From Common Sense to the Declaration
The Text of Common Sense
ncluded here is an edited and complete transcription of the text of Common Sense as it appeared in Philadelphia beginning on February
14, 1776. Because there are many reprint editions of Common Sense now available in bookstores and libraries, it is important that I explain my rationale for producing my own version. First, I must note that I am by no means dismissing all other editions of Common Sense as deficient or incorrect; they simply do not fit the analytical parameters of this study. In the case of this book, my goal is not modernized clarity or grammatical correctness; it is to make accessible to my readers the text as it appeared in Philadelphia during the spring of 1776.
The overarching objective of this study is to facilitate a deeper understanding of the American colonial experience of Common Sense and of the political mentality driving the decision for independence. Therefore, my argument requires that twenty-first century readers engage with essentially the same text as did eighteenth-century colonists. I have not concerned myself in this study with what Common
Sense meant to audiences in 1792, 1809, or 2007; I want simply to elucidate what the text meant to American colonists in early 1776.
Although my primary historical focus is highly specific, my methodological focus lends itself toward more generalization. I have intended in this book to exemplify a method of rhetorical historiography that can be applied to other texts and contexts, and this appendix is part of that metacritical strategy. In basic terms, my reasons for appending a complete text of Common Sense to this book are threefold: convenience, integrity, and precision.
Convenience. The expository and dialogic nature of my argument requires that readers have ready access to the nuanced pamphlet text. I include it here as a tool for readers to quickly cross-reference my arguments and footnotes with the source material itself. Original copies of Common Sense are the least convenient option for readers, since most extant 1776 editions are cloistered in research libraries. Microfilmed or digitized images of the pamphlet are more widely available, but they too often lack optimal navigability or legibility. Most Paine scholars still prefer to fish for an increasingly rare 1945 hardcopy of Philip Foner’s Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, but even if a reader obtains an edition of this venerable work, Foner’s editorial practice is too loose for a close textual analysis of Common
Sense (though I do cite several other Paine texts from this edition, when textual exactitude is less of a necessity).
Integrity. By appending an edited version of Common Sense to this book, I am also, in the spirit of academic research, “publishing my data.” Humanistic inquiry does not typically strive for replicable “results” with the verve of scientific inquiry, but even humanists canbenefit from keeping the object of study consistent across multiple investigations. Page citations from a smattering of versions—especially in the case of a proliferated text like Common Sense—can too easilybecome empty conventionalities of scholarly discourse. To analyze acomplex text like Common Sense, authors and readers alike need toverify that we are all talking about the same thing. In order to focus thecritical vision of my readers on the inner workings of Common Sense, I have formally partitioned the text into sections and paragraphs. This citation technique should prove helpful to readers of this book, and itwill also enable scholars of Common Sense to discuss the text—regardless of the edition used—with a specificity traditionally reservedonly for versified poetry, drama, and scripture. A textual taxonomy ofCommon Sense—as part of a broader critical methodology—will be of great service in furthering the conversation about this core text of theAmerican Revolution.
Precision. Instead of attempting to “merge” dozens of differenteditions of Common Sense from 1776, I decided to focus upon a single imprint that best represents the copies of the pamphlet circulating in America during the spring of 1776. The original edition used for this transcription was printed by Benjamin Towne and published by William and Thomas Bradford in Philadelphia in February 1776. The extant copy I used as my source is held in the Charles Deering Libraryat Northwestern University. Following Richard Gimbel’s citation guide in Thomas Paine: A Bibliographical Check List of Common Sense, this edition is CS-12. I have omitted only page numbers, printer’s footers, and a half-title page (directly preceding the full-title page) that reads, “COMMON SENSE.” This individual imprint is virtually identical to other imprints of Common Sense produced in 1776 by Towne, although the printer did make one minor edit in this impression: the correctionof a misspelled word (he missed a few others).
I use the Bradford/Towne edition here for two primaryreasons. First, I chose this edition because it contains all of Paine’sadditions to Common Sense, including the British naval figures, the“Appendix,” and the “Epistle to the Quakers.” These “large additions”were added with the advent of the Bradford edition and subsequently pirated by Robert Bell and most other American printers. The second reason for using this impression in particular is its location—both geographical and social—at the very heart of the independence movement. Calling this the “Bradford edition” is somewhat misleading; William Bradford was semi-retired and preoccupied with drilling thePennsylvania militia, while his son, Thomas, then the main proprietor
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of the London Coffee House and the Pennsylvania Journal, is best regarded as the “authorized retailer” of the expanded edition. It was Thomas Paine himself who spearheaded this round of republication as author, editor, advertiser, print broker, financial agent, and circulation director. Paine worked closely with the two print shops producing his new edition, Benjamin Towne and the German-American printers, Melchior Steiner and Carl Cist. Paine was by mid-February 1776 no longer anonymous in Philadelphia, so he certainly dropped in on the printers periodically to inspect their work. Towne’s Pennsylvania
Evening Post was a significant flashpoint of the independence movement during the late winter and early spring, and so it is fitting that the text printed here comes from his press.
A word about editing and style: the text of Common Sense is here reproduced exactly as it appears in the extant pamphlet from which it is derived. Spelling, misspelling, and idiosyncratic spelling have been fully preserved and replicated. Punctuation, capitalization, and italicization are likewise identical to the source. In a couple of instances, I have inserted a missing letter in brackets, but only when a lacuna threatened to confuse the meaning. My editorial policy in this text of Common Sense has been to avoid textual intervention and to preserve the original typography (the exception to this being the modernized internal “s” rather than “ſ”). In the rest of this study, I have taken some editorial license to smooth punctuation or to make minor spelling modifications with the same intent: to minimize the glaring, pedantic “[sic]” that would litter the verbatim republication of any early modern text. In the late eighteenth century, spelling and punctuation were yet far from standardized, and printers and typesetters were often as responsible for “mistakes” as authors. Inasmuch as standard spellings did exist during the eighteenth century, I have sought to preserve in the body of this book most Anglicised (e.g., rather than “Anglicized”) spellings as a subtle reminder that American English did not yet exist in 1776.
The citations used herein conform to the following basic system: the capital letter or numeral representing the section, a separating period, and then the paragraph number within that section. The section heading citations are:
F. The “Foreword” (Introduction) to Common Sense. 1. Section 1 on the origin and design of government. 2. Section 2 on monarchy and hereditary succession. 3. Section 3 on the present state of American affairs. 4. Section 4 on the present ability of America. A. The “Appendix” to Common Sense added by Paine to the Bradford edition. E. The “Epistle to the Quakers” added to the Bradford edition.
COMMON SENSE; ADDRESSED TO THE
AMERICA, On the following interesting SUBJECTS. I. Of the Origin and Design of Government in general, with concise Remarks on the English Constitution. II. Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession. III. Thoughts on the present State of American Affairs. IV. Of the present Ability of America, with some miscellaneous Reflections. A NEW EDITION, with several Additions in the Body of the Work.To which is added an APPENDIX; together with an Address to the People called QUAKERS. N. B. The New Addition here given increases the Work upwards of one Third. Man knows no Master save creating HEAVEN, Or those whom Choice and common Good ordain. THOMSON. PHILADELPHIA printed. And sold by W. and T. BRADFORD.
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INTRODUCTION. F.1 PERHAPS the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not yet sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance of being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defence of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason. F.2 As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his own Right, to support the Parliament in what he calls Theirs, and as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpations of either. F.3 In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves, unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion. F.4 The cause of America is in a great measure, the cause of all mankind. Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections are interested. The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is the AUTHOR. F.5 P. S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past.
F.6 Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to thePublic, as the Object for Attention is the Doctrine itself, not the Man. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected with anyParty, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but theinfluence of reason and principle. Philadelphia, February 14, 1776. COMMON SENSE.
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Of the origin and design of government in general. With concise remarks on the English constitution. 1.1 SOME writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, the last a punisher. 1.2 Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least. Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others. 1.3 In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of another, who in his turn requires the same. Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, but one man might labor out the common period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could not remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time would urge him from his work, and
every different want call him a different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from living, and reduce him to a state inwhich he might rather be said to perish than to die. 1.4 Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which, would supersede, and render the obligations of law and governmentunnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but asnothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration,which bound them together in a common cause, they will begin to relaxin their duty and attachment to each other; and this remissness, willpoint out the necessity, of establishing some form of government to supply the defect of moral virtue. 1.5 Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the branches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate onpublic matters. It is more than probable that their first laws will havethe title only of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no otherpenalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by natural right, will have a seat. 1.6 But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations near, and the publicconcerns few and trifling. This will point out the convenience of theirconsenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have thesame concerns at stake which those have who appointed them, and whowill act in the same manner as the whole body would act were they present. If the colony continue increasing, it will become necessary toaugment the number of the representatives, and that the interest ofevery part of the colony may be attended to, it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each part sending its propernumber; and that the elected might never form to themselves an interestseparate from the electors, prudence will point out the propriety ofhaving elections often; because as the elected might by that means returnand mix again with the general body of the electors in a few months,their fidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflexion of not making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will
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establish a common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning name of king) depends the strength of government, and the
happiness of the governed. 1.7 Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world; here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it is right. 1.8 I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature, which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered, and the easier repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks on the so much boasted constitution of England. That it was noble for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is granted. When the world was over-run with tyranny the least remove therefrom was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated. 1.9 Absolute governments (tho’ the disgrace of human nature) have this advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, they know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover in which part the fault lies, some will say in one and some in another, and every political physician will advise a different medicine. 1.10 I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials. First. — The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the king. Secondly. — The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers.
Thirdly. — The new republican materials, in the persons of thecommons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England. The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people;wherefore in a constitutional sense they contribute nothing towards the freedom of the state. 1.11 To say that the constitution of England is a union of three powers reciprocally checking each other, is farcical, either the words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions. 1.12 To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two things. First. — That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after,or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the natural diseaseof monarchy. Secondly. — That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose,are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown. 1.13 But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power to check the commons, by empowering him to reject their otherbills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it hasalready supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity! 1.14 There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition ofmonarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required.The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the wholecharacter to be absurd and useless. 1.15 Some writers have explained the English constitution thus; the king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers are an house in behalf ofthe king; the commons in behalf of the people; but this hath all the distinctions of an house divided against itself; and though the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined they appear idleand ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest construction that words are capable of, when applied to the description of somethingwhich either cannot exist, or is too incomprehensible to be within the
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compass of description, will be words of sound only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind, for this explanation includes a previous question, viz. How came the king by a power which the
people are afraid to trust, and always obliged to check? Such a power could not be the gift of a wise people, neither can any power, which needs
checking, be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes, supposes such a power to exist. 1.16 But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to know which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that will govern; and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as they cannot stop it, their endeavors will be ineffectual; the first moving power will at last have its way, and what it wants in speed is supplied by time. 1.17 That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence merely from being the giver of places pensions is self-evident, wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish enough to put the crown in possession of the key. 1.18 The prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own government by king, lords and commons, arises as much or more from national pride than reason. Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in some other countries, but the will of the king is as much the law of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more formidable shape of an act of parliament. For the fate of Charles the First hath only made kings more subtle — not more just. 1.19 Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour of modes and forms, the plain truth is, that it is wholly owing to the
constitution of the people, and not to the constitution of the government that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey.
1.20 An inquiry into the constitutional errors in the English form of government is at this time highly necessary; for as we are never in aproper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable ofdoing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate prejudice. And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted tochoose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favor of a rottenconstitution of government will disable us from discerning a good one.
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Of monarchy and hereditary succession.
2.1 MANKIND being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a great measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill sounding names of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the consequence, but seldom or never the means of riches; and though avarice will preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy. 2.2 But there is another and greater distinction for which no truly natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is, the distinction of men into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male and female are the distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species, is worth enquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind. 2.3 In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology, there were no kings; the consequence of which was there were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throw mankind into confusion. Holland without a king hath enjoyed more peace for this last century than any of the monarchical governments in Europe. Antiquity favors the same remark; for the quiet and rural lives of the first patriarchs hath a happy something in them, which vanishes away when we come to the history of Jewish royalty. 2.4 Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the Heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for the promotion of idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honors to their deceased kings, and the christian world hath improved on the plan by doing the same to their living ones. How impious is the title of sacred majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is crumbling into dust! 2.5 As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be justified on the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be defended on the
authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, as declared by Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of governmentby kings. All anti-monarchical parts of scripture have been verysmoothly glossed over in monarchial governments, but theyundoubtedly merit the attention of countries which have their governments yet to form. “Render unto Caesar the things which are
Caesar’s” is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support of monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a king, and in a state of vassalage to the Romans. 2.6 Near three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of thecreation, till the Jews under a national delusion requested a king. Tillthen their form of government (except in extraordinary cases, where theAlmighty interposed) was a kind of republic administred by a judge and the elders of the tribes. Kings they had none, and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being under that title but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man seriously reflects on the idolatrous homage which is paidto the persons of Kings, he need not wonder, that the Almighty ever jealous of his honor, should disapprove of a form of government whichso impiously invades the prerogative of heaven. 2.7 Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews, forwhich a curse in reserve is denounced against them. The history of that transaction is worth attending to. 2.8 The children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideonmarched against them with a small army, and victory, thro’ the divine interposition, decided in his favour. The Jews elate with success, and attributing it to the generalship of Gideon, proposed making him aking, saying, Rule thou over us, thou and thy son and thy son's son. Herewas temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdom only, but an hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his soul replied, I will not
rule over you, neither shall my son rule over you, THE LORD SHALLRULE OVER YOU. Words need not be more explicit; Gideon dothnot decline the honor, but denieth their right to give it; neither doth he compliment them with invented declarations of his thanks, but in the positive stile of a prophet charges them with disaffection to their proper Sovereign, the King of heaven. 2.9 About one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into the same error. The hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrous
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customs of the Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but so it was, that laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel's two sons, who were entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt and clamorous manner to Samuel, saying, Behold thou art old, and thy sons
walk not in thy ways, now make us a king to judge us like all the other
nations. And here we cannot but observe that their motives were bad, viz. that they might be like unto other nations, i.e. the Heathens, whereas their true glory laid in being as much unlike them as possible. But the thing displeased Samuel when they said, Give us a king to judge us;
and Samuel prayed unto the Lord, and the Lord said unto Samuel, Hearken
unto the voice of the people in all that they say unto thee, for they have not
rejected thee, but they have rejected me, THAT I SHOULD NOT REIGN OVER THEM. According to all the works which they have done
since the day that I brought them up out of Egypt, even unto this day;
wherewith they have forsaken me and served other Gods; so do they also unto
thee. Now therefore hearken unto their voice, howbeit, protest solemnly unto
them and shew them the manner of the king that shall reign over them, i.e.
not of any particular king, but the general manner of the kings of the earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after. And notwithstanding the great distance of time and difference of manners, the character is still in fashion, And Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the people,
that asked of him a king. And he said, This shall be the manner of the king
that shall reign over you; he will take your sons and appoint them for himself,
for his chariots, and to be his horsemen, and some shall run before his chariots (this description agrees with the present mode of impressing men) and
he will appoint him captains over thousands and captains over fifties, and
will set them to ear his ground and to reap his harvest, and to make his
instruments of war, and instruments of his chariots; and he will take your
daughters to be confectionaries, and to be cooks and to be bakers (this describes the expence and luxury as well as the oppression of kings) and
he will take your fields and your olive yards, even the best of them, and give
them to his servants; and he will take the tenth of your seed, and of your
vineyards, and give them to his officers and to his servants (by which we see that bribery, corruption, and favoritism are the standing vices of kings) and he will take the tenth of your men servants, and your maid servants, and
your goodliest young men and your asses, and put them to his work; and he
will take the tenth of your sheep, and ye shall be his servants, and ye shall cry
out in that day because of your king which ye shall have chosen, AND THE LORD WILL NOT HEAR YOU IN THAT DAY.” This accounts for the continuation of monarchy; neither do the characters of the few good kings which have lived since, either sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of the origin; the high encomium given of David takes no notice of him officially as a king, but only as a man after God’s own heart. Nevertheless the People refused to obey the voice of Samuel, and they
said, Nay, but we will have a king over us, that we may be like all the
nations, and that our king may judge us, and go out before us, and fight our
battles. Samuel continued to reason with them, but to no purpose; he set before them their ingratitude, but all would not avail; and seeing them fully bent on their folly, he cried out, I will call unto the Lord, and
he shall send thunder and rain (which then was a punishment, being inthe time of wheat harvest) that ye may perceive and see that your
wickedness is great which ye have done in the sight of the Lord, IN ASKING YOU A KING. So Samuel called unto the Lord, and the Lord
sent thunder and rain that day, and all the people greatly feared the Lord
and Samuel. And all the people said unto Samuel, Pray for thy servants unto
the Lord thy God that we die not, for WE HAVE ADDED UNTO OUR SINS THIS EVIL, TO ASK A KING. These portions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no equivocal construction. That the Almighty hath here entered his protest againstmonarchical government is true, or the scripture is false. And a manhath good reason to believe that there is as much of king-craft, aspriest-craft, in withholding the scripture from the public in Popishcountries. For monarchy in every instance is the Popery of government. 2.10 To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession;and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and an imposition onposterity. For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though himself might deserve some decent degree of honors ofhis cotemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy toinherit them. One of the strongest natural proofs of the folly ofhereditary right in kings, is, that nature disapproves it, otherwise shewould not so frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an ass
for a lion. 2.11 Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors thanwere bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could have no power to give away the right of posterity, and though they might say, “We choose you for our head,” they could not, without manifest injustice to their children, say, “that your children and your childrenschildren shall reign over ours for ever. Because such an unwise, unjust,unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next succession put themunder the government of a rogue or a fool. Most wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated hereditary right with contempt;yet it is one of those evils, which when once established is not easilyremoved; many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the king the plunder of the rest.
