
considered themselves, first and foremost, Roman citizens. Everyone dressed like
Romans and behaved like Romans
Their ancient cities, which had once been so culturally unique, were now all beginning to
look alike -- like mini-Romes.* As we shall see, some of these unhappy subjects would
soon rebel, causing Rome endless problems into the future.
Meanwhile, in Italy itself, not everyone there was pleased with the unexpected
repercussions of this new phenomenon of globalization. Wealthy Italian wineries, which
for generations had been producing and exporting their universally popular, but
relatively expensive* Falernian wine, suddenly found themselves competing with the
cheap but excellent wines of Southern Gaul
The proud, traditionally Italian-born imperial bodyguards, the Praetorian Guard
saw themselves gradually being replaced by larger*, more militarily proficient Germans
who worked for less pay. And glorious Rome, itself, was being inundated daily with
streams of unkempt, unruly foreigners -- some of whom didnt even attempt to
assimilate, but moved into their own separate enclaves. Some of these new immigrants
never even bothered to learn Latin, or Greek, preferring, instead, to communicate with
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one another in their native languages. Alas, to the typical Roman it sometimes seemed
that the very essence of Roman civilization itself was under siege. Which brings us to the
second topic of conversation that evening:
Immigration
Since the first conquests of the early Republic, Rome had experienced a steady
influx of foreigners and slaves. After Pompeys successful Mediterranean venture, tons of
booty and thousands of slaves were shipped back to Rome. Following his conquests in
Britain and Gaul, Julius Caesar brought back thousands of barbarian slaves and camp
followers -- blue-haired, heavily-tattooed Brits; huge, frightening, shaggy-haired Gauls
wrapped in their malodorous animal skins and heavy furs.
By the time of Augustus Pax Romana, the slave population of Rome had reached anastonishing 250,000 out of an estimated one million inhabitants. The number o
unemployed, or sporadically-employed Romans is unknown, although it was undoubtedly
great. Over the years, the number of foreigners flocking to Rome grew exponentially --
Egyptians, Ethiopians, Asiatics, Sardians, Lydians, Frisians, Batavians -- each tending to
settle into their own particular neighborhoods, but all together adding to the weight of
that great, barely-controllable beast, the Roman mob.
Successions of Roman Emperors had dealt with this mob. At various times they cajoledit, courted it, appeased, placated and bribed it, and when all else failed, tried to
intimidate it. But they could never ignore it. Restless, dangerous, easily roused, the
Roman mob was an integral and disruptive fact of life throughout the course of the
empire. Ruled by violent street gangs and crime lords, there were whole sections of
inner city Rome where an unarmed Roman citizen dared not enter.
Starting in the First Century B.C., both to placate and distract this unruly populace,
Roman authorities instituted the now-famous policy of bread and circuses. What had
begun as intermittent gifts of surplus grain by the government, soon became formalized
into the so-called corn dole, later, actually distributing daily loaves of bread. The
circuses referred to the immensely popular and deadly combats of the arena, to which
the populace had easy access.
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In the end, of course, this enormous urban welfare program was self-defeating
drawing in countless numbers of poor and unemployable people from across the Empire
and creating a permanent and discontented underclass, which could explode into violent
riots at the slightest provocation.* Soon, the dole was perceived by the people as their
traditional inalienable right, and no Emperor, not even Augustus, had the courage to
curtail it. Although, with the introduction, towards the end of his reign (27 B.C.-14 A.D.),
of an urban police force Urban Cohorts and a rudimentary fire department Vigiles
Augustus managed to assume reasonable control over the city, the problems of the dole
and unregulated immigration proved intractable.
For that increasingly rare breed, the upper-class pure-bred Roman, these changes
were hard to swallow.
Rome was looking more and more un-Roman, and our native Romans previously
unchallenged supremacy in society was now being brought into question. Uncouthforeign-born, recently-freed slaves (freedmen) were now becoming businessmen and
entrepreneurs, some even managing to become wealthy -- ostentatiously, of course,
accumulating huge retinues of household slaves and hangers-on.*
If these disgruntled genuine Romans sensed that their traditional privileged role
in society was decreasing, it was more than a paranoid delusion. The birth-rate of native
born Romans was, as Augustus noted apprehensively, in rapid decline. Despite the
questionable and violent manner in which he had assumed the throne, Augustus was atheart a staunch conservative, who advocated a return to the (supposedly) morally
grounded traditions of Rebublican Rome. Much to the consternation of his more liberal-
minded subjects, Augustus introduced numerous laws aimed at promoting family
values, (even though his own progeny were hardly shining examples of traditiona
Roman virtue)*. By strengthening the honorable institution of marriage and making the
whole process of divorce more difficult, by rewarding parents of large families, and
penalizing bachelors, Augustus hoped to both improve the morals of his Roman subjects
and reverse the alarming decline in the birthrate.
