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DOCUMMT RESUME ED 343 771 RC 018 630 AUTHOR Wright, Bobby TITLE American Indian and Alaska Native Higher Education: Toward a New Century of Academic Achievement and Cultural Integrity. SPONS AGENCY Department of Education, Washington, DC. Indian Nations At Risk Task Force. PUB DATE 91 NOTE 16p.; In: Indian Nations At Risk Task Force Commissioned Papers. See RC 018 612. PUB TYPE Info:mation Analyses (070) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Academic Persistence; Alaska Natives; *American Indian Education; American Indians; Change Strategies; *College Students; Culture Conflict; *Educational Environment; Educational History; *Enrollment Trends; *Higher Education; Student Attrition ABSTRACT This paper reviews the history of higher education for Native Americans and proposes.change strategies. Assimilation was the primary goal of higher education from early colonial times to the 20th century. Tribal response ranged from resistance to support of higher education. When the Federal Government began to dominate Native education in tl,e late 19th century, the emphasis on higher education gave way to vocational training. The New Deal of the 1930s renewed government support for Native higher education. Native enrollment increased dramatically, but, nevertheless, was only one percent of the Native population by 1966. A shift to Native control of education was marked by the development of 24 tribally controlled community colleges. Enrollment growth leveled off during the 1980s, and Native Americans remain among the least educated ethnic groups in the nation. Low enrollment rates and high attrition rates contribute to low college graduation rates and even lower rates of participation in graduate programs. Most Native college students attend public institutions, and over half attend two-year colleges. Less than half attend fulltime. Native participation in higher education is inhibited by persistent barriers to access, retention, and graduation, such as: inadequate academic preparation, insufficient financial support, unsupportive institutional climate, lack of Native role models, and cultural influences on student adjustment. Strategies to improve conditions for Native higher education include federal programs for disadvantaged students, private training and financial aid programs, formation of cultural centers and support groups on campuses, and collaboration with Native communities. This lontains 38 references. (SV) ************************* ***** ***************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. *****::*****************************************************************
Transcript
Page 1: American Indian and Alaska Native Higher Education

DOCUMMT RESUME

ED 343 771 RC 018 630

AUTHOR Wright, BobbyTITLE American Indian and Alaska Native Higher Education:

Toward a New Century of Academic Achievement andCultural Integrity.

SPONS AGENCY Department of Education, Washington, DC. IndianNations At Risk Task Force.

PUB DATE 91

NOTE 16p.; In: Indian Nations At Risk Task ForceCommissioned Papers. See RC 018 612.

PUB TYPE Info:mation Analyses (070)

EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage.DESCRIPTORS *Academic Persistence; Alaska Natives; *American

Indian Education; American Indians; ChangeStrategies; *College Students; Culture Conflict;*Educational Environment; Educational History;*Enrollment Trends; *Higher Education; StudentAttrition

ABSTRACTThis paper reviews the history of higher education

for Native Americans and proposes.change strategies. Assimilation wasthe primary goal of higher education from early colonial times to the20th century. Tribal response ranged from resistance to support ofhigher education. When the Federal Government began to dominateNative education in tl,e late 19th century, the emphasis on highereducation gave way to vocational training. The New Deal of the 1930srenewed government support for Native higher education. Nativeenrollment increased dramatically, but, nevertheless, was only onepercent of the Native population by 1966. A shift to Native controlof education was marked by the development of 24 tribally controlledcommunity colleges. Enrollment growth leveled off during the 1980s,and Native Americans remain among the least educated ethnic groups inthe nation. Low enrollment rates and high attrition rates contributeto low college graduation rates and even lower rates of participationin graduate programs. Most Native college students attend publicinstitutions, and over half attend two-year colleges. Less than halfattend fulltime. Native participation in higher education isinhibited by persistent barriers to access, retention, andgraduation, such as: inadequate academic preparation, insufficientfinancial support, unsupportive institutional climate, lack of Nativerole models, and cultural influences on student adjustment.Strategies to improve conditions for Native higher education includefederal programs for disadvantaged students, private training andfinancial aid programs, formation of cultural centers and supportgroups on campuses, and collaboration with Native communities. This

lontains 38 references. (SV)

************************* ***** *****************************************

Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be madefrom the original document.