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2.12 This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had an honorable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could we take off the dark covering of antiquity, and trace them to their first rise, that we should find the first of them nothing better than the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners or pre-eminence in subtility obtained him the title of chief among plunderers; and who by increasing in power, and extending his depredations, overawed the quiet and defenceless to purchase their safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and unrestrained principles they professed to live by. Wherefore, hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take place as a matter of claim, but as something casual or complimental; but as few or no records were extant in those days, and traditionary history stuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale, conveniently timed, Mahomet like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of the vulgar. Perhaps the disorders which threatened, or seemed to threaten, on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one (for elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced many at first to favor hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as it hath happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a convenience, was afterwards claimed as a right. 2.13 England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs, but groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his senses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a very honorable one. A French bastard landing with an armed banditti, and establishing himself king of England against the consent of the natives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original.—It certainly hath no divinity in it. However, it is needless to spend much time in exposing the folly of hereditary right, if there are any so weak as to believe it, let them promiscuously worship the ass and lion, and welcome. I shall neither copy their humility, nor disturb their devotion. 2.14 Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? The question admits but of three answers, viz. either by lot, by election, or by usurpation. If the first king was taken by lot, it establishes a precedent for the next, which excludes hereditary succession. Saul was by lot, yet the succession was not hereditary, neither does it appear from that transaction there was any intention it ever should. If the first
king of any country was by election, that likewise establishes aprecedent for the next; for to say, that the right of all future generations is taken away, by the act of the first electors, in their choice not only of a king, but of a family of kings for ever, hath no parrallel in or out of scripture but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will of all men lost in Adam; and from such comparison, and it will admit of no other, hereditary succession can derive no glory. For as in Adam allsinned, and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one all mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to Sovereignty; asour innocence was lost in the first, and our authority in the last; and asboth disable us from reassuming some former state and privilege, itunanswerably follows that original sin and hereditary succession areparellels. Dishonorable rank! Inglorious connexion! Yet the most subtile sophist cannot produce a juster simile. 2.15 As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and thatWilliam the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be contradicted.The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English monarchy will not bear looking into. 2.16 But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary succession which concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race of good and wise men itwould have the seal of divine authority, but as it opens a door to thefoolish, the wicked, and the improper, it hath in it the nature ofoppression. Men who look upon themselves born to reign, and others to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest of mankind their minds are early poisoned by importance; and the world they act indiffers so materially from the world at large, that they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests, and when they succeed to thegovernment are frequently the most ignorant and unfit of any throughout the dominions. 2.17 Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the throne issubject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which time the regency, acting under the cover of a king, have every opportunity andinducement to betray their trust. The same national misfortune happens, when a king worn out with age and infirmity, enters the laststage of human weakness. In both these cases the public becomes a preyto every miscreant, who can tamper successfully with the follies either of age or infancy.
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2.18 The most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favor of hereditary succession, is, that it preserves a nation from civil wars; and were this true, it would be weighty; whereas, it is the most barefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history of England disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned in that distracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time there have been (including the Revolution) no less than eight civil wars and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace, it makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand on. 2.19 The contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York and Lancaster, laid England in a scene of blood for many years. Twelve pitched battles, besides skirmishes and sieges, were fought between Henry and Edward. Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in his turn was prisoner to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of war and the temper of a nation, when nothing but personal matters are the ground of a quarrel, that Henry was taken in triumph from a prison to a palace, and Edward obliged to fly from a palace to a foreign land; yet, as sudden transitions of temper are seldom lasting, Henry in his turn was driven from the throne, and Edward recalled to succeed him. The parliament always following the strongest side. 2.20 This contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was not entirely extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom the families were united. Including a period of 67 years, viz. from 1422 to 1489. 2.21 In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdom only) but the world in blood and ashes. ’Tis a form of government which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend it. 2.22 If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in some countries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives without pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw from the scene, and leave their successors to tread the same idle round. In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and military, lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request for a king, urged this plea “that he may judge us, and go out before us and fight our
battles.” But in countries where he is neither a judge nor a general, as inEngland, a man would be puzzled to know what is his business. 2.23 The nearer any government approaches to a republic, the less business there is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a proper name for thegovernment of England. Sir William Meredith calls it a republic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, because the corruptinfluence of the crown, by having all the places in its disposal, hath soeffectually swallowed up the power, and eaten out the virtue of the house of commons (the republican part in the constitution) that thegovernment of England is nearly as monarchical as that of France orSpain. Men fall out with names without understanding them. For it is the republican and not the monarchical part of the constitution ofEngland which Englishmen glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing anhouse of commons from out of their own body—and it is easy to see that when the republican virtue fails, slavery ensues. Why is the constitution of England sickly, but because monarchy hath poisonedthe republic, the crown hath engrossed the commons? 2.24 In England a king hath little more to do than to make war and giveaway places; which in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and set ittogether by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be allowedeight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped into thebargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society and in the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived.
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Thoughts on the present state of American affairs. 3.1 IN the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense; and have no other preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to determine for themselves; that he will put on, or rather that he will not put off, the true character of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond the present day. 3.2 Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, as the last resource, decide the contest; the appeal was the choice of the king, and the continent hath accepted the challenge. 3.3 It hath been reported of the late Mr. Pelham (who tho’ an able minister was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in the house of commons, on the score, that his measures were only of a temporary kind, replied, they will last my time.” Should a thought so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with detestation. 3.4 The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. ’Tis not the affair of a city, a county, a province, or a kingdom, but of a continent—of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe. ’Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed time of continental union, faith and honor. The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters. 3.5 By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new æra for politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April, i.e. to the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacks of the last year; which, though proper then, are superceded and useless now. Whatever was advanced by the
advocates on either side of the question then, terminated in one and thesame point, viz. a union with Great-Britain; the only difference between the parties was the method of effecting it; the one proposingforce, the other friendship; but it hath so far happened that the first hath failed, and the second hath withdrawn her influence. 3.6 As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, like an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it is but right, that we should examine the contrary side of the argument, andinquire into some of the many material injuries which these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being connected with, and dependant on Great Britain. To examine that connexion anddependance, on the principles of nature and common sense, to see whatwe have to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, ifdependant. 3.7 I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connexion with Great-Britain, that the same connexion isnecessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the sameeffect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that it isnever to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is tobecome a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would haveflourished as much, and probably much more, had no European powerhad any thing to do with her. The commerce, by which she hathenriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will always have amarket while eating is the custom of Europe. 3.8 But she has protected us, say some. That she hath engrossed us is true,and defended the continent at our expence as well as her own isadmitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the same motive, viz. the sake of trade and dominion. 3.9 Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of Great-Britain, without considering, that her motive was interest not attachment; that she did not protect us from our enemies on our account, but from her enemies on her own account, from those who had no quarrel with us on any other account, and who will always be our enemies on thesame account. Let Britain wave her pretensions to the continent, or the
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continent throw off the dependance, and we should be at peace with France and Spain were they at war with Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn us against connexions. 3.10 It hath lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have no relation to each other but through the parent country, i.e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way of proving enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never were, nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as Americans, but as our being the subjects of
Great-Britain. 3.11 But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, and the phrase parent or mother country hath been jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low papistical design of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still. 3.12 In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits of three hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry our friendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every European christian, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment. 3.13 It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount the force of local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the world. A man born in any town in England divided into parishes, will naturally associate most with his fellow parishioners (because their interests in many cases will be common) and distinguish him by the name of neighbour; if he meet him but a few miles from home, he drops the narrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of townsman; if he travels out of the county, and meet him in any other, he forgets the minor divisions of street and town, and calls him countryman, i.e.,
county-man; but if in their foreign excursions they should associate inFrance or any other part of Europe, their local remembrance would be enlarged into that of Englishmen. And by a just parity of reasoning, allEuropeans meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, arecountrymen; for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, whencompared with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale,which the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones;distinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third of the inhabitants, even of this province, are of English descent. Wherefore, I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied to England only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous. 3.14 But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does itamount to? Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishesevery other name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our duty, istruly farcical. The first king of England, of the present line (Williamthe Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of England aredescendants from the same country; wherefore by the same method ofreasoning, England ought to be governed by France. 3.15 Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the colonies,that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither do theexpressions mean any thing; for this continent would never suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British arms in either Asia, Africa, or Europe. 3.16 Besides, what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the peace and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of all Europe to have America a free port. Her trade will always be a protection, and herbarrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders. 3.17 I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a singleadvantage that this continent can reap, by being connected with GreatBritain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for buy them where we will.
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3.18 But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, any submission to, or dependance on Great-Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of European contentions, which she never can do, while by her dependance on Britain, she is made the make-weight in the scale of British politics. 3.19 Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin, because of her connection with Britain. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for separation then, because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy than a man of war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, ’TIS TIME TO PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise at which the continent was discovered, adds weight to the argument, and the manner in which it was peopled encreases the force of it. The reformation was preceded by the discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the persecuted in future years, when home should afford neither friendship nor safety. 3.20 The authority of Great-Britain over this continent, is a form of government, which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful and positive conviction, that what he calls “the present constitution” is merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, knowing that this
government is not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing which we may bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method of argument, as we are running the next generation into debt, we ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly and pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a few present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight.
3.21 Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence, yet I am inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine ofreconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions. Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who cannot see;prejudiced men, who will not see; and a certain set of moderate men, who think better of the European world than it deserves; and this lastclass, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be the cause of more calamities to this continent, than all the other three. 3.22 It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of sorrow; the evil is not sufficiently brought to their doors to make them feel the precariousness with which all American property is possessed. But letour imaginations transport us for a few moments to Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us for ever to renouncea power in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were in ease and affluence,have now, no other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn out tobeg. Endangered by the fire of their friends if they continue within thecity, and plundered by the soldiery if they leave it. In their presentcondition they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both armies. 3.23 Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offences ofBritain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, “Come, come,
we shall be friends again, for all this.” But examine the passions andfeelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of reconciliation to thetouchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you can hereafter love,honour, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire and swordinto your land? If you cannot do all these, then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity. Your futureconnection with Britain, whom you can neither love nor honour, willbe forced and unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of presentconvenience, will in a little time fall into a relapse more wretched thanthe first. But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask,Hath your house been burnt? Hath you property been destroyed beforeyour face? Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor? If you have not, then are younot a judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can shakehands with the murderers, then are you unworthy the name of
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husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant. 3.24 This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by those feelings and affections which nature justifies, and without which, we should be incapable of discharging the social duties of life, or enjoying the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit horror for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and unmanly slumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. It is not in the power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she do not conquer herself by delay and timidity. The present winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no punishment which that man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so precious and useful. 3.25 It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things to all examples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer remain subject to any external power. The most sanguine in Britain does not think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this time, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise the continent even a year’s security. Reconciliation is now a fallacious dream. Nature hath deserted the connexion, and Art cannot supply her place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, “never can true reconcilement grow where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep.” 3.26 Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers have been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than repeated petitioning—and nothing hath contributed more than that very measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God’s sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent and child. 3.27 To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the repeal of the stamp-act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we may suppose that nations, which have been once defeated, will never renew the quarrel.
3.28 As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a power, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be always running three or fourthousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months foran answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain itin, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness—Therewas a time when it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease. 3.29 Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the properobjects for kingdoms to take under their care; but there is something very absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by anisland. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong todifferent systems: England to Europe, America to itself. 3.30 I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espousethe doctrine of separation and independence; I am clearly, positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true interest of thiscontinent to be so; that every thing short of that is mere patchwork,that it can afford no lasting felicity,—that it is leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little farther, would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth. 3.31 As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards acompromise, we may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthythe acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expence ofblood and treasure we have been already put to. 3.32 The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just proportion to the expence. The removal of North, or the whole detestable junto, is a matter unworthy the millions we have expended. A temporary stoppage of trade, was an inconvenience, which would have sufficientlyballanced the repeal of all the acts complained of, had such repeals been obtained; but if the whole continent must take up arms, if every man must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while to fight against a contemptible ministry only. Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal ofthe acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a just estimation, it is as great a
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folly to pay a Bunker-hill price for law, as for land. As I have always considered the independancy of this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must arrive, so from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity, the event could not be far of[f]. Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, it was not worth the while to have disputed a matter, which time would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just expiring. No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the fatal nineteenth of April 1775*, but the moment the event of that day was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE can unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul. [*Massacre at Lexington.] 3.33 But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the event? I answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several reasons. First. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation of this continent. And as he hath shewn himself such an inveterate enemy to liberty, and discovered such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or is he not, a proper man to say to these colonies, “You shall make no laws but what I please.” And is there any inhabitant in America so ignorant, as not to know, that according to what is called the present constitution, that this continent can make no laws but what the king gives leave to; and is there any man so unwise, as not to see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffer no law to be made here, but such as suit his purpose. We may be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in America, as by submitting to laws made for us in England. After matters are made up (as it is called) can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown will be exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as possible? Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning.—We are already greater than the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter endeavour to make us less? To bring the matter to one point. Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us? Whoever says No to this question is an independant, for independancy means no more, than, whether we shall make our own laws, or whether the king, the greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us, “there shall be no laws but such as I like.”
3.34 But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people therecan make no laws without his consent. In point of right and good order, there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one(which hath often happened) shall say to several millions of people, older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of yours to be law.But in this place I decline this sort of reply, though I will never cease to expose the absurdity of it, and only answer, that England being the King's residence, and America not so, makes quite another case. Theking's negative here is ten times more dangerous and fatal than it can bein England, for there he will scarcely refuse his consent to a bill forputting England into as strong a state of defence as possible, and in America he would never suffer such a bill to be passed. 3.35 America is only a secondary object in the system of British politics, England consults the good of this country, no farther than it answersher own purpose. Wherefore, her own interest leads her to suppress the growth of ours in every case which doth not promote her advantage, orin the least interfere with it. A pretty state we should soon be in undersuch a second-hand government, considering what has happened! Mendo not change from enemies to friends by the alteration of a name: andin order to shew that reconciliation now is a dangerous doctrine, Iaffirm, that it would be policy in the king at this time, to repeal the acts for
the sake of reinstating himself in the government of the provinces; in order, that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTILTY, INTHE LONG RUN, WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE ANDVIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE. Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related. 3.36 Secondly. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain,can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind of government by guardianship, which can last no longer than till thecolonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in the interim, will be unsettled and unpromising. Emigrants of property will not choose to come to a country whose form of government hangs butby a thread, and who is every day tottering on the brink of commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispose of their effects, and quit the continent. 3.37 But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but independance, i.e. a continental form of government, can keep the
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peace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more than probable, that it will be followed by a revolt somewhere or other, the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain. 3.38 Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more will probably suffer the same fate) Those men have other feelings than us who have nothing suffered. All they now possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of the colonies, towards a British government, will be like that of a youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very little about her. And a government which cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for nothing; and pray what is it that Britain can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very day after reconciliation? I have heard some men say, many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independance, fearing that it would produce civil wars. It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up connexion than from independance. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that were I driven from house and home, my property destroyed, and my circumstances ruined, that as man, sensible of injuries, I could never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound thereby. 3.39 The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and obedience to continental government, as is sufficient to make every reasonable person easy and happy on that head. No man can assign the least pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, than such as are truly childish and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving for superiority over another. 3.40 Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, perfect equality affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are all (and we may say always) in peace. Holland and Swisserland are without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is true, are never long at rest: the crown itself is a temptation to enterprizing ruffians at home; and that degree of pride and insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture with foreign powers, in instances, where
a republican government, by being formed on more natural principles,would negociate the mistake. 3.41 If there is any true cause of fear respecting independence, it is becauseno plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way out—Wherefore, asan opening into that business, I offer the following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of giving rise to something better. Could the straggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials for wise and able men to improve to usefulmatter. 3.42 LET the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and subjectto the authority of a Continental Congress. 3.43 Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient districts, each district to send a proper number of delegates to Congress, so thateach colony send at least thirty. The whole number in Congress will be at least 390. Each congress to sit. [....] and to choose a president by the following method. When the delegates are met, let a colony be takenfrom the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which, let the wholeCongress choose (by ballot) a president from out of the delegates ofthat province. In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from which the president was takenin the former Congress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteenshall have had their proper rotation. And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths of the Congress to be called a majority.—He that will promote discord, under a government so equally formed as this, would have joinedLucifer in his revolt. 3.44 But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, thisbusiness must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable and consistent,that it should come from some intermediate body between the governed and the governors, that is, between the Congress and thepeople, let a CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held, in the following manner, and for the following purpose. A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for eachcolony. Two members for each House of Assembly, or ProvincialConvention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be
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chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for, and in behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that purpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives may be chosen in two or three of the most populous parts thereof. In this conference, thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of business, knowledge and power. The members of Congress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the people, will have a truly legal authority. 3.45 The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame a CONTINENTAL CHARTER, or Charter of the United Colonies; (answering to what is called the Magna Charta of England) fixing the number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all men, and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary for a charter to contain. Immediately after which, the said Conference to dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen conformable to the said charter, to be the legislators and governors of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness, may God preserve, Amen. 3.46 Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some similar purpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise observer on governments Dragonetti. “The science” says he “of the politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness and freedom. Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of individual happiness, with the least national expence.” Dragonetti on virtue and rewards.” 3.47 But where says some is the King of America? I’ll tell you Friend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS KING. For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free countries the law ought to be King; and there ought to be no other. But
lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it is. 3.48 A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in our power,than to trust such an interesting event to time and chance. If we omit it now, some * Massenello may hereafter arise, who laying hold of populardisquietudes, may collect together the desperate and the discontented,and by assuming to themselves the powers of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a deluge. Should thegovernment of America return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering situation of things, will be a temptation for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, what relief can Britaingive? Ere she could hear the news the fatal business might be done, andourselves suffering like the wretched Britons under the oppression ofthe Conqueror. Ye that oppose independance now, ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant theseat of government. There are thousands, and tens of thousands, whowould think it glorious to expel from the continent, that barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us, the cruelty hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us,and treacherously by them. [*Thomas Anello, otherwise Massenello, a fisherman of Naples, who after
spiriting up his countrymen in the public market place, against the oppression
of the Spaniards, to whom the place was then subject, prompted them to
revolt, and in the space of a day became King.] 3.49 To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to havefaith, and our affections wounded through a thousand pores instruct us to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the little remains of kindred between us and them, and can there be any reason to hope,that as the relationship expires, the affection will increase, or that weshall agree better, when we have ten times more and greater concerns toquarrel over than ever? 3.50 Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us thetime that is past? Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence? Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last cord now is broken, the people of England are presenting addresses against us.