Unfortunately, his well-intentioned laws accomplished little, as they were generally
ignored by an upwardly-mobile generation of energetic young Romans who wanted to
enjoy their new found wealth, unencumbered by the worries and cares of family life.
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These two major problems of the dole and unchecked immigration would remain
largely unresolved throughout the course of the Roman Empire. The population of Rome
had more or less reached its peak during Augustus reign, and thereafter would sink into
a slow, irreversible decline. In the following centuries, the Empire would succumb to yet
another series of disruptive civil wars and, as Rome became more and more unstable
the migrations would begin to turn in the other direction. Our rare pure-bred native
Roman would become rarer still, until eventually he could only be found in a few
isolated, well-fortified estates spread throughout what remained of the Roman Empire.*
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AMERICA AND THE FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE: PARTTHREE
Part III. The Jewish Question
As we have seen in the first two chapters, the ancient Roman Empire, though so
different from us on so many levels, did face many of the same challenges we in the
West face in our present era, and the arguments they generated appear surprisingly
familiar to us today. As the centuries unfolded and the great Empire devolved, these
thorny issues would become ever more pressing, while the answers would become ever
more illusive.
However, all that lay far in the future. For now, lets return to our congenial Roman
dinner party, where the conversation has moved on from what has become a rather
lively debate over the pros and cons of globalization, and immigration, to one of the
most pressing issues of the day, the Jewish question.
For these typical upper-class Roman citizens, solving the issue of the Jewish question
meant much more than mere philosophy. It had become a matter of life and death -- and
money. A lot of Roman lives and a great deal of money had been expended on this
bloody and seemingly endless war in Judaea (roughly modern day Israel) in an effort to
quell the most recent rebellion of these tempestuous and recalcitrant Jews.* In the very
first days of the uprising (which was evidently sparked by the alleged desecration of one
of their local synagogues by a group of Romanized Jews), the Jews had slaughtered a
whole garrison of Roman soldiers, and soundly defeated the Roman Legion (Legio XI
Fulminata) sent by Cestius Gallus, the legate of Syria, to restore order. Since the days
when they had called in the great General Pompey to settle the violent ongoing dispute
for the Hasmonaean* crown between two bitter rival siblings -- which ended up
embroiling Pompey in the midst of a bloody civil war -- these Jews had proven to be
nothing but trouble.
Although Pompey eventually resolved the dispute (ironically, by choosing neither
brother, but, instead, installing his own non-Jewish client Prince -- the antecedent of the
famous Herod the Great), the troubles only continued. Only during the successful and
prosperous reign of Herod (73-4 B.C.) did this volatile Jewish kingdom experience a
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period of relative stability. Even then, there were numerous uprisings and disturbances
which Herod had to put down -- some within his own family. After Herods death, the
kingdom was divided between his three sons.* Archelaus, the least competent of the
three inherited Judaea and -- through no fault of Romes -- quickly proved to be inept. So
inept, that in A.D. 6, a delegation of Jews came to Rome to beg Augustus to depose him
because of the brutality of his regime and allow them a measure of self-governance.
However, given their past record of instability, Augustus wisely declined their appeal for
self-rule and instead chose to rule this inflammatory province directly through his own
personally-chosen legates.
Thus began the long series of endlessly contentious reigns of Roman prefects
and procurators (amongst whom would be the controversial Pontius Pilate).Over the
years, the character, and morals of these individual Roman prefects would vary
considerably -- some would leave an embarrassing legacy of bribery and corruption, of
which their Jewish subjects had good reason to complain. However, for the most part
they figuratively bent over backwards to avoid offending the religious sensibilities of
the Jews, if, for no other reason, than for their own peace of mind and safety. Even so,
the slightest Roman infraction of some arcane Jewish religious law could still set the
crowded streets of Jerusalem ablaze.