*****::*****************************************************************

Page 2: American Indian and Alaska Native Higher Education

C7.7

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American Indian and Alaska Native HigherEducation!, 'Upward a New Century of Academic

Achievementand Cultural Integrity

Bobby WrightThe Pennsylvania State University

The Historical ContextCaleb Cheeshateaumuck, an Mgonquian In-

dian from Martha's Vineyard, graduated from Har-vard College, Class of 1665. An outstandingscholar, Cheeshateaumuck could not only read,write and speak English, but Latin and Greek aswell not to mention a facility with his own Nativelanguage. Although fully able to meet Harvard'srigorous 'academic demands, the young Nativescholar could not escape the dangers associatedwith life in an alien environment. He died withinmonths of his college degree, victim of a foreigndisease to nich he had no immunity.

Cheeshateaurnuck was among the first in along line of Native students who have attendedcolleges and universities during the past threecenturies. He represents, too, the challenge andthe triumph, as well as the failure and tragedy,that characterize the history of American Indianand Alaska Native higher education. These con-flicting outcomes reflect the clash of cultures, theconfrontation of life styles, tnat has ensued oncollege campuses since colonial days. Buro-Americans have persistently sought to remold Na-tive peoples in the image of the white man to"civilize" and assimilate the 'savages but withequal vigor, Natives have struggledxto preservetheir cultural integrity. The college campus hashistorically provided a stage for this cross-culturaldrama.

Early Resistance to HigherEducation

For as long as colleges have existed in America,Native peoples have had opportunities for higherlearning. In fact, they provided the impetus forestablishing some of the most enduring and pres-tigious institutions in the nation: Harvard College(1650), the College of William and Mary (1693),and Dartmouth College (1756) all of which in-cluded an American Indian mission in their

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original charters. Operating under an educationalphilosophy that has persisted for centuries, theseearly colleges aimed to Christianize and "civilize"the Indians. The hope was that educated Natives,as schoolmasters and preachers, would becomemissionary agents among their own brethren.

The colonial experiments in American In-dian higher education proved, for the most part,unsuccessful. Targeted tribal groups resisted mis-sionary efforts and tenaciously clung to their tradi-tional life ways. The general Indian sentiment isillustrated by the Six Nations response to thetreaty commissioners from Maryland and Virginia,who in 1744 invited the Indians to send their sonsto the College of William and Mary. "We must letyou know," the Iroquois leaders responded,

we love our Children too well to send themso great a Way, and the Indians are notinclined to give their Children learning. Weallow it to be good, and we thank you for yourInvitation; but our customs differing fromyours, you will be so good as to excuse us(Van Doren. 1938. p.

This attitude has characterized the Nativeresponse to "civilized" education through thepresent time.

As the colonial era ended with the birth of theAmerican nation, Native education increasinglybecame a matter of federal policy. Observing thefailure of colonic 1 educational missions, GeorgeWashington voiced a shift in policy from an em-phasis on higher learning to vocational training forAmerican Indians. "I am fully of the opinion," heconcluded,

that this mode of education which hashitherto been pursued with respect to theseyoung Indians who have been sent to ourcolleges is not such as can be productive ofany good to their nations. It is perhapsproductive of evil. Humanity and good policymust make it the wish of every good citizenof the United States that husbandry, andconsequently. civilization, should be intro-

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Ine.ans Nations At Risk: Solutions for the 1990s

duced among the Indians. (Berry. 1968. p.88)

Washington advocated a policy that limited theeducational experience to vocational training andaimed at the dissolution of traditional Native life.This educational philosophy unfolded in thenineteenth century and dominated until the twen-tieth, even in the midst of tribal efforts to gain afoothold in higher education.