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There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to be nature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the ravisher of his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of Britain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for good and wise purposes. They are the guardians of his image in our hearts. They distinguish us from the herd of common animals. The social compact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated the earth, of have only a casual existence were we callous to the touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer, would often escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, provoke us into justice. 3.51 O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and Africa, have long expelled her.—Europe regards her like a stranger, and England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind.
Of the present ABILITY of AMERICA, with some miscellaneous REFLEXIONS. 4.1 I Have never met with a man, either in England or America, who hathnot confessed his opinion, that a separation between the countries, would take place one time or other: And there is no instance, in whichwe have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring to describe, whatwe call, the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for independance. 4.2 As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of thetime, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of thingsand endeavour, if possible, to find out the very time. But we need notgo far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the time hath found us. Thegeneral concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact. 4.3 It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; yet our present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world. TheContinent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed and disciplinedmen of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which, no single colony is able to support itself, and thewhole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and either more, or,less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land force is alreadysufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war to be built, while thecontinent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be noforwarder an hundred years hence in that branch, than we are now; butthe truth is, we should be less so, because the timber of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at last, will be faroff and difficult to procure. 4.4 Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under thepresent circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to loose. Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no man need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and thenecessities of an army create a new trade. 4.5 Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave
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posterity with a settled form of government, an independant constitution of it’s own, the purchase at any price will be cheap. But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from which, they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy a man of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a pedling politician. 4.6 The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be but accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for the twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more than three millions and an half sterling. 4.7 The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof that the above estimation of the navy is a just one. See Entic's naval history, intro.
page 56. The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight months boatswain’s and carpenter’s sea-stores, as calculated by Mr. Burchett, Secretary to the navy.
For a ship of 100 guns £35,553
4.8 And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of thewhole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was as its greatestglory consisted of the following ships and guns.
Ships. Guns. Cost of one. Cost ofall.
6 100 £35,533 £213,318
12 90 29,886 358,632
12 80 23,638 283,656
43 70 17,785 746,755
35 60 14,197 496,895
40 50 10,606 424,240
45 40 7,558 340,110
58 20 3,710 215,180
85 Sloops, bombs, and fireships, one another, at 2,000 170,000
Remains for guns, 233,214
4.9 No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capableof raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage are hernatural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch,who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of the materials they use.We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of commerce, itbeing the natural manufactory of this country. It is the best money wecan lay out. A navy when finished is worth more than it cost. And isthat nice point in national policy, in which commerce and protectionare united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can sell; and by thatmeans replace our paper currency with ready gold and silver. 4.10 In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should be sailors. The Terribleprivateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her complement of men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and social sailors willsoon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in the common
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work of a ship. Wherefore, we never can be more capable to begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is standing, our fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ. Men of war, of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago in New-England, and why not the same now? Ship-building is America’s greatest pride, and in which, she will in time excel the whole world. The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and consequently excluded from the possibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a state of barbarism; and no power in Europe, hath either such an extent or coast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other; to America only hath she been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out from the sea; wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and cordage are only articles of commerce. 4.11 In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we might have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The case now is altered, and our methods of defence, ought to improve with our increase of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, might have come up the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same might have happened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns, might have robbed the whole Continent, and carried off half a million of money. These are circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the necessity of naval protection. 4.12 Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with Britain, she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that she shall keep a navy in our harbors for that purpose? Common sense will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is of all others, the most improper to defend us. Conquest may be effected under the pretence of friendship; and ourselves, after a long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles off can be of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves? Why do it for another? 4.13 The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a tenth part of them are at any one time fit for service, numbers of them not in
being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, if only aplank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of such as are fit forservice, can be spared on any one station at one time. The East, andWest Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts over which Britainextends her claim, make large demands upon her navy. From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted a false notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if we should have the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that reason, supposed, thatwe must have one as large; which not being instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of disguised Tories to discourage ourbeginning thereon. Nothing can be farther from truth than this; for ifAmerica had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain, shewould be by far an over match for her; because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in the long run, have two to one theadvantage of those who had three or four thousand miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and the same distance to return in order torefit and recruit. And although Britain by her fleet, hath a check overour trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the West Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, is entirely at its mercy. 4.14 Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time ofpeace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy. If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ in their service, ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty guns, (thepremiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guard ships on constant duty, wouldkeep up a sufficient navy, and that without burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in England, of suffering their fleet, intime of peace to lie rotting in the docks. To unite the sinews of commerce and defence is sound policy; for when our strength and our riches, play into each other’s hand, we need fear no external enemy. 4.15 In almost every article of defence we abound. Hemp flourishes even to rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world. Cannon we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every dayproducing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. Wherefore,what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From Britain wecan expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth living in. Jealousies
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will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell them? Who will venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience? The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government, and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulate Continental matters. 4.16 Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is, that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants, may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the present debt, but to the constant support of government. No nation under heaven hath such an advantage as this. 4.17 The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from being against, is an argument in favor of independance. We are sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united. It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded the moderns: and the reason is evident, for trade being the consequence of population, men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to anything else. Commerce diminishes the spirit, both of patriotism and military defence. And history sufficiently informs us, that the bravest achievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation. With the increase of commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of London, notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing are they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel. 4.18 Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, would create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being able might scorn each other’s assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little distinctions, the wise would lament, that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore, the present time is the true time for establishing it. The intimacy which is contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable. Our present union is marked with both these characters: we are young, and we have been distressed; but our concord
hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable æra for posterity to glory in. 4.19 The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never happens to a nation but once, viz. the time of forming itself into a government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and then a form ofgovernment; whereas, the articles or charter of government, should beformed first, and men delegated to execute them afterward: but fromthe errors of other nations, let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of thepresent opportunity — —To begin governvent at the right end.
4.20 When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat ofgovernment, in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who maytreat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom? where our property? 4.21 As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensible duty of all government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other business which government hath to do therewith, Let a man throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which theniggards of all professions are so unwilling to part with, and he will beat once delivered of his fears on that head. Suspicion is the companionof mean souls, and the bane of all good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity of religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking,our religious dispositions would want matter for probation; and on thisliberal principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to belike children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, theirChristian names. 4.22 In page twenty-five, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of aContinental Charter, (for I only presume to offer hints, not plans) andin this place, I take the liberty of re-mentioning the subject, byobserving, that a charter is to be understood as a bond of solemnobligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of every
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separate part, whether of religion, personal freedom, or property, A firm bargain and a right reckoning make long friends. 4.23 In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and equal representation; and there is no political matter which more deserves our attention. A small number of electors, or a small number of representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number of the representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is increased. As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present, all the Bucks county members, being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the Chester members done the same, this whole province had been governed by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to. The unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made in their last sitting, to gain an undue authority over the Delegates of that province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates were put together, which in point of sense and business would have dishonored a schoolboy, and after being approved by a few, a very few without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed in behalf of the whole colony; whereas, did the whole colony know, with what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public measures, they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of such a trust. 4.24 Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continued would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are different things. When the calamities of America required a consultation, there was no method so ready, or at that time so proper, as to appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin. But as it is more than probable that we shall never be without a CONGRESS, every well wisher to good order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body, deserves consideration. And I put it as a question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether representation and election is not too great a power for one and the same body of men to possess? When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not hereditary. 4.25 It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes, M. Cornwall (one of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-York
Assembly with contempt, because that House, he said, consisted but oftwenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not withdecency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary honesty.* [Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a large and
equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh’s political Disquisitions.] 4.26 To CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or howeverunwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for independence. Some of which are, First.—It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while America calls herselfthe Subject of Great Britain, no power, however well disposed she maybe, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our present state we mayquarrel on for ever. Secondly.—It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of thatassistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengtheningthe connection between Britain and America; because, those powerswould be sufferers by the consequences. Thirdly.—While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The precedent issomewhat dangerous to their peace, for men to be in arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the paradox: but to uniteresistance and subjection, requires an idea much too refined for common understanding. Fourthly.—Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and thepeaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring, atthe same time, that not being able, any longer to live happily or safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at the same time,assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them, and of our desire of entering into trade with them: Such a memorial wouldproduce more good effects to this Continent, than if a ship werefreighted with petitions to Britain. 4.27 Under our present denomination of British subjects we can neither bereceived nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us, andwill be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations.
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4.28 These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a little time become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independence is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.
APPENDIX. A.1 SINCE the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King’s Speech made its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the birth ofthis production, it could not have brought it forth, at a more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody mindedness of the one,shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of the other. Men read byway of revenge. And the Speech, instead of terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance. A.2 Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise,have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of countenanceto base and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King’s Speech, as being a piece of finished villany, deserved, and still deserves, a general execration both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the chastity of what may properly becalled NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better, to pass somethings over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that guardian of ourpeace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing to this prudentdelicacy, that the King's Speech, hath not, before now, suffered a publicexecution. The Speech if it may be called one, is nothing better than awilful audacious libel against the truth, the common good, and theexistence of mankind; and is a formal and pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants. But this general massacre ofmankind, is one of the privileges, and the certain consequences ofKings; for as nature knows them not, they know not her, and although they are beings of our own creating, they know not us, and are becomethe gods of their creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which is,that it is not calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leavesus at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading, that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutoredIndian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain. A.3 Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical piece, fallaciously called, “The address of the people of ENGLAND to the
inhabitants of AMERICA,” hath, perhaps from a vain supposition, thatthe people here were to be frightened at the pomp and description of a
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king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) the real character of the present one: “But,” says this writer, “if you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do not complain of,” (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham’s at the repeal of the Stamp Act) “it is very unfair in you to withhold them from that prince, by whose NOD ALONE they were permitted to do any thing.” This is toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry even without a mask: And he who can calmly hear, and digest such doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to rationality—an apostate from the order of manhood; and ought to be considered—as one, who hath, not only given up the proper dignity of man, but sunk himself beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawl through the world like a worm. A.4 However, it matters very little now, what the king of England either says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, procured for himself an universal hatred. It is now the interest of America to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property, to support a power who is become a reproach to the names of men and Christians—YE, whose office it is to watch over the morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as well as ye, who, are more immediately the guardians of the public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation—But leaving the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the following heads. First. That it is the interest of America to be separated from Britain. Secondly. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE? with some occasional remarks. A.5 In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the legislative
powers in her own hands. England is, at this time, proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish it; and theContinent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of America, bywhich England is to be benefited, and that would in a great measurecontinue, were the countries as independant of each other as Franceand Spain; because in many articles, neither can go to a better market.But it is the independance of this country on Britain or any other,which is now the main and only object worthy of contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity, will appear clearerand stronger every day. First. Because it will come to that one time or other. Secondly. Because the longer it is delayed the harder it will be to accomplish. A.6 I have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies,with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who speak withoutreflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the followingseems the most general, viz. that had this rupture happened forty orfifty years hence, instead of now, the Continent would have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I reply, that our military ability, at this time, arises from the experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years time, would have been totallyextinct. The Continent, would not, by that time, have had a General,or even a military officer left; and we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians:And this single position, closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the present time is preferable to all others: The argument turnsthus—at the conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers; and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be someparticular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of theformer remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained: And that point of time is the present time. A.7 The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly come under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return by the following position, viz. Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain thegoverning and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now circumstanced, is giving up the point intirely) we shall deprive ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may contract. The value of the back lands which some of the provinces are clandestinely
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deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount to upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency; and the quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly. A.8 It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without burden to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always lessen, and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of government. It matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the execution of which, the Congress for the time being, will be the continental trustees. A.9 I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the earliest and most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE; with some occasional remarks. A.10 He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his argument, and on that ground, I answer generally—That INDEPENDANCE being a SINGLE SIMPLE LINE, contained
within ourselves; and reconciliation, a matter exceedingly perplexed and
complicated, and in which, a treacherous capricious court is to interfere, gives
the answer without a doubt.
A.11 The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is capable of reflexion. Without law, without government, without any other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy. Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is nevertheless subject to change, and which, every secret enemy is endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislation without law; wisdom without a plan; a constitution without a name; and, what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for dependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case never existed before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not to have assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of America taken in
arms. The first are prisoners, but the latter traitors. The one forfeits hisliberty, the other his head. A.12 Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some ofour proceedings which gives encouragement to dissensions. TheContinental Belt is too loosely buckled. And if something is not donein time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into a state,in which, neither Reconciliation nor Independance will be practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their old game ofdividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among us, Printers,who will be busy in spreading specious falsehoods. The artful andhypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in two of the New-York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence that there are men who want either judgment or honesty. A.13 It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of reconciliation:But do such men seriously consider, how difficult the task is, and howdangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide thereon. Do theytake within their view, all the various orders of men whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own, are to be considered therein.Do they put themselves in the place of the sufferer whose all is already gone, and of the soldier, who hath quitted all for the defence of hiscountry. If their ill judged moderation be suited to their own private situations only, regardless of others, the event will convince them, that“they are reckoning without their Host.” A.14 Put us, says some, on the footing we were in sixty-three: To which I answer, the request is not now in the power of Britain to comply with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is such a corrupt andfaithless court to be kept to its engagements? Another parliament, nay,even the present, may hereafter repeal the obligation, on the pretence ofits being violently obtained, or unwisely granted; and in that case, Where is our redress?—No going to law with nations; cannon are thebarristers of Crowns; and the sword, not of justice, but of war, decidesthe suit. To be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the laws only be put on the same state, but, that our circumstances,likewise, be put on the same state; Our burnt and destroyed townsrepaired or built up, our private losses made good, our public debts(contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions worse than we were at that enviable period. Such a request, had it been
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complied with a year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent—but now it is too late, “The Rubicon is passed.” A.15 Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the means; for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such trifles. It is the violence which is done and threatened to our persons; the destruction of our property by an armed force; the invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which such a mode of defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have ceased; and the independancy of America should have been considered, as dating its æra from, and published by, the first
musket that was fired against her. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of events, of which the colonies were not the authors. A.16 I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different ways, by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that one of those three, will one day or other, be the fate of America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a military power; or by a mob: It may not always happen that our soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual. Should an independancy be brought about by the first of those means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The Reflexion is awful—and in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavellings, of a few weak or interested men appear, when weighed against the business of a world. A.17 Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and an Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow and prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without either inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support of
Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than bepublicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we shall beindependant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure, and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon. Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if such beings yetremain among us) should, of all men, be the most solicitous to promoteit; for, as the appointment of committees at first, protected them frompopular rage, so, a wise and well established form of government, will be the only certain means of continuing it securely to them. Wherefore, if they have not virtue enough to be WHIGS, they ought to have prudence enough to wish for Independance. A.18 In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep ustogether. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy. We shallthen too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for there isreason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be less hurt bytreating with the American states for terms of peace, than with those,whom she denominates, “rebellious subjects,” for terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope forconquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain aredress of our grievances, let us now try the alternative, by independantly redressing them ourselves, and then offering to open the trade. Themercantile and reasonable part in England, will be still with us; because, peace with trade, is preferable to war without it. And if thisoffer be not accepted, other courts may be applied to. A.19 On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be opposed. WHEREFORE, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful curiosity, let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line,which, like an act of oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every formerdissention. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let noneother be heard among us, than those of a good citizen, an open and
resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of the RIGHTS OF MANKIND and of the FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA.