The unfortunate Pontius Pilate(the fifth in the line of Roman Prefects) seems to have
earned more than his share of violent disturbances. While in some respects, Pilate must
have been relatively efficient -- the Emperor Tiberius, who was known to suffer no fools
kept him in office for an unprecedented ten years (26-36 A.D.) -- he had shown a
tendency to be unnecessarily severe and heavy-handed. At the beginning of his reign, he
caused a huge Jewish backlash by introducing the Legionary standards bearing Caesars
image into Jerusalem by night and setting them up outside the Antonia Fortress* -- even
though he had been warned that doing so would likely violate a Jewish law against the
use of graven images. The subsequent outcry led to a five day and night Jewish sit-in
demonstration, which eventually resulted in a Jewish victory.
Pilate then appropriated money from a Temple fund dedicated to sacrifices to build an
aqueduct. Even though the new water supply would have benefited the Temple area,
itself, this act caused a huge uproar, which resulted in a violent and bloody riot that he
put down with deadly force. Then, of course, there was the unpleasant business of the
trial and subsequent execution of that newest messiah, the troublesome, and probably
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seditious, preacher, whom they called Jesus of Nazareth -- an unfortunate affair that
would cause numerous Roman authorities untold problems well into the future. This was
followed, in the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus (44-46 A.D.), with the appearance of yet
another messiah, named Theudas, who led a huge crowd of followers to the Jordan.
Finally, in order to protect the Province, Fadus had to stamp out this dangerous
movement and decapitate Theudas.* Then, during the administration of the Procurator
Cumanus (48-52 A.D.), there was the incredible incident of the Roman soldiers fart --
surely, the deadliest fart in history! During the holy Feast of Unleavened Bread
(Passover), in the Temple in Jerusalem, a soldier stationed on the roof of the portico,
bent over, lifted his tunic and made a lewd gesture (in plain language, he farted).
The outraged crowd of worshippers below immediately erupted into a bloody riot and
turned their wrath on the nearest Roman guards. Reinforcements had to be called in,
and in the violent melee that ensued, an estimated 20-30,000 people were either killedby the soldiers or perished attempting to escape.*
To our urbane dinner guests, this evening, this level of religious fervor was
incomprehensible. Through their eyes, in all of their dealings with this contentious
people -- who represented a mere ten percent of the Empire; yet, seemed to cause
ninety percent of the problems -- they had shown a remarkable level of forbearance
Beginning with an announcement in 44-43 B.C. issued to all the Roman officials in Asia
[Minor], enjoining the Greek cities to guarantee their Jews exemption from militaryservice, protection of Sabbath observance (when Jews were not expected to attend the
law-courts), freedom to hold religious meetings, freedom to send their money
contributions to the Jerusalem Temple without molestation, the right to settle thei
internal legal controversies by their own jurisdiction, and instructions that their funds
and sacred books should not be stolen from their synagogues,* the Roman authorities
had, it seemed, been extraordinarily fair and accommodating. Indeed, for a directly-
governed province of the Roman Empire, the Province of Judaea enjoyed an
unprecedented level of self-rule. In Jerusalem, itself, the Jews were governed, in almostall of their daily matters, by their own chosen Council of Elders, the Sanhedrin, under the
guidance of their own High Priest,* who acted as an ambassador to the local governor --
who would intercede only in matters of the utmost importance.* And yet, in spite of all
this preferential treatment -- they rebelled! Three times since the days of Pompey! And
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this latest rebellion was the bloodiest of them all. On this one subject, our diners al
agreed --these Jews were impossible.
And now, as though Rome needed any more fanatical, rebellious Jewish zealots
there was this latest Jewish cult, these loud and obnoxious followers of that previously-
mentioned, crucified Jewish preacher, Jesus the Nazarene (whom, they claim, had risen
from the dead to lead them into eternity!) These latest trouble-makers, who cal
themselves Christians, had evidently already caused some serious problems
throughout the Eastern Provinces of the Empire. Just recently, two of their most
prominent leaders, two grey-bearded old Jews named Peter and Paul, had been executed
in Rome for their alleged seditious misconduct in Jerusalem.* On this last point, our
frustrated dinner guests merely shook their heads in uncomprehending disapproval.