Early Tribal Support for HigherEducation

While many tribes resisted attempts to "civi-lize" them through education, some Native groupseagerly embraced higher learning. During the1830s, at the same time that Dartmouth waseducating 12 members of the Five Civilized Tribes,the Cherokees and the Choctaws organized a sys-tem of higher education which had more than 200schools, and sent numerous graduates to easterncolleges. The 1830 Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creekset aside $10,000 for the education of Choctawyouth. The first official use of the funds providedunder this treaty occurred in 1841, when the tribeauthorized the education of Native boys at OhioUniversity, Jefferson College, and Indiana Univer-sity. And the 1843 Report of the Commissioner ofIndian Affairs mentioned the education of20 Choc-taw boys, ten at Asbury University and ten atLafayette College.

The Choctaws selected graduates from tribally-operated boarding schools on the basis e theirpromise and allowed them to continue their educa-tion until they had completed graduate and profes-sional study at colleges in the states. Severalmembers of the Five Civilized Tribes entered Dart-mouth in 1838, and in 1854, Joseph Folsom, aChoctaw, received a degree. In all, 12 Choctaw andCherokee students received support to attendDartmouth. Ironically, the Choctaw academic sys-tem, responsible for a literacy rate exceeding thatof their white neighbors, collapsed when thefederal government became involved in the late1800s.

Bacone College, founded by the Baptists in1880, received tribal support, which came in theform of a land grant from the Creek Tribe. Dedi-cated to the training of Indian clergy, the Collegeopened to three students; by the end of its fifthyear, 56 students had enrolled. Bacons College stilloperates today with a strong (but not exclusive)commitment to educate American Indians andAlaska Natives (Task Force Five, 1976, p. 268).

Education as AssimilationNatives who attended universities and colleges

during the seventeenth, eighteenth, andnineteenth centuries, for the most part, studied thesame subjects as did the white students. However,as the federal government began to dominate Na-tive education in the late nineteenth century, itsignificantly reduced the role ofmissionary groups,private individuals and the states. The result wasa decline in the emphasis on higher learning. In-stead, higher education gave way to vocationaltraining.

In 1870 Congress appropriated $100,000 for theoperation offederal industrial schools, and the firstoff-reservation boarding school was established atCarlisle, Penneylvania in 1879. The boardingschool system dominated the federal approach toNative education for half a century. Its methodsincluded the removal of the students from theirhomes and tribal influences, strict military dis-cipline, infusion of the Protestant work ethic, aswell as an emphasis on the agricultural, industrialand domestic arts not higher academic study.

Most importantly, like the colonial colleges,these institutions intended to remake their Nativecharges in the image of the white man. LutherStanding Bear, a Sioux, attended Carlisle in 1879.He recalled the cultural assaults he and othersencountered during the educational process:

Our first resentment was in having our haircut. It has ever been the custom of Lakotamen to wear long ;rail% and old tribal mem-bers still wear the hair in this manner. Onfirst hearing the rule, some of the older boystalked of resisting, but realizing the useless-ness of doing so. submitted. But for daysafter being shorn we felt strange and uncom-fortable... . The fact is that we were to betransformed. (Standing Bear. 1933. pp. 189-93)

Fueled by a large congressional appropriationin 1882, twenty-five boarding schools opened bythe turn of the century among them, Santa FeIndian School, which became the Institute ofAmerican Indian Arts, a two-year postsecondaryschool, and Haskell Institute (now Haskell IndianJunior College) in Lawence, Kansas. These in-stitutes, like the normal schools of th... nineteenthcentury, were not true colleges. Their andards oftraining, at best, approximated only those of a goodmanual-training high school. At this time, therange of occupational futures envisioned for Indianstudents in these institutions was limited tofarmer, mechanic and housewife.