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To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called
Quakers, or to so many of them as were concerned in publishing a late
piece, entitled “The ANCIENT TESTIMONY and PRINCIPLES of the People called QUAKERS renewed, with Respect to the KING and GOVERNMENT, and touching the COMMOTIONS now prevailing in these and oter parts of AMERICA addressed to the PEOPLE IN GENERAL.” E.1 THE Writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonors religion either by ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination whatsoever. To God, and not to man, are all men accountable on the score of religion. Wherefore, this epistle is not so properly addressed to you as a religious, but as a political body, dabbling in matters, which the professed Quietude of your Principles instruct you not to meddle with. E.2 As you have, without a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves in the place of the whole body of the Quakers, so, the writer of this, in order to be on an equal rank with yourselves, is under the necessity, of putting himself in the place of all those, who, approve the very writings and principles, against which, your testimony is directed: And he hath chosen this singular situation, in order, that you might discover in him that presumption of character which you cannot see in yourselves. For neither he nor you have any claim or title to Political Representation. E.3 When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that they stumble and fall. And it is evident from the manner in which ye have managed your testimony, that politics, (as a religious body of men) is not your proper Walk; for however well adapted it might appear to you, it is, nevertheless, a jumble of good and bad put unwisely together, and the conclusion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and unjust. E.4 The two first pages, (and the whole doth notmake four) we give you credit for, and expect the same civility from you, because the love and desire of peace is not confined to Quakerism, it is the natural, as well the religious wish of all denominations of men. And on this ground, as men laboring to establish an Independant Constitution of our own, do we exceed all others in our hope, end, and aim. Our plan is peace for
ever. We are tired of contention with Britain, and can see no real end to it but in a final separation. We act consistently, because for the sake of introducing an endless and uninterrupted peace, do we bear the evils
and burthens of the present day. We are endeavoring, and will steadilycontinue to endeavor, to separate and dissolve a connexion which hath already filled our land with blood; and which, while the name of it remains, will be the fatal cause of future mischiefs to both countries. E.5 We fight neither for revenge nor conquest; neither from pride norpassion; we are not insulting the world with our fleets and armies, norravaging the globe for plunder. Beneath the shade of our own vines arewe attacked; in our own houses, and on our own lands, is the violencecommitted against us. We view our enemies in the characters ofHighwaymen and Housebreakers, and having no defence for ourselvesin the civil law; are obliged to punish them by the military one, and apply the sword, in the very case, where you have before now, appliedthe halter——Perhaps we feel for the ruined and insulted sufferers inall and every part of the continent, and with a degree of tenderness which hath not yet made its way into some of your bosoms. But be ye sure that ye mistake not the cause and ground of your Testimony. Call not coldness of soul, religion; nor put the Bigot in the place of the Christian. E.6 O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles. If the bearing arms be sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by all the difference between wilful attack and unavoidable defence. Wherefore, if ye really preach from conscience, and mean not to make apolitical hobby-horse of your religion, convince the world thereof, byproclaiming your doctrine to our enemies, for they likewise bear ARMS. Give us proof of your sincerity by publishing it at St. James’s, to thecommanders in chief at Boston, to the Admirals and Captains who arepiratically ravaging our coasts, and to all the murdering miscreants who are acting in authority under HIM whom ye profess to serve. Had yethe honest soul of * Barclay ye would preach repentance to your king; Ye would tell the Royal Wretch his sins, and warn him of eternal ruin. Ye would not spend your partial invectives against the injured and the insulted only, but, like faithful ministers, would cry aloud and spare
none. Say not that ye are persecuted, neither endeavour to make us theauthors of that reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourselves; for wetestify unto all men, that we do not complain against you because ye are Quakers, but because ye pretend to be and are NOT Quakers. [*“Thou hast tasted of prosperity and adversity; thou knowest what it is to be
banished thy native country, to be over-ruled as well as to rule, and set upon
the throne; and being oppressed thou hast reason to know how hateful the
oppressor is both to God and man. If after all these warnings and
advertisements, thou dost not turn unto the Lord with all thy heart, but
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forget him who remembered thee in thy distress, and give up thyself to follow
lust and vanity, surely great will be thy condemnation.—Against which
snare, as well as the temptation of those who may or do feed thee, and prompt
thee to evil, the most excellent and prevalent remedy will be, to apply thyself
to that light of Christ which shineth in thy conscience, and which neither can,
nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee, to be at ease in thy sins.” Barclay’s Address to Charles II.] E.7 Alas! it seems by the particular tendency of some part of your testimony, and other parts of your conduct, as if, all sin was reduced to, and comprehended in, the act of bearing arms, and that by the people
only. Ye appear to us, to have mistaken party for conscience; because, the general tenor of your actions wants uniformity: And it is exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to many of your pretended scruples; because, we see them made by the same men, who, in the very instant that they are exclaiming against the mammon of this world, are nevertheless, hunting after it with a step as steady as Time, and an appetite as keen as Death. E.8 The quotation which ye have made from Proverbs, in the third page of your testimony, that, “when a man’s ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him”; is very unwisely chosen on your part; because it amounts to a proof, that the king’s ways (whom ye are so desirous of supporting) do not please the Lord, otherwise, his reign would be in peace. E.9 I now proceed to the latter part of your testimony, and that, for which all the foregoing seems only an introduction, viz. “It hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we were called to profess the light of Christ Jesus, manifested in our consciences unto this day, that the sitting up and putting down kings and governments, is God’s peculiar prerogative; for causes best known to himself: And that it is not our business to have any hand or contrivance therein; nor to be busy bodies above our station, much less to plot and contrive the ruin, or overturn of any of them, but to pray for the king, and safety of our nation, and good of all men: That we may live a peaceable and quiet life, in all goodliness and honesty; under the government which God
is pleased to set over us.”—If these are really your principles why do ye not abide by them? Why do ye not leave that, which ye call God's work, to be managed by himself? These very principles instruct you to wait with patience and humility, for the event of all public measures, and to receive that event as the divine will towards you. Wherefore, what
occasion is there for your political testimony if you fully believe what it contains? And the very publishing it proves, that either, ye do notbelieve what ye profess, or have not virtue enough to practise what ye believe. E.10 The principles of Quakerism have a direct tendency to make a man the quiet and inoffensive subject of any, and every government which is set
over him. And if the setting up and putting down of kings and governments is God’s peculiar prerogative, he most certainly will not be robbed thereof by us; wherefore, the principle itself leads you to approve of every thing, which ever happened, or may happen to kings as being his work. OLIVER CROMWELL thanks you. CHARLES, then, died not by the hands of man; and should the present ProudImitator of him, come to the same untimely end, the writers and publishers of the Testimony, are bound, by the doctrine it contains, to applaud the fact. Kings are not taken away by miracles, neither arechanges in governments brought about by any other means than such asare common and human; and such as we are now using. Even the dispersing of the Jews, though foretold by our Saviour, was effected by arms. Wherefore, as ye refuse to be the means on one side, ye ought not to be meddlers on the other; but to wait the issue in silence; and unless ye can produce divine authority, to prove, that the Almighty whohath created and placed this new world, at the greatest distance it could possibly stand, east and west, from every part of the old, doth, nevertheless, disapprove of its being independent of the corrupt andabandoned court of Britain, unless I say, ye can shew this, how can yeon the ground of your principles, justify the exciting and stirring up of the people “firmly to unite in the abhorrence of all such writings, and measures, as evidence a desire and design to break off the happy connexion we have hitherto enjoyed, with the kingdom of Great-Britain, and our just and necessary subordination to the king, and those who are lawfully placed in authority under him.” What a slap in the face is here! the men, who in the very paragraph before, have quietlyand passively resigned up the ordering, altering, and disposal of kingsand governments, into the hands of God, are now, recalling theirprinciples, and putting in for a share of the business. Is it possible, that the conclusion, which is here justly quoted, can any ways follow fromthe doctrine laid down? The inconsistency is too glaring not to be seen;the absurdity too great not to be laughed at; and such as could onlyhave been made by those, whose understandings were darkened by thenarrow and crabby spirit of a dispairing political party; for ye are not tobe considered as the whole body of the Quakers but only as a factionaland fractional part thereof.
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E.11 Here ends the examination of your testimony; (which I call upon no man to abhor, as ye have done, but only to read and judge of fairly;) to which I subjoin the foll[o]wing remark; “That the setting up and putting down of kings,” most certainly mean, the making him a king, who is yet not so, and the making him no king who is already one. And pray what hath this to do in the present case? We neither mean to set
up nor to put down, neither to make nor to unmake, but to have nothing to do with them. Wherefore, your testimony in whatever light it is viewed serves only to dishonor your judgment, and for many other reasons had better have been let alone than published. E.12 First, Because it tends to the decrease and reproach of all religion whatever, and is of the utmost [d]anger to society, to make it a party in political disputes. Secondly, Because it exhibits a body of men, numbers of whom disavow the publishing political testimonies, as being concerned therein and approvers thereof. Thirdly, Because it hath a tendency to undo that continental harmony and friendship which yourselves by your late liberal and charitable donations hath lent a hand to establish; and the preservation of which, is of the utmost consequence to us all. E.13 And here without anger or resentment I bid you farewel. Sincerely wishing, that as men and christians, ye may always fully and uninterruptedly enjoy every civil and religious right; and be, in your turn, the means of securing it to others; but that the example which ye have unwisely set, of mingling religion with politics, may be disavowed
and reprobated by every inhabitant of AMERICA. FINIS.
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——. Institutions of Astronomical Calculations: Containing, I. A New Set
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Southern Economic Journal 33 (1967): 378-382. West, Samuel. A Sermon Preached before the Honorable Council, and the
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Massachusetts-Bay, in New-England. May 29th, 1776. Being the
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Allen & Unwin, 1973. ——. Wilkes, A Friend to Liberty. London: Allen & Unwin, 1974.
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 649