Although our bemused Roman diners were most likely unaware of it, these two grey-
bearded old Jews had already sown the seeds of a new monotheistic supersessionistreligion, called Christianity, whose radical followers would soon prove to be even more
troublesome than those impossible Jews.Incredibly, although our dinner guests would
not live to see it, this insignificant new sect, just one among so many exotic foreign cults
to have found their way to Rome,* would over the next two hundred and fifty years, grow
and expand to such an extent that, by the beginning of the Fourth Century, that wise
and pragmatic Emperor Constantine the Great (acknowledging a virtual fait accompli)
would officially proclaim Christianity the new state religion. Over the next few centuries,
these emergent Christians would further define themselves and their doctrines and
would finally cut themselves off completely from their Jewish origins, becoming in the
process more and more intolerant of these original Jews who stubbornly refused to
acknowledge their omnificent Messiah.
In the beginning of the Seventh Century, a new Prophet would emerge from the
desert, and yet another monotheistic supersessionist religion would be born. Within a
half-century, with all the fanatical zealotry of new converts, the followers of this latest
Messiah, called Mohammad, would rise up and conquer all of the former North Africanprovinces of the Roman Empire, and spread a new religion, which they called Islam,
across these newly-conquered territories by a brutal combination of coercion and the
sword. *
It is worth remembering that -- despite the occasional (politically correct) olive
branches of ecumenical tolerance, it is the unambiguous mandate of all monotheistic
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religions to be the one and only purveyor of that elusive commodity of Truth. And
according to this logic, it necessarily follows -- despite all the niceties of politica
correctness -- that all other religions are simply wrong, and therefore automatically
become Enemies of the Faith. Although all monotheistic religions share these basic
fundamentals, there are important differences between them, differences that drastically
affect our world. Whereas the two oldest of these desert religions, Judaism and
Christianity, have had two millennia to settle their innumerable internecine squabbles
over doctrine, work their way through the horrors of their Inquisitions, their disruptive
Reformations, and their often bloody confrontations with a long list of various emperors
and kings over those thorny issues of supremacy, they have eventually found a place in
that uneasy dichotomy of Church and State. However, the newest monotheism, Islam,
being some 600 years, or more, behind the other two, has yet to experience any of these
self-defining crises* and, as a result, has not yet found its proper place in civilization. We
are presently witnessing first-hand the violent consequences of this relative theologica
immaturity. Whether we like it or not, we are now, as our Roman ancestors were then, in
an epic clash of civilizations.*
There is one final point to be made on the comparisons between ourselves and
ancient Rome. The Roman Empire, despite all of the lofty moral lessons drawn over the
years from that overworked phrase, never actually fell; it simply slipped away, day by
day, year by year, almost unnoticed. As Roman citizens prospered and became
successful they became more and more reluctant to become personally involved in the
defense of their vast and continually threatened Empire, increasingly relying on legions
of mercenaries drawn from the lowest ranks of society, desperate men who had little o
nothing invested in the society that they were supposed to be defending; or, worse still,
recruited from the very barbarian societies that they were supposed to be fighting. In the
end, the barbarian Chieftain who had become de facto Commander-in-Chief of the
Roman Legions merely brushed aside the last nominal Roman Emperor without even
raising his sword.*
If there is any moral lesson to be drawn from the legend of the Fall of the Roman
Empire it is this. So long as the ordinary Roman citizen was willing to set aside the
demands of his profitable business and leave the comforts of hearth and home to take
up arms against the enemy, or to send his son in his place, Rome was invincible.
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America and the Fall of the Roman Empire
Notes
their previous rulers: the taxation imposed was not on the whole excessive -- inMacedon it was but one-half of what had previously been levied by the native kings --
History of the Roman Republic Cyril E. Robinson (Thomas Y. Crowell Company) p.189
eminently fair and unobtrusive: the general principle of [Roman] government was
wise, simple, and beneficent. The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire Edward Gibbon
- the Low abridgement (Bonanza Books 1985), p.11
nothing would ever grow there again: The History of Rome Michael Grant (Charles
Scribners Sons 1978), p.143
they protected them: Augustus Caesar E. S. Shuckburgh (Barnes & Noble 1995)
p.214-15
battle of Actium in 31 B.C.: Augustus emergence as the sole victor of the battle of
Actium in 31 B.C. traditionally marks the beginning of the Roman Empire and the death
of the Republic.