By the turn of the century, only a few talented. Native youth went on for further training at Ameri-can colleges and universities. Ohiyesa, a Sioux,

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was among them. Adopting the notion that "theSioux should accept civilization before it was toolate," Charles A. Eastman (his English name)graduated from Dartmouth College in 1887 andthree years later received a degree in medicinefrom Boston University. Eastman was keenlyaware that his academic success depended on hisacceptance of American civilization and the rejec-tion of his own traditional culture. "I renouncedfinally my bow and arrow for the spade and thepen," he wrote in his memoirs, "I took off my softmoccasins and put on the heavy and clumsy butdurable shoes. Every day of my life I put into useevery English word that I knew, and for the firsttime permitted myself to think and act as a whiteman" (Eastman, 1916, pp. 58, 65).

Ohiyesa's accomplishments were rare in thenineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Nativeeducation although still preserving the cen-turies-old purpose of civilizing the 'savages"seldom exceeded the high school level. The impactof this neglect on Native educational attainment isreflected in enrollment figures. As late as 1932,only 385 American Indians and Alaska Nativeswere enrolled in college, and only 52 collegegraduates could be identified (McNamara, 1984, p.52). At that time, too, American Indian and AlaskaNative scholarships were being offered at only fivecolleges and universities.

Federal Efforts in the TwentiethCentlay

Not until the New Deal era of the 1930s, aperiod ofreform in federal Indian policy, did Nativehigher education receive government support. TheIndian Reorganization Act of 1934, among othersweeping reforms, authorized $250,000 in loans forcollege expenses. By 1935, the Commissioner ofIndian Affairs reported 515 Natives in college.Although the loan program was discontinued in1952, the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) had estab-lished the higher education scholarship grant pro-gram in 1948, allocating $9,390 among fiftystudents. American Indian and Alaska Nativeveterans returning from World War II eligible forGI Bill educational benefits added to the growingnumber of college students. According to esti-mates, some 2,000 Native students were enrolledin some form of postsecondary education duringthe last half of the 1950s. The enrollment grew toabout 7,000 by 1965. Sixty-six American Indianand Alaska Natives graduated from four-year in-stitutions in 1961, and by 1968 this figure hadalmost tripled. Still, in 1966, only one percent ofthe Native population was enrolled in college (Mc-Namara, 1984, p. 52).

Bobby Wright

During the 1970s, a series of federal taskforce and U.S. General Accounting Office reportscalled attent to the academic, rmancial, socialand cultural problems which American Indian andAlaska Native students encountered in pursuing acollege education. These reports fell on attentiveCoaeiessional ears. By 1979 the Bureau of IndianAffairs Higher Education Program was financingapproximately 14,600 undergraduates and 700graduate students. Of these, 1,639 received collegedegrees and 434 earned graduate degrees (Mc-Namara, 1984, p. 70). In addition, federal legis-lation, including the Indian Self-Deternf.nationand Education Assistance Act of 1975 and theTribally Controlled Community College Atsis-tance Act of 1978, spawned striking new develop-ments in Native higher education.

Perhaps the most dramatic policy changereflected in the new legislation was the shift toNative control of education. For the first time,American Indians and Alaska Natives who hadthus far been subjected to paternalistic and as-similationist policies began to take control oftheir own affairs. Higher education was among thetargets of the new Self-Determination programs,best illustrated by the development of tribally-con-trolled community colleges.

Tribal colleges evolved for the most partduring the 1970s in response to the unsuccessfulexperience ofNative students on mainstream cam-puses. Today, ilere are 24 tribally-controlled col-leges in eleven Western and Midwestern statesfrom California to Michigan, and from Arizona tothe Dakotas. These institutions serve about 10,000American Indians and have a full-time equivalentenrollment of about 4,500 students.