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Index Adams, Abigail xxiii, 243, 456, Adams, John xxiii, xxv, 4, 13-14, 17-18, 28-29, 32n, 46, 64, 76n, 115, 124n, 132, 162, 164n, 177, 207, 212, 222, 225-226, 235n, 260, 263, 275n, 278n, 290, 296, 299, 303, 319n, 321n, 325, 351, 368, 372-374, 396n, 406, 420, 455-460, 487, 506n, 518, 524, 526-530, 532-534, 540, 547, 549, 550n-551n, 553n Adams, Samuel xxxiii, 64, 112, 132, 240-241, 243, 258, 261-263, 275n, 277n, 287, 303, 351, 405, 420, 450n, 455, 468-469, 551n, 553n Aesop 84, 194-195, 233n, 442 “Aesop, Junior” 442 Age of Reason xxiii, 73, 81-82, 95, 226 Agreement (Non-Importation, Non-Exportation) xv, xvi, 54 Aitken, Robert xxiv, 39, 40, 41, 43, 67, 68, 73n, 76, 77, 135, 233n, 270, 277n, 279n, 322n, 463, Allen, Andrew 483, 488, 511n Allen, James 439-440, 488-490, 495-496, 511n-513n Allen, John 9 Allen, William 488, 496, 511n almanacs 8, 32, 44, 48, 50, 57, 58, 91, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192-196, 231-232, 467
Almon, John xx, 349, 36, American Crisis xxiii, 109, 111, 153, 157, 193, 202, 214-216, 227-228, 237, 267, 268, 277n, 280, 427, American Philosophical Society xxiii, 41, 127, 128, 130, 136, 164n, 197, 210, 230n, 299, American Revolution xxix, xxx, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 22, 26, 27, 32, 68, 74, 98, 120, 121, 122, 215, 234n, 240, 275n, 279n, 292, 294, 295, 296, 326, 327, 329, 332, 341, 362n, 396n, 397n, 461, 509n, 513n, 516, 542, 544, 550n, 555, Anderson, Benedict xxix, 91 “Appeal to Heaven” 21, 22, 84, 116 argument (argumentation) xxx-xxxi, 9-10, 12, 17, 21-22, 30, 40, 42, 49-50, 53, 56, 59-60, 67, 69, 80-81, 83, 86-91, 101, 111, 114, 119, 140, 143, 145, 154, 156-157, 162-163, 167n, 172, 184-185, 190, 192, 200, 203-204, 215-220, 222-223, 242-243, 247-249, 251, 259, 261, 263, 266-267, 271, 273-274, 284, 286, 288-290, 305-306, 311-313, 316-318, 341, 348, 350-351, 353, 358, 370, 373, 379, 384, 386-388, 393, 407, 411, 415-419, 421, 424-426, 429-436, 441-444, 448-449, 457-458, 465, 469-472, 476, 478-479, 486, 515, 522, 532-533, 536-537, 554, 574-575, 578, 583, 594, 601-602 “Aristides” 306, 307, 311, 323n, 441, 442
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 651
aristocrat 291 Arnold, Benedict 268, 327 artisans 9, 27, 53, 132, 156, 251, 375, 449, 480 Atlantic xxvi, 3, 10, 11, 99, 106, 118, 128, 135, 177, 238, 308, 338, 348, 351, 369, 450n, 458, 505 Austin, John xxix author xxxiii, 6, 9, 12, 14, 42, 44, 46, 53, 58, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 76n, 78, 84, 99, 102, 103, 112, 141, 145, 166, 205, 216, 232n, 241, 246, 248, 254, 255, 256, 258, 259, 260, 261, 276, 283, 284, 288, 289, 290, 291, 304, 305, 306, 307, 312, 315, 318, 319n, 339, 341, 348, 353 authority xxxii, 2, 3, 12, 15, 20, 24, 30, 56, 80-81, 83-85, 88-89, 97, 101, 105, 107-108, 110, 113, 117-119, 142-143, 146, 162, 171, 177, 184-185, 204, 232, 255, 262, 282, 294, 300, 305, 311, 327, 333-335, 345-347, 354, 358, 359, 369, 382, 402, 412, 414, 415, 418, 428, 433, 437, 438, 439, 448, 459, 465, 468, 475, 476, 477, 479, 480, 482, 490, 492-495, 497, 499, 500, 502-503, 505, 509n, 510n, 511n, 513n, 520, 522, 528-529, 548, 550, 567, 571, 578, 584, 585-586, 594, 596, 606-607, 609 Aylett, William 290 Ayres, Captain 467 Bache, Benjamin Franklin 32, 134-135, 164 Bailyn, Bernard 176, 397 Baltimore, Lord 477
Bartlett, Josiah 59, 75n, 257, 260, 277n-278n, 551n Barton, Thomas (Reverend) 173, 199, 211, 234-235, 401, 450 battle xii, xv, xvii, xxvi, 2-3, 21-23, 34, 39, 51, 72-73, 79, 102, 111, 161, 223, 239-240, 256, 266-270, 272, 274, 316, 343, 367, 382, 390, 403, 424, 428, 504, 526, 528, 569, 572-573, 602 Belfast 349 Belknap, Jeremy (Reverend) xxxii, xxxiiin, 119, 237, 278n, Bell, Robert viii, xvii-xviii, xix, 41, 43, 44, 46, 50-69, 75n-77n, 96, 110, 132, 245-247, 251, 254-257, 276n, 277n, 288, 305, 310-311, 322n, Ben-Saddi, Nathan 51 Biddle, Edward 74n, 483, 506n Biddle, Owen 38, 130, 136, 164n, 197, 504, 508n, 514n bicameralism 455, 457-460 Black, Edwin xxix Blackstone, William 51, 78, 142, 443, 453n Bland, Richard 295 Bolingbroke, Lord 31, 138, 142 book viii, xxvii-xxx, 8, 10-11, 15, 26, 39-41, 45-47, 50-55, 57-61, 64, 66-69, 73n, 75n-77n, 81-84, 90-91, 132, 137, 140-145, 151, 156, 158, 175, 177, 187-188, 190, 230n, 241, 246-247, 254-256, 270, 279n, 284, 309, 315, 322n-323n, 339-340, 349, 351, 375, 380, 391, 396n-398n,
400-442, 450n, 452n, 457, 461, 465, 469, 496, 506n, 510n, 516, 547, 551n, 554-556 Boston xv, xviii, xxvi, 51, 70-71, 75n, 100, 121n, 132, 176, 190, 201, 204, 234n, 239-243, 252, 255, 261, 264, 268-269, 276n, 299, 308, 329, 335, 339, 380, 410, 467-468, 549, 579, 607 Boswell, James 465 Boudinot, Elias 358, 359, 362n, 553n Boulton, James xxix, 122n-123n, 353, 362n Bradford, Thomas xvii, 42, 59, 61, 63-65, 68, 164n, 245, 254, 256, 276n-277n, 291, 307-308, 313, 322n-323n, 359, 397n-398n, 405, 450n, 452, 463, 466-467, 490, 514n, 531, 555, 556, 557 Bradford, William xvii, 59, 63-65, 68, 245, 254, 256, 276n-277n, 291, 307-308, 313, 322n-323n, 359, 392, 397n-398n, 405, 450n, 452n, 463, 466-467, 490, 496, 508n, 514n, 531, 555-557 Braxton, Carter 295, 303, 321-322 British xvi-xviii, xxiv, xxv-xxviii, 2-6, 10-12, 15-16, 21-22, 24-25, 28-30, 33n, 37-39, 46, 48, 54-55, 57, 60, 63, 70, 71-72, 74n, 79-80, 86-88, 90, 92, 99-103, 105-108, 111-112, 114, 117, 123n-125n, 127, 133-134, 138, 141, 144-148, 150-151,154, 176-177, 180, 181-182, 184-186, 192-196, 204, 208, 220, 222, 225, 232n, 237-239, 247, 252-254, 262, 264, 267, 269, 272-274, 279n, 282, 288-289, 291, 293, 297-302, 304-305, 310, 312-314, 316, 318, 327, 329-354, 356-357, 362n, 364, 365,
369-370, 377, 379-380, 389, 391, 393-395, 397n, 402-403, 410, 412, 416, 422-423, 430, 434, 439, 440, 444, 446, 458, 463-467, 470, 473, 476-478, 480, 483, 485, 491, 495, 498-499, 502, 504-505, 510n, 516, 520-523, 525, 529, 531, 532, 534-536, 545-548, 550n, 555, 577-578, 583-584, 591, 594, 597 British Constitution xxviii, 10, 15, 22, 29, 86, 88, 90, 92, 99, 101-102, 105, 108, 146-148, 150, 154, 184-186, 225, 273, 291, 305, 312-313, 316, 332-333, 348, 354, 365, 380, 423, 477, 520-522, 525, 535-536, 545-546, 550n broadsheets 45, 54 broadsides 2, 3, 8, 32n, 38, 45, 47, 49, 54, 57 Brunswick, Duke of 114, 395 Bunker Hill xv, 73n, 79, 159, 225, 404, 582 Burgh, James 10, 19-20, 33n, 41, 50-52, 62, 75n-76n, 141-143, 166, 339-340, 349, 351-352, 597 Burke, Edmund xxix, 11, 25, 107, 110, 123n, 224-225, 229, 322n, 343, 347-348, 361n Cadwalader, Colonel 492 “Candidus” xviii, 55, 305-306, 312, 322n-323n Cannon, James xviii, 122n, 411-412, 415, 420, 422, 451n, 468-469, 488, 491, 504, Carpenter, Samuel 466 Carpenters’ Hall 335, 461-462, 498, 502, 514n
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 653
Carroll, Charles, of Annapolis (father) xxiii, 331 Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton (son) xxiii, 122, 331-332, 360n, 551n-552n Carter, Landon (Colonel) 261, 278n, 286, 290-291, 295, 301, 320n-323n The Case of the Officers of Excise 4, 32, 163 “Cassandra” xii, xviii, 411-413, 415-417, 420, 422-423, 440, 446, 451n-452n, Catholic 25, 81, 83, 86-87, 92, 121n-122n, 185, 194, 299, 331, 421, 439, 476, 510 “Cato” (William Smith) xviii-xix, 96, 276n, 301, 322n, 400-401, 411-436, 440-449, 450n-453n, 488 Cato’s Letters (Trenchard and Gordon) 20-21, 34n, 56 causality (Cause or Causes) x, xii, xxx, 123n, 140, 147, 163, 175-176, 243, 281, 428 Chalmers, James xviii, 51, 74n, 305-307, 329, 351, 386 charter 29, 92, 117, 173, 220, 272, 298, 335, 402-403, 407, 414-417, 422, 428, 437-438, 476, 479, 486, 492-493, 502-503, 520, 546, 586, 595 Chase, Samuel 331, 524, 540 church 20, 25, 51, 75, 79, 81, 83-84, 86-87, 92-94, 105, 120, 129, 194, 250, 252, 326, 336, 385-386, 389-391, 398n, 401-402, 405, 410, 445, 450n, 470, 488, 510n
circulation xi, xxx, 32, 49, 54, 58, 59, 63, 76n, 84, 177, 247, 252-257, 260, 276n-277n, 282, 307-309, 352, 455, 481, 484, 519, 552, 556 Cist, Carl 65, 236n, 244, 255, 277n, 556 “Civis” 486-488, 511n Clark, Abraham 539, 552n class xii, 9, 11-12, 14-16, 38, 47, 49, 82, 127, 132, 134, 149, 166, 237, 286, 292, 295, 298, 315, 323n, 326, 328, 353, 360n, 374, 374-375, 388, 397n, 402, 419, 458, 473, 478, 488, 504, 510n, 537, 550n, 558, 579 clergy xii, 93, 128, 173, 188, 283-284, 336, 365, 385-386, 390-391, 395, 398n, 401-402 Clifford, Thomas, Jr. 376, 397 Clinton, Henry (General) 236, 291, 320n Clitherall, James 491-492, 512n, 514n clock 42, 127, 132, 144, 150, 169, 172, 173, 178, 180-181, 185, 190, 197-199, 209-210, 212, 214, 220, 223, 230n, 394, 463, 508n, 541 Clymer, George 322n, 439, 488, 504, 511n coffee houses 32, 57, 144, 245, 249, 309, 463, 464-466, 470, 508 College of Philadelphia xvii, 38, 173-175, 197, 211, 385, 391, 395, 402, 411, 468 colonies xv, xvi, xxv-xxix, xxxi-xxxii, 2, 5-6, 11-12, 15, 23, 29, 37, 40, 44, 46-48, 51-52, 54-55, 70-72, 73n,
79, 83, 86-87, 91-92, 100, 103, 106-108, 111, 113-115, 116, 119, 128, 132, 149-150, 158, 162, 173-174, 176-178, 183, 185, 187, 190, 203, 207-208, 211, 215-216, 219-220, 222, 228-229, 233n, 238-240, 244-245, 251-256, 258-265, 269-270, 272-274, 275n, 279n, 281-284, 286, 288-296, 299, 301-302, 307-309, 311-313, 315-317, 325, 328-333, 337, 341-346, 348, 350-351, 354, 356-359, 360n, 365, 367-370, 372-376, 379-381, 383, 386-387, 393-394, 397n, 405, 407-408, 410, 412, 414, 419, 422-426, 428, 434, 437, 440-442, 444-445, 451n, 454-459, 462-463, 467-468, 470, 474, 476-480, 490-493, 498-499, 501, 503, 505, 509n-510n, 514n, 518-525, 527-529, 531-535, 537-539, 542, 548-549, 550n-551n, 574-577, 582-586, 594, 604 commissioners 110, 207, 293, 301, 330, 345, 347, 367, 376-377, 393-395, 400, 410, 412-413, 415-416, 428, 451n-452n, 480, 487, 490, 525 Committee of Inspection 257, 414-418, 468-469, 480-481, 485, 490-493, 499-500, 503, 505, 509n, 512n-513n, 526 Committee of Privates 501-502, 513n Committee of Safety 37-38, 73n, 161, 257-258, 295, 496, 500, 507 committees 32n, 37, 161, 197, 229, 259, 302, 328, 358, 380, 395, 410, 414, 418, 432, 439, 481, 491-492, 498-500, 502-503, 505, 514n, 520, 534-535, 605 “A Common Man” 316 Common Sense xv-xvii, xix-xx, xxiii, xxv, xxvi-xxix, xxxi, xxxiii, 8-10, 13-
14, 16-23, 25, 29-30, 32n-33n, 40-42, 44-46, 50-51, 53, 55-56, 58-69, 71-72, 73n-77n, 80-83, 85-93, 95-96, 99, 109-112, 114, 117-118, 122, 127, 131-134, 136-137, 141-143, 145-151, 153-154, 156-163, 164n, 168n, 172-173, 175-178, 181-185, 190-195, 200, 202-208, 214-218, 222-223, 225-226, 228-229, 230n-231n, 235n-236n, 238-264, 266-268, 270-274, 275n-277n, 280-284, 286-291, 294-295, 297, 301, 304-308, 310-318, 319n-323n, 325-326, 334, 336, 338, 341-342, 346-354, 356-357, 359, 362n, 367, 369-371, 375, 382, 384, 386-389, 391, 393, 395, 398n, 401, 407, 412-413, 416-418, 419-422, 424-427, 429-431, 434-435, 441-444, 446-448, 455-458, 463, 465, 469-475, 478-479, 481, 484, 495, 504-505, 506n, 511n, 515-517, 519, 521, 523, 535-536, 542-543, 545-549, 550n, 554-557, 559, 575, 592 composition xxvi, xxviii, xxix, 9, 37, 40, 42, 47, 59, 77n, 109, 116, 132, 136, 141, 146, 149, 245-246, 310-311, 321n, 340, 402, 469, 479, 506n, 519, 533, 563, Congress, Continental xv-xviii, xx-xxi, xxiii-xxiv, xxvi-xxvii, xxxi-xxxii, 4, 13-14, 16, 36-38, 59, 73n, 76n, 107, 109-110, 115-116, 120, 149, 176-177, 206, 211, 222-223, 229, 242, 244, 252, 256-258, 262-264, 266, 271-272, 275n-277n, 284, 292-302, 304-305, 312, 322n, 325, 330-332, 334-335, 340-341, 345, 351, 357-359, 361n, 367-369, 376, 379-382, 385, 388, 391, 394-395, 396n, 404-407, 411-412, 418, 429, 448-449, 450n, 455, 458-460, 462, 466, 468, 479, 482-484, 490-492, 497, 499-503, 505, 506n-511n, 513n, 516-526, 528-529, 532-534, 536-537, 539-540, 542, 548, 550n-552n, 585
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 655
Congress, Provincial xix, xxi, xxxi-xxxii, 48, 109, 115, 242, 257, 260, 286-287, 293-294, 320n, 357-358, 367-368, 376, 462, 497, 506n-508n, 516-517, 534 Connecticut xx, 71, 124n, 211, 250, 255-256, 259, 265, 276n-277n, 281, 283, 284, 294, 318, 319n, 476, 524-525, 538 connection(s) 114, 183, 257, 266, 288, 304, 364, 384, 410, 420, 429, 532, 547, 597 constitution (general) xix, xxi, xxviii, xxxi-xxxii, 9-10, 13-16, 18, 22, 25-26, 28-30, 34n, 50, 86, 88, 90, 92, 98-105, 107-108, 110-111, 114, 117, 119, 146-148, 150, 154, 184-186, 192, 223, 225-226, 265, 273, 276n, 287, 291-292, 301, 305-306, 312-314, 316, 328-333, 337, 346, 348, 350, 354, 357-358, 365, 368, 379-381, 386, 388, 390, 397n, 413, 414-419, 422-428, 432-434, 437-438, 442, 444, 450n, 453n, 456, 458, 461, 473, 477, 481, 485-487, 490, 492-495, 497, 500-501, 503, 505, 511n, 517, 519-522, 524-525, 535-536, 543-549, 550n-551n, 557, 560, 562-565, 573, 578, 582, 587, 590, 600, 602, 604, 606 Constitution, British (English) xxviii, 10, 15, 18, 22, 25, 28-29, 86, 88, 90, 92, 99, 101-105, 108, 146-148, 150, 154, 184-186, 225-226, 273, 291-292, 305, 312-313, 316, 328, 332-333, 348, 350, 354, 365, 380, 388, 397n, 423, 426, 434, 437, 444, 477, 520-522, 525, 535-536, 545-546, 550n, 557, 560, 562-565, 573, 578, 582 Constitution (of the United States) 13-14, 16, 26, 28, 226, 273, 292, 544-546, 548