like mini-Romes: Herods extravagantly built capitol city of Caesarea Maritima, in
upper Judaea, founded in the first century B.C., his most ambitious construction project
among many others, with its luxurious Roman-style palace and various elaborately
constructed Roman-style baths, theaters and temples, came in for especially harsh
criticism by the conservative Jews amongst the local population for these reasons. See:
King Herods Dream: Caesarea on the Sea (W. W. Norton & Co. 1988)
relatively expensive: During the reign of Hadrian (117-138 A.D.), liter of Falerian
wine cost 30 denarii, well beyond the means of an average Legionary, who earned
approximately 112.5 denarii per year. http://scarrow.forumco.com/
replaced by larger: The average height of a Roman Legionary during this period was
55; whereas the average height of a German barbarian was around 58
http://bjsm.bmjjournals.com/
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at the slightest provocation: Although throughout the course of the empire, there
were many urban riots and disturbances, one of the deadliest occurred later in history, in
Byzantium, in the city of Nika, on January 11, 532, during the reign of Justinian, in which
an estimated 30,000 people were killed. Cruelty and Civilization Roland Auguet (George
Allen & Unwin Ltd 1972), p.140
household slaves and hangers-on: For the classic satirical treatment of the
uncouthfreedman there is of course no better source than Petronius famous
Satyricon. For more on the subject of Roman freedmen, see Appendix I.
examples of traditional Roman virtue: Augustus had both his daughter and
granddaughter (both named Julia), as well as one of his grandsons exiled for immora
behavior, and for being members of a circle of suspected subversives. The History of
Rome Michael Grant (Charles Scribners Sons 1978), p.260
what remained of the Roman Empire: For more on this fascinating subject see
Citizens of Long Ago Adeline Belle Hawes (Oxford University Press 1934), A Roman Poet
of the Fifth Century, p.162-83
tempestuous and recalcitrant Jews: the First Jewish War-(66-74 A.D.)
Hasmonaean: The priestly family of Jewish rulers and leaders in Judaea in the First
and Second Centuries B.C.
between his three sons: Antipas received the territories of Galilee and Peraea; Philip
received a large section of what is part of present-day Syria; and Archelaus received
Samaria, Judaea, and Idumaea.
the Antonia Fortress: The Fortress of Antonia was built by Herod in 35 B.C. to protect
Jerusalem. It was at some point taken over by the Romans who stationed a garrison
there.
decapitate Theudas: After Theudas, still more prophets emerged during this period
Under the procuratorship of Felix (52-60 A.D.), a number of prophets led their followers
into the desert. To prevent these movements from fomenting insurrection, Felix had
many executed. Later, an Egyptian prophet led thousands (Josephus: 30,000; Acts
4,000) in an attack on Jerusalem, which Felix suppressed with Roman soldiers
http://www.westmont.edu/-fisk/Articles/jewhistd.htm
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perished attempting to escape: Josephus (37-c.100A.D): The Jewish War (Penguin
Books Ltd. 1986), p.144. Also: Nero: The man behind the myth Richard Holland (Sutton
Publishing Ltd. 2000), p.262, note 8: The soldier allegedly fartedThe figure o
30,000 dead is plainly exaggerated. Josephus himself revises it down to 20,000 in his
later Jewish Antiquities, 20. 12
stolen from their synagogues: The Jews in the Roman World Michael Grant (Dorset
Press 1973), p.59
own high Priest: Before and during Pilates entire reign (and during the infamous tria
of Jesus) this post was held by Joseph Caiaphas. matters of the utmost importance
Such as capitol cases that carried the possibility of the death penalty (like the trial of
Jesus).
seditious misconduct in Jerusalem: The precise nature of Saint Pauls and SainPeters offences remains somewhat obscure, however, being Roman citizens they had
the right to take their cases to Rome and appeal to the Emperor. The exact method and
date of their deaths (64-68 A.D.) is more a matter of tradition than historical fact.
found their way to Rome: Nero fastened the guilt [for the great fire in Rome of 64
A.D.] and inflicted the most exquisite tortures on a class hated for their abominations,
called Christians by the populace. Christus, from whom the name had its origin, suffered
the extreme penality during the reign of Tiberius at the hands of one of our procurators
Pontius Pilatus, and a most mischievous superstition, thus checked for the moment
again broke out not only in Judaea, the first source of the evil, but even in Rome, where
all things hideous and shameful from every part of the world find their centre and
become popular. Tacitus (c.55-c.117 A.D.) The Annals, No. 44: The Annals of Imperia
Rome Tacitus (Barnes & Noble 1971), p.365
coercion and the sword: See: The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire Edward
Gibbon (Bonanza Books 1985), Chapter 50; see especially: pgs. 679, 691
self-defining crises It is arguable that the 18th century literalist movement of Abdu
Wahhab (Wahhabism) constituted an Islamic Reformation. However, unlike its Western
counterpart, Wahhabism generated no liberal Protestant counter-movements within
Islam, but instead, merely tightened the screws of fundamentalism, and provided the
theological justification for violent jihad.