Current DemographicsUntil very recently, failed federal policy worked

against full Native participation in higher educa-tion. Fostered by the Johnson Administration's"War on Poverty," however, American Indians andAlaska Natives joined other underrepresentedminority groups who entered colleges and univer-sities in unprecedented numbers. By 1965 theirenrollment grew to 7,000, and a decade later theenrollment experienced a ten-fold increase to76,367 students (McNamara, 1984, pp. 52, 81). Theenrollment during the 1980s peaked at 87,700 in1982 and declined to about 83,000 in 1984 (Fries,1987, p. 11). Today, some 90,000 Native studentsattend postsecondary institutions (AmericanCouncil on Education, 1988).

While the 1970s and early 1980s experiencedmajor enrollment increases, the growth has sinceleveled off an alarming development considering

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Indians Nations At Risk: Solutions for the 1990s

the rapid increase in the Native population and thegrowth in the college-age cohort during this period(Fries, 1987, p. 1). And despite significant advan-ces, American Indians and Alaska Natives remainamong the least educated ethnic groups in thenation. Only 6 percent ofthe Native population hasa college degree, compared to 23 percent of whites,12 percent of African-Americans, and 7 percent ofthe Hispanic population fAstin, 1982). Studiesreveal that only 55 to 60 percent graduate fromhigh school (Fries, 1987, p. 1; McNamara, 1984, p.75), and of those who do complete their secondaryeducation, between 21 percent and 40 percententer college the lowest rate of any major ethnicgroup according to the American Council on Educa-tion (American Council on Education, 1990;McNamara, 1984; Tierney, in press). A study of1980 high school graduates, however, revealed amore optimistic finding that 64 percent ofAmerican Indian and Alaska Native graduates hadenrolled in some form of higher education by 1986.This compared to 91 percent of Asians, 67 percentof African Americans, and 61 percent of Hispanics(Hodgkinson, 1990, p. 24). College dropout rates,based on several studies, range from 65 percent to85 percent (Astin, 1982; American Council onEducation, 1990; Pottinger, 1990).

Low enrollments and high attrition rates con-tribute to low college graduation rates, which inturn contribute to even lower rates of repre-sentation in graduate programs. American Indianand Alaska Native graduate enrollment fluctuatedonly slightly between 1976 and 1984, with thelargest number (4,377) enrolled in 1980. Theirnumbers in first-professional degree programshave decreased since 1976, with 1984 enrollmentsdown almost 22 percent from those in 1976 (Fries,1987, pp. 15-16). Declining and even stabV enroll-ments among a growing and increasingly youngpopulation is alarming further highlighting thepressing need to increase undergraduate degreecompletions and encouragements to advancedstudy.

While sketchy data are available, the reliabilityof statistics is a matter of concern. In a landmarknational study of minorities in higher education,Astin (1982) revealed that the sample of Nativecollege students "was often so small as to raiseserious questions about the reliability of theresults" (p. 23). In addition, a recent report onAmerican Indians and Alaska Natives in highereducation found that "most sample surveys areeither too small to produce reliable estimates forAmerican Indians, or Indians are grouped into an'other' category" (Fries, 1987, p. 31). Moreover,most states or institutions do not collect sufficient

data to report Native student retention andgraduation rates. Not only do such circumstancesleave the available data questionable, but the issueof educational progress goes unaddressed. Withoutbaseline data, educators and policy makers cannotchart the effectiveness of programs and theprogress in achieving educational goals.

College-Going Patterns AmongNative College Students

mat American Indian and Alaska Native col-lege students attend public institutions, especiallythat in states with large Native populations. Inmost colleges and universities, they are a highlyinvisible minority, representing only a fragment ofthe total student enrollment. In 1984, over 35percent of the nation's 1,190 postsecondary institu-tions reported no American Indian and AlaskaNative students in attendance. Only three institu-tions enrolled more than 1,000 students NavajoCommunity College, Arizona (1,570); North-eastern Oklahoma State University (1,090); andNorthland Pioneer College, Arizona (1,016)where Native students represented 80 percent, 15percent, and 22 percent of all students, respective-ly (Fries, 1987, p. 28). Only seven four year insti-tutions have at least 500 Native students inattendance (Tierney, in press).