Continental Army xvii, 27, 37, 60, 71, 120, 192, 207, 239, 250, 257, 264, 267-272, 278n, 327, 413, 456 controversy xxvii-xxix, 9, 36, 48-50, 52, 60, 67, 77n, 99-101, 105, 107, 112, 123n, 127, 144, 216, 255, 257-259, 279n, 284, 304, 307, 310-311, 316-317, 329, 333, 335, 338-340, 343, 352, 360n-362n, 369, 372, 382, 395, 397n, 401, 408, 410-411, 413, 416, 422-423, 430, 436, 440-443, 446, 448, 451n, 481-482, 498, 522, 524, 574 convention xxi, xxxiiin, 70, 82, 144, 185, 208, 228, 249, 250, 290, 292, 296, 298, 301-302, 321n-323n, 330-332, 360n, 362n, 381, 395, 415, 417-418, 438, 449, 461, 475, 480-481, 485, 487, 490-493, 500-501, 503-504, 511n, 513n-514n, 526, 528, 531, 535, 542, 551n, 555, 585-586 Cromwell, Oliver 12, 14, 16, 98, 389, 436, 609 Crown xvi, xxvi, 15, 19, 28-29, 36, 63, 78, 80, 85, 90, 100, 103, 105-108, 110, 113, 117, 119, 123n, 146, 150, 166n, 171, 192, 229, 242, 273, 280, 294, 296, 302, 313, 327, 345, 350, 367, 411, 437-438, 443, 445, 447, 457, 469, 476-477, 487, 503, 511n, 513n, 520, 529, 531, 535, 545-546, 563-564, 573, 582, 584, 586-587, 603 culture xxvi, xxviii-xxxi, 3-4, 8, 10-13, 25, 30, 34n, 45-49, 58-59, 70, 79, 82, 84, 91, 100, 116, 118, 127, 128-130, 132, 137, 141, 143, 151, 164n, 166n, 178, 181, 184, 189, 191, 195, 211, 214, 225-226, 232n, 244-245, 247-249, 252, 282, 284, 295, 310, 315, 321n, 333-334, 337, 348, 352-354, 356, 374, 380, 382,
463-465, 469-470, 472, 476, 482, 484-485, 503, 505, 509n, 512n, 521, 542-546 Dana, Francis 524-525 Dartmouth, Earl of xvi, 113, 124n, 344-345 Dayton, Elias (Colonel) 539 Deane, Silas xviii, xxi, xxv, 226, 279n, 320n, 523, 550n The Deceiver Unmasked xviii, xx, 301, 321n-322n, 373, 386-387, 391, 398n Declaration (declaration) xvi, xx-xxi, xxv-xxvi, xxxi-xxxii, 14, 22, 76n, 106, 115-120, 161, 175, 177-178, 223, 231n, 237, 241-242, 249, 257, 262-264, 266-267, 269, 271, 281, 292, 293, 295-296, 298, 318, 330, 332, 335, 342, 345, 348, 351, 354, 368-369, 371, 377, 379, 381-384, 391, 394, 397n-399n, 406, 421, 423, 429, 461, 482, 486, 495, 497, 500, 503-504, 506n, 511n, 514n, 515, 517, 521, 527, 531-534, 536-537, 539-540, 543, 545-549, 550n, 567, 597 Delaware, 128, 164n, 467, 485, 491, 513n, 516-518, 532, 537-538, 551n, 592 delegate xvi, xx-xvi, xviii-xxiv, xxvii, xxxi-xxxii, xxxiiin, 14, 37, 59, 73n, 78, 115-116, 132, 175, 177, 206, 211, 223, 228-229, 251-252, 257-260, 264, 266-267, 275n, 284, 290, 293-296, 299-303, 330-332, 335, 342, 357-358, 367-368, 376, 380-381, 385, 394-395, 405-408, 418, 434, 445, 450n, 454, 455, 458, 462, 477, 479, 483-485, 487, 491, 496-499, 501-504, 506n-507n, 510n-511n, 513n
democracy 14-15, 18, 26, 28, 31, 92, 150, 217, 262, 285, 389, 458, 461, 479, 509n, 539, 543, 548 diary 10, 33n, 44, 54, 75n-76n, 106, 169n, 189, 228, 235n, 251, 258, 276n-277n, 281, 299, 318, 319n-324n, 340-341, 351, 362n, 389, 405, 453n, 468, 488-490, 496, 506n, 508n-509n, 511n-514n, 524-525, 550n Dickinson, John 14, 136, 164n, 178, 259, 305-306, 321n, 334, 360n, 379, 381, 397n-398n, 425, 483, 497, 508n, 522, 532, 537-538 dictionary 2, 25, 32n, 34n, 53, 75n, 77n, 168n, 216, 235n, 361n,-362n, 400, 549, 553n discourse xxviii, xxix-xxx, 3, 13, 17, 21, 26, 49, 54, 57, 69, 74n, 100, 122n, 142, 149, 157, 173, 177-178, 186, 215-216, 218, 222, 224, 228, 244, 251, 254, 258, 263, 267, 272, 304, 307, 312, 322n, 332, 333-334, 336, 339, 362n, 375, 401, 436, 442, 452n, 472, 477, 481, 519, 542-543, 549, 555 division 14, 100, 232n, 275n, 322n, 377, 429, 434, 576-577 Dixon, Jeremiah 129 Doerflinger, Thomas 376, 397n, 513n Douglas, Stephen 322n, 544, 552n Doyle, William 351, 362n Drayton, William Henry 364, 516-517 Duane, James 259, 406, 525
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 657
Duché, Jacob (Reverend) 77n, 391-392, 404, 450n, 512n Dunlap, John xviii, xxiii, 42, 55, 187, 190, 231n-233n, 311, 413, 442, 448, 450n, 504 Dunmore, Lord (Royal Governor) xvi, 56, 58, 176, 268, 270, 289, Eddis, William 329-330, 332, 360n Edinburgh 10, 41, 51, 349, 351-352 election xix, 29, 34n, 47, 74, 99, 101-102, 104, 115, 195, 224, 237, 257, 398n, 414-416, 418, 436-440, 453n, 468, 479, 481, 484-490, 492, 497, 499, 503-504, 511n, 517, 543-544, 561, 570-571, 596 “An Elector” 486-488, 511n elite 2-3, 9, 11-12, 14-15, 19, 30, 32n, 49, 57, 82, 85, 88, 118, 121n, 127-128, 132, 143, 150, 187, 193, 229, 244-245, 247-248, 292, 294-295, 304, 309, 330, 357, 368, 372, 402, 455, 457, 461, 479-481, 484, 491, 495, 505, 512, 517, 520, 541, 546 empire xxvii, 16-18, 60, 133-134, 216, 280, 329-331, 344, 347, 349, 364, 382-383, 388, 408-409, 411, 450n, 457, 464, 510n, 539, 551n, 592 Enlightenment 11, 33n, 72n 130, 133-134, 137, 144, 165n, 171, 212, 214, 230n, 244, 341, 374, 508n equality 31, 314, 356, 374-375, 397n, 431, 438, 447, 457, 535-536, 545, 566, 584 Equiano, Olaudah (Gustavus Vassa) 247, 276n
“Eudoxus” 444, 453n Evans, Charles 45, 74n, 75n excise 2, 4-5, 32n, 39, 52, 104, 134, 163, 464, 469 Exeter (New Hampshire) xxxii-xxxiii, 308 experiment 5, 16, 38-39, 41, 60, 73n, 128-130, 132-133, 135, 139-140, 141, 145, 147-148, 152-153, 156, 167-168, 175, 181, 213, 298, 326, 383, 440, 444-445, 464-465, 473 Falmouth xvi, 176, 264 The Federalist 14 Federalist(s) 10, 14, 16, 26, 121n, 226, 403, 547 feeling xxv, 59, 69-70, 94, 112, 150, 155, 172, 211, 238, 242, 287, 430, 434, 470, 478, 549, 558, 574, 579-580, 582, 584, 588, 604 Ferguson, Adam 51, 69, 144, 473, 509n Ferguson, James 136, 141, 144-147, 151-152, 157, 163, 165n-168n, 209, 464 Fooks, Paul 491 “The Forester” xix, 164n, 322n, 401, 411, 423-424, 427-433, 435-440, 442-444, 451n-453n, 469 Fox, Charles James 108, 110, 343, 352 France xxi, 38, 73n, 81, 86-87, 101, 129, 143, 164n, 185, 264, 266, 286, 291, 301, 320n, 361n, 383, 421,
424, 426, 431, 485, 511n, 523, 532, 550n, 564, 573, 576-577, 597, 601 Franklin, Benjamin xv, xxiii, xxxiiin, 5, 32n, 35n, 40, 47-48, 61, 64, 82, 89, 12, 132-134, 136, 158, 164n-165n, 187, 241, 260, 270, 275, 334, 339-340, 344, 347, 350, 354, 357, 364, 402, 406, 463-464, 483, 504, 507n, 523, 533, 537-538 Franklin, William (Governor) 357, 362n “A Friend to Posterity and Mankind” 207, 336, 360n Gadsden, Christopher xxv, 370, 516-519, 525, 550n Gaine, Hugh 387, 398n Galloway, Joseph 164, 334, 343, 360n, 462 gender 95, 151, 275n Gerry, Elbridge 241-242, 261-262, 275n, 278n, 526-527, 541, 550n gentry 12, 15, 295, 334, 374, 495 George III, King xv-xviiii, xxiii, xxvi-xxvii, xxxi, 2-4, 6, 10, 12, 15-16, 18, 43, 69, 71, 78-80, 85-88, 96-97, 99-106, 108-117, 119-120, 122n-123n, 147, 150, 154, 158, 166n, 176, 184-185, 194, 196, 220, 232n-233n, 237, 242, 259, 261, 265-266, 269, 273, 278n, 286, 290-291, 293, 305, 311, 316, 323n, 326, 330, 333, 337, 342-345, 347-349, 351, 354, 356, 361n, 364, 367-369, 371-372, 377, 380-381, 383, 385, 390-391, 395, 396n, 407, 412, 417, 421, 423, 426, 428, 430, 432, 437-438, 439, 445-446, 464, 466, 476-478, 485, 492, 497, 502-503, 508n, 510n-511n, 521-524, 532, 535-536,
545-546, 551n, 558, 562-564, 566-574, 576-577, 582-583, 586-587, 594-595, 599-600, 603, 606-610 Georgia 109, 118-119, 124n, 244, 325, 370, 396, 517, 533-534, 538-539 Germain, Lord George 335, 341, 357, 360n, 362n Goldsmith, Oliver 32n, 40, 73n, 165n, 463-464 government xix, xxvi-xxvii, xxxi-xxxii, xxxiiin, 3-5, 8, 13-24, 26, 28-30, 36, 39, 46, 48, 56, 70-72, 83-87, 90-92, 96-101, 106-107, 110, 113-115, 118-119, 123n, 133, 136, 138, 143-144, 146, 149-150, 160, 171, 182, 184, 191, 194, 201, 203, 206-208, 220, 222-223, 228, 238, 240, 242, 257-258, 261-262, 267, 270, 273, 282-283, 289-290, 292-293, 296-298, 300-301, 303, 305, 307, 312, 314-317, 321n, 323n, 325, 328-337, 339, 342-346, 351, 353-354, 356, 360n, 363, 374-376, 379-380, 383, 389-390, 395, 396n, 407-408, 410, 412, 415, 417, 419, 423-424, 426-427, 431-433, 435-436, 438, 444-445, 448, 451n, 454-461, 466, 470, 472-479, 483, 485, 487, 490-496, 498, 500-501, 503-504, 506n, 509n-514n, 515-517, 520, 522-529, 531, 534-535, 540, 544-549, 551n-553n, 556-557, 560-562, 564-567, 569, 571-573, 578, 581, 583-587, 590, 593-595, 602, 605-606, 608-609 Grafton, Duke of xviii, 99, 122n, 345 Gray, George 483 Great Britain xxv-xxvi, xxxii, 3, 5, 37, 80, 99-112, 114-115, 117, 119, 124n, 147, 159-160, 173, 183, 192,
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 659
224, 229, 239, 242, 262, 264, 273-274, 282, 288, 290, 293-294, 296-297, 298, 301-302, 311-316, 330-331, 336-337, 342-343, 345-346, 348, 354, 357-358, 365, 368, 370-373, 376, 379-381, 383, 386, 388, 393, 397n, 402, 405-408, 411-413, 419, 421-425, 429, 435, 441-442, 447, 468, 470, 485-487, 492, 498-499, 501, 503-504, 511n, 513n, 524, 529, 531-532, 534-535, 547, 551n, 575-578, 597, 609 Greene, Christopher 278n, 515 Greene, Nathanael (General) xxiii, 73n, 162, 264, 267, 515 Gutenberg, Johannes 8, 47 Halifax Resolves xix, xx, 124, 260, 367-368 Hall, John 389 Hamilton, Alexander 14, 294, 320n, 365, 396n, 461, 506n Hamilton, Andrew 461 Hanau, Count of 395 Hancock, John 33n, 115, 258, 277n, 351, 538, 540 Hanoverian Dynasty 114 Harbeson, Benjamin 491 Harrington, James 16, 142, 457 Harrison, Benjamin 524, 531, 541, 550n-551n Hart, Joseph 502 Hartley, David 347, 361n Harvard College xxiv, 209, 467
Havelock, Eric xxix Hawley, Joseph (Major) 242, 527-528 The Headstrong Club 40, 142, 463, 469-470 hereditary succession 29, 88, 225, 359, 448, 471, 476, 556-557, 566, 569-572 Hesse-Cassell, Landgrave of 395 Hessians ix, xii, 113, 393, 446, 528 Henry, Patrick 14, 33n, 207n, 234n, 262, 278n, 300, 303, 321n-322n Hewes, Joseph 16, 259-260, 278n, 367-368, 396n Hichborn, Benjamin 325 Hillegas, Michael 483 history x, xxv, xxvii-xxx, xxxiiin, 6, 8, 10, 15, 23, 32n, 40-42, 51, 64, 69, 73n-74n, 81-83, 85, 88, 96, 118-119, 123n-124n, 130, 136, 139, 141-142, 151, 154, 156, 165n, 172, 175, 184-185, 193-195, 202, 204, 206, 208, 224, 225, 227, 230, 234n, 236, 237, 247, 263, 270, 275n-276n, 279n, 280, 302, 310, 313, 316, 319n, 326, 334, 349, 362n, 377, 383, 388, 399n, 408, 424, 432-434, 461, 471, 473, 508n-509n, 516, 521, 539, 544, 546, 551n, 566-567, 570, 572, 590, 594, 600 Hobbes, Thomas 224 Holt, John 287 House of Commons 28, 99, 101-102, 107, 273, 344, 346, 477, 573-574
House of Lords xviii, 28, 102-103, 273, 343-345 Howe, Lord xxviii 214 Howell, Samuel 439, 488 Hughes, Hugh 287, 319n Hume, David 74n, 140, 142, 176, 230n, 305 Humphreys, Charles 483, 537-538 Humphreys, James 124, 233n, 387, 398n, 483, 537-538 Hutchinson, Thomas 10, 33n, 340, 351, 362n, 446 identity 5, 32n, 46, 59, 64, 69, 91, 93, 97, 134, 141, 205, 254, 258, 273, 304, 312, 314, 339, 402, 415, 420, 428, 449, 505, 510n, 521, 542, 548-549 ideology 13, 16, 26, 277n, 514n Independence Movement 98, 102, 239, 251, 259, 270, 281-282, 297, 311, 326-328, 332, 344, 354, 359, 384, 386, 395, 401, 414, 427, 460, 499, 504, 542-543 inequality 375, 431, 457, 536 Inglis, Charles (Reverend) xx, 120,124n, 166, 373, 386-391, 398 interest xx, xxv, xxx, 5, 15, 19, 32n, 40, 48, 53, 93, 98, 128, 133, 136, 145, 149, 163, 173, 184-185, 188, 191, 206, 213, 224, 237, 248, 251, 261, 265, 267, 288, 292-293, 295, 297-298, 301, 316-317, 325, 330, 341, 358, 364, 371-374, 376-377, 379, 383, 385-389, 391, 396n, 398n, 408, 413, 416, 419, 421, 425, 428, 446, 461, 469, 480, 483, 501, 512n,
561, 562, 575, 577, 578, 581, 583, 590, 600 instructions xx-xxi, xxvii, xxxi, xxxiiin, 62, 115-116, 177, 228-229, 242, 290, 297, 300-302, 332, 341, 347, 359, 376, 380-381, 395, 406, 418, 438, 455, 483-484, 491-492, 496-501, 503-504, 511n-514n, 517-520, 523, 525-527, 531-532, 535, 538, 542, 550n-552n, 596 Izard, Ralph 349, 361n, 509n Jay, John 14, 293-294, 320n, 365, 396n, 524, 532, 537, 551n Johnson, Samuel 2, 19, 25, 32n, 34n, 75n, 235n, 299, 332, 351, 356, 360n, 362n, 476, 510n, 524, 549, 553n Johnson, Thomas 524 Keane, John xxxiii, 121n, 215, 235n, 474, 509n Kuhl, Frederick 504 Laurens, Henry xxiii, 151, 167n, 368-371, 396n, 517, 550n law 2, 5, 18, 20, 50-51, 55, 66, 70, 76n, 99, 108, 110, 117, 134, 147, 149, 158-159, 173, 176, 184, 213-214, 238, 247, 335, 365, 402, 445, 462, 479, 498, 509n, 512n, 522, 540, 544-547, 561, 564, 582, 583, 585-586, 595, 602-604, 607 lawyer(s) 373, 379-381, 384, 455, 506n Lee, Arthur xxiii, 73n, 164n, 299, 321n, 361n Lee, Charles (General) 1, 59, 75n, 260, 278n, 295, 301-302, 321n-322n, 454, 456, 506n, 513n
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 661
Lee, Francis Lightfoot 261, 278n, 299, 321n-322n Lee, John 290 Lee, Richard Henry xx, xxiii, 13, 37, 62, 115, 207, 225, 234n, 236n, 267, 288, 291, 294-304, 321n, 454, 497, 524, 529, 531-532 Lee, William xxiv, 299-300, 321n, 354, 362n, 509n Leff, Michael xxix legitimacy (political) xxviii, 88, 281, 328, 416, 449 letter xviii, 5, 39, 62, 64-65, 74n-75n, 96, 99-100, 103-104, 106, 108, 112-114, 133-135, 164n-165n, 211, 222, 225, 240, 242-244, 257-258, 261, 266, 278n-279n, 283, 287-291, 297, 299-300, 309, 311, 313-314, 319n-323n, 329, 331, 336-337, 340-342, 349, 351, 353, 357, 361n-362n, 367, 369, 372, 374, 376-377, 380, 386, 393, 396n-398n, 400, 402-403, 410-411, 413-415, 417-422, 424, 426-431, 433-434, 436-437, 440, 442, 444, 450n -453n, 455-457, 485-486, 512n, 517-518, 526-527, 534, 551n, 556, 603 Lewes (Sussex, England) 2, 4, 32n, 40, 101, 142, 164n, 463, 469 Lewis, Fielding 289 Lexington and Concord, Battle of xv, xxvi, 23, 39, 111 liberty xviii, xxxii, 3, 6, 10, 15, 18, 20, 22, 31, 33n-35n, 38, 42, 50, 55-56, 62, 72, 81, 86, 92, 99, 104, 123n, 126, 133, 143, 161, 214, 241, 262, 266, 279n, 284, 293-294, 296, 300, 305, 308, 314-316, 321n, 328, 335, 337, 339, 340-341, 351, 360-
361, 364, 368, 379, 381, 386-387, 391, 404, 407-408, 411, 417, 422, 423-424, 441-442, 445-448, 457, 461, 473-476, 499, 504, 509n, 525, 552n, 560, 573, 576, 582, 584, 595, 600, 602-603 Lincoln, Abraham 33n, 122n, 166n, 276n, 322n, 536, 544-545, 552n-553n literacy xxix, 30, 57, 244-245, 247, 249, 275n, 510n literary xxx, 9-11, 39, 54, 65-66, 75n, 187, 201, 234n, 246-247, 249, 253, 275n, 279n, 319n, 323n-324n, 353, 409, 441, 525, 536, 550n Livingston, Robert R. 532-533 Livingston, William 406, 532-533, 551n Locke, John 20-25, 34n, 74n, 84, 116, 137, 140, 142, 155-157, 166n, 168n, 457, 475 London Coffee House 41, 61, 63, 165n, 308, 460, 463, 465-470, 472, 475, 488, 499, 508n, 531, 556 London Evening Post 345, 361n London Packet xv, 5, 135 Loudon, Samuel xviii, 287, 319n, 386, 398n Lowndes, Rawlins 517 loyalists xvii-xviii, 245, 326-327, 329, 335, 356, 373, 376, 440, 445-446, 449, 483, 496, 513n McKean, Thomas (Colonel) 499, 502, 513n-514n, 517-518, 538, 550n-551n