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clash of civilizations: See: The Clash of Civilizations? The Debate (Foreign Affairs
1996)
without even raising his sword: The German general, Odoacer deposed the las
Roman Emperor, Romulus Augustulus in 476 A.D. (the traditional date of the Fall of the
Roman Empire).
Postscript:
Although this essay has focused primarily on the negative aspects of the three modern-
day, Western monotheistic religions, the author willingly acknowledges those positive
elements of Judaism and Christianity. From the innumerable and glorious works of art
created by artists who were undoubtedly sincerely inspired by their respective religions
to the multitude of good works performed over the years by the various religious
charities, to the courageous missions of our present-day religiously-based NGOsthroughout the Developing World; the author in no way wishes to attempt to diminish
the importance or the success of these noble enterprises. Moreover, for centuries, the
Church and Synagogue have assumed the very necessary role of moral guides -- fo
which, in our present-day society we find no adequate substitutes (with the possible
exception of those innumerable self-help gurus, and the various practitioners o
psychiatric therapy -- who for the most part choose to remain morally neuter in
questions of right and wrong. To dispense with the moral guidance provided by formal
religions without having first provided us with a viable alternative would be to throw thebaby out with the bath water.
Appendix I:
Manumission
Despite our native-born Romans obvious disdain, the whole concept of the
Freedman, being the end product of that enlightened and far-sighted Roman policy of
manumission, actually proved to be an eminently successful example of sociaengineering. Although, over the years, Rome had many problems with its enormous
slave population, the problems could have been worse, much worse, were it not for the
safety valve of manumission, which for the ambitious and talented slave provided a light
at the end of the tunnel -- the possibility that sometime in the future he might not only
win his freedom, but would have a chance of actually becoming financially successful.
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Rather than allowing themselves to be confined to a choice between two equally
unattractive, and potentially dangerous alternatives: either keeping their unhappy slaves
in perpetual subjugation, or merely emancipating them, which in reality meant turning
them loose untrained and unprepared into a strange and hostile society, the clever and
practical Romans created a third alternative, which they called manumission. When the
system worked properly, it was of benefit to both the Roman masters and their slaves.
If, after a certain period of time, a slave showed the necessary prerequisites of loyalty,
intelligence, ambition and talent, the master could decide to enter into the lega
agreement of manumission. To begin this process the slave was obliged to pay his
master a certain sum of money, the peculium, (a portion of the slaves personal savings
of monies earned through tips, special payments, or gifts) which would vary depending
on the circumstances between a small, mainly symbolic sum, to what might be a
considerable amount of money. After this important ceremony, the roles between the
two would then change from master and slave, to patron and client. The patron would
then become responsible for helping his client establish himself in a business appropriate
to his particular skills -- everything from carpentry, to accounting, to the importing and
exporting business. After having set up his protg in business, he would then enter into
a legal contract with his charge, wherein he would become, for all intents and purposes
his agent, entitled to a certain agreed upon percentage of his clients future earnings.
Thus, as we have seen, much to the consternation of certain native-born, upper-class
Romans, these newly created freedman could, and often did, rise through the ranks of
Roman society to become successful businessmen, entrepreneurs and governmen
officials -- in the time of the Emperor Claudius (41-54 A.D.), two of these talented
freedmen rose to become high officials in his government, similar perhaps in function to
our present-day Chiefs-of Staff. Often, these relationships between patron and client
would become more than mere business arrangements and the two would become
lifelong friends. So successful was this Roman experiment in social engineering that it
came to be regarded, by some historians, as a compulsory initiation into a higher
culture,* and presents us with a startling contrast between the practice of first-century
Roman manumission and our own comparatively thoughtless nineteenth-century
emancipation of our African slaves.
* into a higher culture: Slavery in the Roman Empire R. H. Barrow (Barnes & Noble
Books 1996), p.197
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