Other predominantly American Indian institu-tions have been established, however. In adDionto the 24 tribally controlled community colleges,three federally operated institutions have majorityNative populations: Haskell Indian Junior Collegein Lawrence, Kansas; the Institute of AmericanIndian Arts in Santa Fe, New Mexico; and theSouthwest Indian Polytechnic Institute (SIPI) atAlbuquerque, New Mexico. Haskell, a federally-funded intertribal junior college, has an enroll-ment of 835, representing 125 American Indianand Alaska Native groups and 32 states (Morgan,1990). SIPI enrolled 465 students during fiscalyear 1989, while the Institute of American IndianArts had an enrollment of 160 (NACIE, 1990, pp.106-07).

While about 15 percent of American Indian andAlaska Native college students attend universities,31 percent were in other four year institutions.Forty percent of Native college students attendrural institutions (Tierney, in press). Over half (54percent) attend two-year institutions, compared to37 percent of all college students (See Table 1). Thehigh proportion of community college students is amatter of concern since national statistics revealthat students who attend these institutions havelow rates of transfer to four-year institutions (Kid-well, 1990). In addition, researchers commonly at-

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tribute the lower retention rates of Amcrican In-dians and Alaska Natives to their high concentra-tion in community colleges (Mow & Nettles, 1990,p. 41). However, research on Native communitycollege students is virtually non-existent, althoughgrowing evidence suggests that tribal communitycollege students successfully.transfer to four-yearinstitutions in relatively large numbers (Wright &Weasel Head, 1990).

Other demographic data is noteworthy. Theproportion of full-time enrollees declined from 62percent in 1976 to 48 percent in 1984. Nativewomen on college campuses outnumber their malecounterparts by about 20 percent (Tierney, inpress).

In general, American Indian and Alaska Nativestudents pursue the same fields of study as theirwhite counterparts (Tierney, in press). During1987, institutions of higher education av,arded3,196 associate degrees and 3,971 degrees at thebachelor level to American Indians and AlaskaNatives. At the associate level, half of the degreeswere in Business and Management (25 percent)and Liberal and General Studies (25 percent).Another one-fourth were in Engineering Tech-nologies (10 percent) and Health Professi ins (13percent). The largest representation of bachelor'sdegrees were in Business and Management (20percent), Education (11 percent), Social Sciences(12 percent), Health Professions (7 percent), andEngineering (five percent).

At the graduate level, postsecondary institu-tions awarded 1,104 master's degree and 104 doc-

Table 1

toral degrees. The dominant fields at the master'slevel were Business and Management (15 percent),Education (34 percent), Public Affairs (12 percent),and Health Professions (6 percent). American In-dians and Alaska Natives received 104 doctoraldegrees in 1987, nearly half(or 49 degrees) were ineducation, while 16 were in psychology. Of the 304first professional degrees awarded, 66 (22 percent)were awarded in medicine, 31 (ten percent) inveterinary medicine, and 152 (50 percent) in law(Hodgkinson, 1990, pp. 25-26).

Overall, the fields in which American Indianand Alaska Native students receive degrees arepragmatic ones with good employment oppor-tunities. Moreover, they are areas of critical needin Native communities. This trend is a promisingsign, although data are not available on the num-ber of college graduates who return to reservationsand villages.