McLuhan, Marshall xxix McPhee, John xxix Machiavellian 16, 22, 205-206, 224, 226, 234n Madison, James 28, 276n, 544, 552n magazines 32n, 38, 132, 142, 466 marketplace 32n, 173, 251 Marshall, Christopher 169n, 251, 276n, 305, 322n, 420, 453n, 468-469, 488, 491, 496, 508n-509n, 511n-514n, 550n Martin, Benjamin 136, 141, 144-153, 156, 163, 164n-168n, 209-210, 464, 509n Martin, Josiah (Royal Governor) 367 Maryland xxi, xxiii, 74n, 122n, 165n, 174, 228-229, 236n, 256, 260, 283, 300-305, 325, 328-332, 360n, 394n-395n, 399n, 403, 477, 480, 500, 511n, 513n, 524-525, 532-533, 538, 540, 551n Mason, Charles 129 Mason, George xx, xxiii, 22, 295-298, 321n Massachusetts xv, xxiv, 10, 27, 37, 40, 74n, 100, 116, 132, 164n, 171, 239-243, 245, 247, 255-256, 264-265, 268, 277n, 296, 319n, 340, 351, 372, 440, 455, 458, 478-479, 493, 509n, 511n, 526-527, 538, 540-541 Matlack, Timothy 468-469, 491, 504, 508n-509n
mechanics 80, 126-127, 137-138, 144-150, 153, 157, 163, 166n, 172-175, 178, 180, 214, 228, 320n, 335, 480, 499 mercenary (mercenaries) 10, 113, 176, 373, 394-395, 424, 523, 528-529 merchants 2, 9, 12, 27, 47, 49, 54, 74n, 95, 101, 106, 156, 176, 188, 239, 286, 288, 292, 295, 308-309, 326-327, 365, 376-377, 379, 397n, 465-468, 480, 499, 508n, 513n, 523, 593 Middle Colonies 260, 262, 301, 325, 356, 532-533, 551n Middling Class 47, 49, 127, 132, 315, 326, 375, 478 Miles, Samuel 483 Miller, Henrich xxiii, 513n Milton, John 16, 88, 121n, 435, 457, 580 ministry xxvii, 6, 12, 21, 39, 48, 71, 79, 99, 106, 108, 114, 122n, 134, 159, 176, 219, 237, 262, 265, 268, 273, 293, 297, 299-300, 312-313, 316, 331, 339-342, 347-348, 350, 354, 402, 408, 410, 428, 467, 486, 494, 521, 523-524, 545, 581, 590 mob 2, 14-15, 17, 56, 101, 105, 118, 120, 292, 294, 335, 391, 604 moderates 207, 218, 220, 293, 310, 316, 336, 365, 369, 376, 393-394, 412, 434, 436, 444, 481, 483, 487-489, 493-497, 512n “The Moderator” 446-448, 453n monarchy 9, 14-19, 23, 25, 28-29, 33n-34n, 79-82, 85-87, 91, 93, 111, 114-115, 117-119, 146, 154, 182,
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 663
184-185, 194, 202, 225, 262, 273, 280, 315-316, 350, 359, 375, 389, 404, 407-408, 426-427, 431, 446-447, 458, 473-474, 477, 545-546, 556-557, 563-564, 566-573, 586 Montesquieu 15, 142, 148, 305, 436, 451n, 458 Montgomery, Richard (General) xvii-xviii, 78, 259, 268, 303, 401, 404-408, 429, 450n Monthly Review (London) 353 Moody, James 328, 360n, Moore’s Creek Bridge, Battle of xvii, 367, 428 Morning Post (London) 351-352, 362n Morris, Charles xxix Morris, Gouvernor 292, 320n Morris, Robert 322n, 376, 379, 397n, 483, 537-538 Morton, John 483, 506n, 537-538 mother country xxv-xxvii, 3, 46, 79, 87, 106, 274, 282, 327, 329, 331, 343, 346, 350, 358, 371, 379-381, 386, 483, 517, 576-577 natural philosophy 25, 127, 132, 136-137, 139-142, 144-145, 147, 151-153, 156, 163, 165n, 167n, 175, 209, 214, 465 nature xxxi, 20, 22-26, 29, 40, 42, 59, 69, 73n, 77n, 85, 113, 130, 136, 138-140, 145, 147-148, 150, 153, 156-157, 159, 165n 167n-168n, 171, 182, 185, 191, 194-195, 202, 205-206, 227, 241, 246, 269, 291, 298, 321n, 339, 345, 353-354, 359,
360n, 374, 384, 391, 409, 429, 430-432, 434, 436-437, 448-449, 458, 473, 475, 477-478, 509n, 535-536, 540, 554, 558, 562, 566, 569, 571, 575, 578-581, 588, 592, 599-600, 602 negroes 27, 58, 446, 587 Nelson, Thomas, Jr. 259, 277n, 295, 551n New Brunswick 357-358 Newcastle upon Tyne 352 New Hampshire xx, xxxi-xxxii, xxxiii, 59, 119, 124n, 223, 237, 257, 261, 265, 277n, 523, 538, 553n New Jersey xxi, xxiii, xxix, 48, 76n, 96, 119, 188, 197, 210-212, 230n, 238, 258, 283, 303, 306, 311, 317, 323n, 328, 336, 356-359, 362n, 381, 405-406, 500, 504, 524, 532, 538-540, 551n newspapers xix-xx, 2-3, 8, 32n 39, 42-44, 47-48, 55, 57-58, 60, 63, 77n, 80, 120, 142, 241, 243, 253, 261, 283, 307-311, 314, 319n, 323n, 350-351, 367, 395, 398n, 410-411, 416, 441, 446, 448, 451n, 466, 486, 552n Newton, Isaac 5, 80, 127, 137, 139-141, 143-145, 147, 148-150, 153, 157, 163, 164n-168n, 171-172, 188, 209, 214 New York xvii-xviii, xxi, xxiii-xxiv, 27, 38, 67-68, 70, 73n, 76n, 79, 119-120, 190, 207, 210, 217, 230n, 235n, 252, 254-256, 258, 260-262, 267, 271, 282-282, 286-288, 291-295, 300-301, 308, 319n-321n, 326-328, 335, 339, 341-342, 361n, 365, 376, 383, 386-387, 389-391, 398n, 401, 440, 452, 455-456, 470,
477, 480, 504, 524-525, 532, 537-538, 551n-552n, 596, 603 The New York Gazette xxiii, 308, 386, 390, 452n, The New-York Journal xxiii, 254, 286-287 Nicholas, Robert Carter 295 Nixon, John 38, 161-162, 169n Noah 193, 202 284, 447, 604 North Carolina xvii, xix, 252, 259-260, 290, 300, 318, 325, 367-368, 371, 396n, 428, 440, 455, 457, 506n, 516, 534, 538 North, Lord xxiii, 79, 103, 106, 108-109, 114, 293, 337, 343, 408, 412 “Old Trusty” 400, 485, 511n oligarchy 374, 468 “Olive Branch” Petition xvi, xxvi, 12, 106-107, 109, 115-116, 192, 299, 342, 344, 381, 385, 405 Ong, Walter xxix oppression 3, 15, 71-72, 102, 119, 160, 219, 294, 314, 348, 522, 529, 566, 568, 571, 587-588, 596 oral culture 3, 248 oration xvii-xviii, 404-407, 428-429, 450n-451n origin (origins) 8, 13, 22-28, 32-33, 45, 51, 58, 74n, 83-88, 94, 97, 99-100, 111, 114, 139, 142-143, 149, 155-156, 162, 184, 188, 194, 203, 209, 215-222, 226-227, 230n, 246, 249, 256, 276n-278n, 286, 298, 317,
319n, 328-329, 339, 349, 351-353, 359, 362, 370, 375, 397n, 402, 404, 406, 413, 417, 426, 436, 438, 455, 461, 469, 472-477, 486, 494, 508n-509n, 515, 522, 526, 535-536, 552n, 554-557, 560, 562, 566, 568-571 Page, John 288, 295 Paine, Robert Treat 37, 75n, 450n 540, 551n Paine, Thomas xv-xvii, xix, xxiii, xxv, xxvii-xxviii, xxxi, xxxiiin, 1-2, 4-6, 8-10, 13-14, 17-23, 25-26, 28-31, 32n-35n, 45, 50, 52, 58-72, 73n-77n, 78-93, 95-99, 10, 104, 109-114, 116-118, 121n-124n, 127, 131-137, 141-163, 167n-168n, 172-173, 175-176, 178-186, 190-196, 200-208, 212, 214-229, 231n, 235n-236n, 237-239, 240, 242-249, 251, 253-255, 257-263, 267-268, 270, 272-274, 276n-279n, 280-281, 284, 286-287, 289, 294-295, 298, 302-305, 307-308, 310-314, 316, 318, 319n-323n, 324, 334, 336, 343, 346-348, 350-354, 356, 359, 362n, 365, 369, 371, 373-374, 384, 386, 388-389, 393, 395, 396n, 401, 404, 407-408, 411, 419-420, 422-424, 426-438, 446, 450n-452n, 454-457, 463-465, 469-479, 481, 488, 491-492, 505, 509-510, 521, 526, 535-536, 540, 542, 545-548, 551n, 555, 556 pamphlet xxv, xxvii-xxviii, xxxi, 2-4, 8-12, 14, 22, 30, 32n, 36, 43-49, 51, 54-55, 61, 64-69, 73n-76n, 82, 84, 88, 91-92, 107, 112, 132-133, 143, 148, 153-154, 157, 160, 172-173, 175, 178, 181-182, 185-186, 194, 200, 204-205, 215, 217, 222, 225, 227-228, 238, 240-241, 243-249, 251, 254-260, 263-264, 267, 270-271, 273-274, 275n-277n, 281-284, 286-291, 301, 303-312, 315, 319n, 321n-323n, 339-342, 347-352, 357,
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 665
370, 372-373, 386-391, 396n, 398n, 406, 419-420, 425-426, 441-443, 446-447, 450n, 453n, 455-457, 467, 470, 474-476, 481, 505, 517, 521, 542, 549, 554-556, 558, 590, 599, 605 paper 2-3, 8, 41, 44-48, 53-58, 62-63, 65, 173, 175-176, 190, 213, 246, 248, 254, 256, 277, 309, 494, 528 parent state xxxii, 111, 224, 242, 266, 281, 292, 307, 316, 330, 346, 380, 389-390, 419 Parker, Hyde (Captain) 291, 320n Parker, Joseph 483 Parliament xv-xvii, xxv-xxvii, 2-3, 11, 15, 21, 23, 28, 32n, 41, 43-44, 48, 50, 60, 71, 78-80, 86, 90, 99-110, 124n, 139, 142-143, 150, 176, 195, 220, 229, 239, 261, 265-266, 273, 283-284, 293, 295-296, 300, 309, 312, 318, 329-330, 333-335, 342, 350, 354, 356, 367, 369, 385, 388, 394, 407-408, 410, 412, 416, 422, 428, 444, 446, 453n, 458, 467, 476-478, 480-483, 487, 503, 510n, 521, 523, 525, 529, 531-532, 535, 545, 558, 561, 564, 572, 576, 603 Pendleton, Edmund 295-296, 322n Penn, John 33n, 259-260, 278n, 290, 367, 457, 506n-507n Penn, Juliana 415, 452n Penn, Richard xvi, 344, 385, 402 Penn, Thomas (Governor) 197, 415 Penn, William 95, 477 Pennsylvania Assembly xvi, xx, xxvii, xxxiii, 50, 53, 95, 197, 335, 381, 405-406, 414-418, 423, 433, 436,
438, 448, 460-462, 480-481, 483-485, 489-490, 491-492, 495, 497-498, 500-503, 507n, 511n-513n “A Pennsylvania Countryman” 317-318, 323n The Pennsylvania Evening Post xviii, xxiii, xxvi, 42, 55-56, 60-61, 63-65, 308, 310-311, 393-394, 400, 412, 418, 421, 443, 445, 453n, 492, 556 “A Pennsylvania Farmer” 14, 305, 379 The Pennsylvania Magazine xxiii, 39-40, 68, 79, 95, 132, 136, 158, 307 The Pennsylvania Gazette xxiii, 42, 51, 210, 309, 312, 315-316, 411, 415, 428, 434, 442, 486, 493, 497 The Pennsylvania Journal xxiii, 42, 61, 307-308, 313, 322n, 428, 452n-453n, 466-467, 494, 531, 556 The Pennsylvania Ledger xxiii, 42, 124, 311, 404, 424, 446 The Pennsylvania Packet xviii, xix, xxiii, xxxiii, 42, 55, 207, 276n, 311, 313, 316, 320n, 336, 375, 394, 407, 411, 413, 427, 431, 441-442, 448, 453n, 480, 486, 504, 512 Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote xxiii Pennsylvania State House (Independence Hall) 22, 128, 161, 197, 335, 426, 448, 459-463, 466-467, 472, 475, 480, 488, 491, 493, 504, 506n-508n, 523, 525, 538, 542, 561 “the people” xviii, xxv, 3, 6, 12, 18-19, 36-37, 56, 59, 85, 92-93, 96-97, 99-100, 102, 106, 112-114, 116-119, 124n, 132, 134, 143, 150-151,
154, 172, 184, 191, 208, 224, 226, 228, 235n-236n, 238-239, 242-243, 257, 259-262, 265, 267, 286-292, 296-298, 301-302, 305, 312- 316, 323n, 328, 330, 333, 335-336, 346-348, 356- 357, 359, 365-368, 370-371, 375-376, 380, 383, 385-386, 390, 398n, 407, 410, 413-418, 422-424, 427, 430, 432-433, 435, 439-440, 443, 445, 448, 450n, 452n, 454, 458, 477-480, 484-488, 490-495, 498-499, 501-505, 511n-513n, 520, 522, 526, 528-529, 532, 537-539, 546-548, 552n, 557, 562-564, 568-569, 583, 585-588, 596, 599, 604, 606, 608-609 petition xvi, xviii, xx, xxv-xxvii, 2-3, 12, 60, 84, 91, 93, 101-109, 115-117, 123n, 134, 176, 181, 192, 237, 261, 298-299, 305, 341, 347, 354, 364, 381, 385, 405-406, 448, 462, 481, 491, 493, 526, 529, 547, 580-582, 596-597 Philadelphia xv-xxi, xxiv, xxvi, 5, 27, 37-44, 50-51, 53, 55-56, 60, 64, 67, 70, 73n-77n, 78, 80, 95, 98, 110-111, 115, 124n, 127-130, 132, 135, 161, 171, 173-175, 180, 190, 197, 204, 207, 211, 214, 230, 232n-233n, 236n, 239-243, 245, 251-252, 254-260, 267-268, 270-271, 276n-277n, 279n, 282, 283, 288-290, 293, 297, 300-302, 308-315, 322n-323n, 331-332, 335, 339, 350, 352, 367-368, 375-376, 380-381, 385-387, 391, 395, 396n-398n, 402-403, 405, 407, 410-416, 418, 420, 423, 440-441, 448-449, 450n-453n, 454-505, 506n-514n, 516-519, 523, 525-527, 531, 535, 540, 554-557, 559, 592 Plain Truth xviii-xix, 14, 44, 51, 55-56, 74n-75n, 256, 294, 305-307, 312, 321n-322n, 329, 350-352, 357, 362n, 386, 419, 441-442, 453n, 564, 571
planters 9, 12, 27, 42, 465 Pocock, John G. A. xxix, 34n, 224-225, 234n, 236n polls 488, 543-544 popery 85-87, 194, 569 Portsmouth (New Hampshire) xxxi-xxxii, xxxiii, 59, 257, 261, 553n Potts, Joseph 178, 180-181, 230n Potts, Thomas 483 prayers 99, 104, 106, 297, 386, 391, 580, press xxvii, 3, 8, 10, 20, 44, 46-51, 54-57, 60-63, 74n, 76n, 83, 110, 133-135, 143, 148, 176, 207, 245-246, 253-254, 288, 294, 308-309, 339, 350-352, 362n, 387, 395, 413, 418, 432, 438, 441, 448-449, 469, 506n, 552n, 556 Price, Richard 133-134, 136, 164n-165n, 339-342, 352, 360n-361n, 465 Priestley, Joseph 33n, 51, 135-136, 339-341, 360n-361n, 465, 473-474, 509n Princeton 207, 211, 213, 359 printers 2, 40, 42-50, 53, 55-56, 58, 62, 65-67, 74n-76n, 82-83, 127, 132, 134, 246, 249, 253-255, 257, 277n, 279n, 287-288, 306, 308-310, 339, 349-350, 361n, 375, 397n, 417, 441-442, 450n, 509n, 555-556, 603 printing 8, 44-53, 56-65, 73n, 75n-76n, 83, 110, 134, 254-256, 260, 277n, 287-288, 306, 322n, 349-350, 352, 357, 362n
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 667
proclamation xvi, xviii, 38, 43, 45, 107-108, 113-116, 176, 214, 257, 273, 281, 289, 299, 345, 371, 381, 394, 396n, 416, 428, 462, 464, 478, 480, 495, 508n, 521-522, 550n production 8-9, 41-42, 49, 57, 59, 66-67, 73n, 107, 111, 175-176, 178, 180, 204-205, 257, 284, 349, 441, 446, 528, 537, 543, 559, 599 Prohibitory Act xvi-xviii, 110, 300, 342, 345, 428, 457, 477-478, 502, 520, 523-525 propaganda 56, 216, 311, 343, 390, 429 property 2, 12, 29, 70, 82, 89, 92, 136, 143, 148-149, 173, 183, 197, 201, 261, 266, 291, 294, 307, 315, 321n, 327-329, 331, 337, 357, 372, 374-375, 416, 418, 436, 439, 445, 448, 457, 463, 466, 478, 480, 495, 537, 546, 560, 579, 583-584, 586, 592, 595-596, 600, 602, 604 proprietary 95, 98, 128, 149, 224, 300-302, 325, 328, 334-335, 344, 375, 385, 415, 417, 437-439, 454, 461, 477, 483, 490, 494-495, 497, 503, 512n, 532 protest xxvi, xxxii, 2-3, 70, 86, 101-103, 106, 111, 377, 448, 467, 491-494, 501-502, 512n-513n, 535, 568-569, 584 Protestant 80-81, 83-84, 86, 92, 117, 127, 185, 219, 279n, 299, 411, 421, 510n-511n “A Protestor” 494 Pryor, Thomas (Captain) 38-39, 41-42, 60-61, 63, 66, 73n-74n, 76n, 130, 132, 136, 164n, 175, 178, 180-181, 230n, 548
public opinion xxvii-xxviii, xxxii, 55, 115, 177-178, 204, 237, 253, 268, 314, 387, 500, 505, 521, 535, 542-545, 548-549, 552n publishing xvi-xxi, xxv-xxvi, xxxii, 3, 8, 10-11, 21-22, 32n, 34n, 38-41, 43-63, 65, 67-68, 73n-77n, 79, 96, 99, 101, 103, 108, 110-112, 119, 124n, 130, 133, 141, 142, 145, 151, 162, 164, 175, 178,187-188, 192, 195, 204, 207, 210, 214, 216, 222-223, 230n, 234, 241, 243, 245, 254-259, 271, 275n-277n, 288-290, 294, 305-311, 313, 319n, 321n-323n, 330,-331, 339, 349-352, 360n-361n, 373, 387, 407, 411-415, 419, 422, 427-429, 431, 441, 449, 450n, 452n-453n, 455, 457, 467, 470, 473, 484-485, 492, 497, 500, 512n, 521, 527, 543, 547, 548, 555, 590, 597, 604, 606-607, 609-610 Purdie, Alexander 255, 288, 290, 319n-320n Quakers (Society of Friends) 81, 89, 95-98, 128, 188, 255, 259, 311, 323n, 325, 336, 437, 439, 488, 499, 508n-510n, 555-558, 606 -609 Quebec xv, xvii, 25, 60, 63, 258, 268, 327, 331, 404, 439, 456, 468, 495, 522 Quebec Act xv, xxvi, 86, 279n, Quincy, Josiah, Sr. 364, race 95, 202, 265, 536, 566, 570-571, 604 radicalism 25-27, 95, 294, 508n Ramsay, David (Doctor) xxv, 6, 32n, 167n “Rationalis” 315-316, 361n
Read, George 485, 511n, 517, 538 reading xxix-xxx, 10-11, 18, 48, 57, 72, 81-84, 88, 91, 112, 127, 142-143, 145, 153, 188, 201, 204-205, 216-217, 223, 227-228, 241, 244-249, 257, 265, 269, 271, 281, 284, 286-287, 305, 307, 331, 341, 352, 368, 374, 417, 431, 446-447, 457, 481, 487, 505, 508, 510, 517, 521, 546, 548, 599, reason 1, 21, 23-24, 29, 40, 52, 58-59, 69, 81-83, 86-87, 91, 97, 109, 126, 133, 139-142, 144, 146, 153, 155-157, 163, 173, 185, 195, 204, 237, 241, 266, 283-284, 289, 294, 303, 306, 313, 318, 336, 344-345, 347, 350, 364-365, 369-370, 374, 382, 384-385, 388-389, 394, 406, 408, 410, 417, 420, 426, 429, 433-434, 436-437, 442-443, 445, 447, 465, 469-471, 498, 508n, 528-529, 533, 536, 545-546, 558-559, 562, 564, 566, 569, 574, 577, 580, 584, 587, 593-594, 596-597, 603-605, 607, 610 rebellion xv-xvi, xxvii, 43, 103, 106, 108, 110-111, 113, 294, 327, 333, 344, 347-348, 351, 360n, 381, 394, 471, 476, 490, 509n, 521-522, 572 reconciliation xxv, xxxii, 6, 16-17, 70-72, 88-89, 107, 114, 146, 148, 158-160, 176-178, 183, 207, 217-220, 228, 237, 260, 262, 266-268, 270, 274, 281-282, 286, 288, 293-294, 298, 303-305, 313, 316, 329-331, 334, 337, 341, 344-347, 350-351, 356-359, 364-370, 377, 381, 385-386, 388, 394-395, 405, 411, 413, 415, 419, 421-425, 427-428, 432-433, 435, 441-442, 445-447, 449, 456, 468, 471-472, 481, 483-484, 486-488, 495, 498, 501, 522-524, 529, 542, 551n, 575, 577-580, 582-584, 587, 600
Reed, Joseph 377, 393 Reformation 78-83, 86, 92, 117, 127, 219, 476, 510n, 578 religion xxx, 47, 74n, 80-83, 86, 92, 95-96, 100, 140, 142, 144, 149, 195, 203, 238, 316, 331, 353, 365, 379, 408, 411, 417, 465, 474, 477, 499, 546, 586, 595-596, 606-607, 610 remonstrance 100, 102-104, 297, 491, 493-494, 512n representation xxx, 2, 15, 18-21, 28-30, 92, 96, 99, 102, 105, 143, 150, 175, 204, 226, 248, 257, 306, 332, 354, 417, 424-425, 434, 436, 438, 446, 475, 481, 485, 494, 502, 522, 537, 585, 596-597, 606 republican (republicanism) xxvii, 1, 8, 12-16, 18-22, 25-31, 36, 42, 44, 55-56, 58, 66, 81, 92-93, 101, 103, 113, 121, 128, 142, 150, 176, 205-206, 223, 225-226, 235n, 263, 282, 291, 315, 333, 351, 357, 370, 372-374, 388-389, 396n-397n, 408, 414, 418, 431-432, 435, 444, 451n, 455, 457-458, 464, 473, 477, 479, 510n, 527, 548, 550n, 553n, 562-563, 573, 585 “Republicus” 394 resistance xxvi, 2, 14, 16, 20-21, 32n, 37, 48, 72, 89, 91, 98, 101, 107-108, 116, 158-160, 222, 254, 270, 279, 298, 307, 326, 328, 354, 379, 382, 385, 416, 425, 437, 464, 467-468, 478, 486, 493, 499, 503, 520, 522, 543, 548, 553n, 592, 597 Resolves, Virginia xx, 124n, 296-297 Revere, Paul 516
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 669
Revolution, American xxv, xxix-xxx, 5-16, 22, 26-27, 32n, 68, 74n, 98, 120, 121n-122n, 126, 215, 224, 231n, 234n, 240, 243, 275n, 279n, 281, 292, 294, 295-296, 318, 326-327, 329, 332, 341, 362n, 396n-397n, 461, 509n, 513n, 516, 542, 544, 550n, 555 Revolution, English 3, 81, 96, 100, 105, 379, 435, 471, 477, 510n, 572 Revolution, Glorious 105, 477 rhetoric xxviii-xxxi, 10-12, 17, 26, 31, 33n, 37, 71, 91, 117, 150, 156-159, 161, 167n-168n, 173, 175, 178, 200, 202, 205, 208, 217-218, 223, 227, 234n-235n, 238, 240, 249, 264, 270, 272, 276n, 334, 350, 352, 388, 527, 536, 554 Rhode Island 54, 246, 252, 255, 260, 264-266, 278n, 476, 538 rights xx, xxxii, 22, 35n, 38, 83, 85, 97, 99, 102-103, 105, 119, 122n, 143, 150, 184, 273, 295-296, 298, 313, 321n, 331, 333, 335, 344-345, 347-348, 370-372, 374, 380, 383, 386, 407, 423, 428, 432, 436, 473, 476, 477-478, 484, 492-494, 497, 501-502, 510n, 512n, 520, 522, 536, 546, 551n, 558, 566, 605 Rights of Man xxiii, 1, 10, 18, 23, 28-29, 81, 88, 126, 191, 352-353, 362n, 454, 474 Rittenhouse, David xxiii, 38, 42, 128, 130, 132, 136, 163, 164n, 170-174, 178-181, 185, 187-188, 197-199, 209-216, 228, 230n-235n, 408, 450n, 483, 504, 508n, 511n Roberts, Jonathon 483 Rockingham, Marquis of 123n, 377, 600
Rodney, Caesar 485, 511n, 516-519, 538, 550n Rotterdam 352, 362n Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 22, 142, 305, 451n Royal Society (British) 129, 134, 136, 138-139, 145, 156, 165n-166n, 339-340, 465 Rush, Benjamin xxiii, 1, 13-14, 33n, 38, 41-44, 50, 60-61, 63, 67, 73n-74n, 76n, 128, 132, 136, 152-153, 175, 203, 234n, 262, 267, 276n, 322n-323n, 336, 360n, 420, 449, 453, 468, 491, 494-495, 499-500, 508n, 512n-513n, 540-541, 548, 552n Rush, Julia Stockton 43, 60, 234n, 453n, 512n-513n “Rusticus” 306, 322n Rutledge, Edward 406, 529, 532-533, 537, 551n Rutledge, John 517, 525, saltpeter (saltpetre) 37-38, 41-42, 54, 60, 73n, 75n, 175-176, 270, 431, 548, 593 “Salus Populi” 312-314, 323n savage 25, 109, 112, 237, 428, 430, 445, 471, 570, 576, 599 Searle, John xxix Sergeant, Jonathon Dickinson 207, 234n, 524 Schlosser, George 504 science xxx, 5, 25, 30, 41, 53, 69, 80-81, 126-128, 130, 132-134, 136-
137, 139, 141, 144, 146, 150-154, 156, 162, 164n-168n, 172, 189, 209-210, 230n, 232n, 244, 305, 315, 402, 457, 465, 477, 508n, 586 Scott, George Lewis 32n, 39, 41, 64, 109, 134, 136, 464 Scotland (also Scottish Enlightenment) 11, 74n, 144, 157, 236n, 367, 402 sentiment xxv, 1, 17, 36, 58, 62, 66, 69-72, 77n, 94, 96, 100, 157, 172-173, 201-207, 223, 237-238, 240,242, 258, 260, 263, 265, 267, 270, 274, 281, 284, 287, 289-290, 292, 297, 306, 315, 330, 334, 337, 339, 342, 348, 351, 358, 365-368, 371, 380, 383, 388, 394, 406, 413, 417-418, 425, 427-430, 434, 446, 456, 458, 473, 478, 487, 501, 505, 515, 526, 537-538, 544, 552n-553n, 558, 569, 576, 600, 602 separation xxv, xxvii, 71, 92-93, 96, 109, 110, 133, 148, 150, 159, 161, 167n, 183, 215, 217, 219, 222, 239, 261, 264, 281, 283, 287-288, 290, 293, 296, 317, 325-326, 335-336, 338, 341, 358, 365, 368, 370-371, 394, 421, 424, 447-448, 455, 477, 483, 517, 532, 534, 543, 548, 578, 580-581, 589, 600, 606 Shakespeare, William 206, 452 Sherman, Roger 406, 533, 551n Shuldham, Molyneux (Vice Admiral) 291, 320n Sidney, Algernon 16, 101, 142, 436, 451n, 457 Skinner, Quentin xxix
slavery 33n, 41, 74n, 112, 216, 241, 261, 266, 305-306, 313-314, 322n, 407-408, 422-423, 446, 573, 592 slaves xvi, 9, 33n, 41, 52, 58, 74n, 94, 112, 216, 241, 245, 247, 249, 261, 264, 266, 289, 300, 305-306, 309, 313-314, 318, 319n, 322n, 328, 407-408, 422-423, 446, 463, 466-467, 539, 573, 582, 592, 594 Smith, Adam 11, 33n Smith, Richard 258-259, 277, 322, 524 Smith, William (Provost) xvii-xviii, xxiii-xxiv, 96, 130, 136, 164, 173-174, 197-199, 210-213, 233n- 234n, 301, 385-386, 389, 392, 395, 398, 401-407, 410-420, 423-429, 431-436, 449, 450n-451n, 468, 489, 494 Smith, William P. (New Jersey) 358 society xxiv, 5m 11, 22-24, 26, 28, 32n-33n, 40-41, 51, 69, 70, 80, 95-97, 102, 127-130, 132, 134, 136, 138-139, 145, 156, 160, 164n-166n, 173-174, 184, 197, 210, 230n, 241, 245, 253, 281, 299-300, 304, 315, 321n, 330, 339-340, 352, 372, 375, 397n, 413, 426, 450n, 458, 460, 465-466, 469, 472-473, 475-476, 478-479, 494, 508n-510n, 521, 546, 560-561, 573, 595, 606, 610 Sons of Liberty xviii, 294, 308, 386-387, 391 South Carolina xix, xxv, 151, 223, 239, 245, 252, 273, 283, 290, 299, 349, 368, 370, 462, 491, 506n-507n, 512n, 516-518, 525, 532-533, 537-539 sovereign xxvii, 85, 100, 104, 106-107, 109, 116-117, 154, 305, 350, 359, 367, 388-389, 430, 476, 478,
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 671
482, 485, 491, 502-503, 510n-511n, 519, 526, 536, 544, 547-548, 552n-553n, 567, 601 sovereignty xxviii, xxxi, 20, 88, 105, 117, 143, 154, 258, 279n, 282, 298, 300, 346, 383, 445, 473, 476-482, 484, 503, 505, 510n, 516, 519-520, 526, 542-543, 546-547, 552-553, 571 Sparhawk, John 64, 270 The Spectator (Addison and Steele) 21, 34n, 45, 54, 74n-75n, 275n, 464, 469, 509n speech xvi-xvii, xxix, 80, 90, 100-101, 110-112, 114, 124, 156, 160, 176, 184, 186, 204-205, 243, 251, 258-259, 265-266, 269, 278n, 281-283, 293, 300, 320n, 327, 330-331, 343-344, 346-347, 353, 358, 361n, 398, 404, 406, 429, 435, 478, 517, 540, 542, 544-545, 552n-553n, 599 St. Thomas Jenifer, Daniel of 533, 551n Stamp Act xxvi, 2-3, 32n, 48-49, 89, 253, 276n, 335, 580, 600 state of nature 23-24, 59, 182, 473, 475, 478 state of war 23-24, 462, 475 Steiner, Melchior 65, 236n, 244, 255, 278n, 556 Stiles, Ezra 54, 75n, 281, 318, 319n, 524-526, 550n Stillé, Charles 483, 511n Stirling 349, 352 Stockton, Richard 76n, 540 Stone, Thomas 394, 551n
style xxxi, 10-11, 28, 30-31, 42, 44, 84-85, 97, 99-100, 122n, 137, 141-143, 153, 157-158, 168n, 175, 181, 189, 244, 248, 274, 283, 307, 310, 315, 327, 339, 351-353, 392, 428-429, 434, 442-443, 456, 468-469, 471, 526, 547, 556 Swift, Jonathon 141 Swift, Joseph 488 tavern 32n, 40, 48, 51, 57, 120, 245, 249, 283, 290, 308-309, 335, 391, 464, 466, 468-472, 508n-509n tax 2-6, 32, 48, 89, 106, 113, 144, 216, 220, 239, 279n, 292, 299, 329, 333, 335, 385, 388, 467, 476 Taylor, Samuel 64 Tea Act xxvi, 467, 496 temporality xxx, 3, 22, 32n, 80, 141, 175, 178-179, 181-186, 190, 193, 196, 200-201, 204-205, 207, 215-218, 220, 223-229, 242, 248, 270, 310, 334, 387, 471, 475, 524, 532, 534 theory xxix, 9, 88, 105, 113, 126, 141, 143, 146-148, 154, 171, 176, 201, 214, 226, 234n-235n, 312, 328, 339, 353, 356, 360n, 388, 402, 451n, 455, 458, 473, 475, 477, 494, 536, 544 Thomson, Charles 115, 164n, 509n, 538 Thoughts on Government xix, 13, 17-18, 46, 303, 321, 455, 457-459, 487, 506n, 527 “Tiberius” 424, 451n-453n Tilghman, Tench (Lieutenant) 292, 320n, 332
time xxv, 6, 23, 38, 80, 90-91, 144, 146, 161-163, 165n, 170-175, 178-229, 230n-236n, 242, 248-249, 253, 266, 289-290, 305, 310, 315, 320n, 332, 347, 369, 376, 377, 382, 384, 387-388, 393, 400-401, 407-408, 413, 415, 421, 423, 428, 430, 433-442, 448, 459, 463, 491, 527, 532-533, 543, 558, 562, 564-565, 568, 570-572, 574, 578, 580-599, 601-604, 608-609 Tories 9, 16-17, 34n, 108, 218, 230n, 237, 255, 283-284, 301, 313, 326, 333-334, 336-337, 354, 360n, 365, 369, 391, 400, 416, 428, 433, 439-440, 485-487, 493, 495, 511n-512n, 525, 527, 593, 602, 605 Towne, Benjamin 42, 55, 60, 65, 277n, 308, 310-312, 555-556 tracts (publication) 3, 13, 33n, 45, 47, 56, 74n, 142, 154, 194, 274, 295, 303, 349, 353, 360n-361n, 387, 414 trade (artisanal) 46-47, 53-54, 57, 74n, 127, 180, 313, 396n, 445, 464 trade (exchange) xix, 37, 106, 159, 252, 261, 264-265, 276n, 282, 283-284, 292, 301, 314, 326-328, 341, 364-365, 464-466, 523, 532, 547, 575, 577-578, 581, 589, 593-594, 597, 605 traitor xxvii, 50, 161, 327, 372, 390, 394, 433, 452n, 468, 603 transatlantic 5, 47, 181, 216, 235n, 239, 252, 254, 273, 292, 310, 325-326, 340, 352, 377 Transit of Venus 128-130, 136, 162, 164n-165n, 174, 178, 197, 210, 233n
The True Interest of America
Impartially Stated xx, 373, 387-388, 391, 398n Tyler, Moses Coit 253, 273 tyranny (tyrant) 15-16, 18, 32n, 72, 90, 109, 111-112, 119, 201, 203, 206, 216, 219, 228, 265, 294, 296, 299, 313-314, 318, 332, 335, 357, 404, 428, 432-433, 449, 469, 476, 478, 494, 499, 504, 562, 576, 587-588, 599 Virginia xvi, xix, xx, 27, 56, 62, 70, 119, 171, 230n, 239, 247, 257, 268-269, 276n, 281-282, 286, 288-290, 294-303, 309, 318, 319n-322n, 325, 327, 330-331, 368, 375, 454, 497, 505, 511n, 514n, 525, 530-531, 533-535, 538, 541, 551n, 553n Virginia Resolves xx, 124n, 296-297 Voltaire 137, 315, 400 Walpole, Horace 353 Walpole, Sir Robert 353 Wander, Philip xxix Warner, Michael xxix, 122n Warren, James 234n, 240-242, 258, 275n, 277n-278n, 457, 506n, 526-527, 530, 549, 550n-551n, 553n Warren, Joseph (General) 79-80, 121n, 404 Warren, Mercy Otis 14, 241-242, 275n Washington, George (General) xxiii, 33n, 37, 59, 82, 171-172, 195, 226-227, 233n, 265, 268, 278n, 289, 292, 294-295, 327, 373, 403
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 673
West, Samuel (Reverend) 479, 511n Whigs, Radical 16, 25-26, 108, 33-334, 350, 352, 508n Wigdon, James 469 Wilcox, Alexander 488 Wilkes, John 28, 40, 99, 101-105, 122n, 123n, 144, 305, 333, 349-350, 443, 453n, 477 William the Conqueror 10, 87, 185, 570-571, 577, 587, 595 Williamsburg 56, 288, 291, 294-297, 302-303, 308, 335 Willing, Thomas 406, 483, 537-538 Wills, Garry xxviii-xxix, 164n Wilson, James 258-259, 406, 483, 522, 524, 532-533, 537-538 Winthrop, John 534, 551n Witherspoon, John 39, 211, 263, 278n, 358-359, 363n Wittgenstein, Ludwig xxix Wolcott, Oliver 211-212, 235n, 259-260, 277n-278n, 406 Wood, Gordon 11-13, 26, 32n-33n, 226, 236n, 397n, 544-545, 552n Woodfall, William 350 Woodhouse, William 64, 76n Wooley, Edmund 461 writing (style and process) 3, 10, 30, 84, 92, 132-133, 142-143, 156, 158, 163, 185, 204, 244-245, 310, 325, 341, 415, 419, 425, 429, 434, 466
Wythe, George 406, 457, 524, 532 Yorktown, Battle of 403 Young, Thomas 305, 420, 468-469, 508n