Barriers to Access, Retention,and Graduation

What accounts for the disproportionately lowparticipation and graduation rates among the Na-tive population? In 1969, the Senate Subcommit-tee Report on Indian Education (commonly calledthe Kennedy Report) attributed the under-representation to inadequate academic prepara-tion, teacher and counselor discouragement ofcollege aspirations, financial difficukies, andproblems in adjusting emotionally and socially tocollege (Special Subcommittee on Indian Educa-tion, 1969, pp. 84-87). Two decades since the

American Indian and Alaska Native Enrollment in Institutions of HigherEducation, by Control and Level of Institution: United States, Even Years 1976-84

Control/Levelof Institution 1976 1978 1980============================ ==

PUBLIC 67 75768 46074 24476

4-year 28 44527 19729 062302-year 39 31241 26345 18246

PRIVATE 8 16109 14259 16798

4-year 6 7657 8077 86772-year 1 8451 6181 8121

1982 1984=

95971 642

85729 56810242 074

9571 1030

1667 9137913 117

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Indians Nations At Risk: Solutions for the 1990s

report, the barriers remain much the same. Today,researchers, educators, and students repeatedlyreport several factors which contribute to theproblems: inadequate academic preparation, in-sufficient financial support, and unsupportive in-stitutional climate. These issues while notnecessarily exhaustive in scope illustrate thenature of barriers to Native access, retention, andgraduation.

Inadequate Academic PreparationThe entry-level academic skills of American

Indian and Alaskan Native freshmen, as measuredby standard college admissions tests and otherindicators, are substantially less than that of theirnon-Native peers. Writing, math, and science skilllevels are especially problematic, and the deficien-cies are compounded as Native students approachcollege-going ago. Researchers "found not only thatIndian students achieved well below white stu-dents but that they fell further behind as thehigher grades were reached" (McNamara, 1984, p.141). On achievement test scores, for example, onestudy reportrd that at entry to the ninth grade,their mean scores were one year below the nationalnorms, but by graduation the mean scores indi-cated that they had fallen two and a half yearsbehind the average high school student (McNama-ra, 1984). According to the 1988 Report on BIAEducation, tenth-grade Native students in Bureauof Indian Affairs schools scored at the 7.3 gradelevel and 19th percentile nationally in stan-dardized mathematics tests (Bureau of Indian Af-fairs, 1988). American Indians and Alaska Nativesin 1985 received an average score of 392 in math-ematics on the SAT, compared to a 449 scoreamong whites. Furthermore, they showed thesmallest five-year gain relative to other ethnicgroups. Data reflected a mere 2 percent gain forAmerican Indians and Alaska Natives, whileAsian-Americans experienced a 48 percent gain,Mexican-Americans allowed a gain of 26 percent,and Puerto Ricans had an 11 percent increase(Jacobson, 1986, p. 108).

In examining the issue of academic prepara-tion, one must recognize that the problem is not amatter of Native intellectual ability or potential.The National Advisory Council on Indian Educa-tion (NACIE), in its most recent report (1989),emphasized that

American Indians and Alaska Natives haveperformed on both the ACT and SAT withscores approximating most other minoritiesbut consistently lower than white students.The reasons for this are often associated withsocial conditions, family situations, and in-come within the students environments.

The majority of Indians and Alaska Nativescome from economically disadvantagedbackgrounds and may not be exposed to asmany of the everyday experiences other non-Indians take for granted... The strong cul-tural and traditional influences of the Indianand Alaska Native communities are otherfactors to consider (p. 61).

Inadequate academic preparation also affectsthe status ofAmerican Indians and Alaska Nativesin graduate education. Achievement levels of Na-tive undergraduates, as measured by the GraduateRecord Examinations (GRE), lag behind those ofwhite students. In 1987-88, 1,023 Native studentstook the GRE. Their mean scores on the Verbal,Quantitative and Analytical sections of the testwere 471, 472, and 487, respectively, as comparedwith scores for all test takers of 505, 531, and 541.

Insufficient Financial SupportIn nearly every study of barriers to Native

higher education and in most testimony from Na-tive educators and students, financial problemsare a recurring theme. According to an AlaskaNative educator from the Central Council Tlingitand Heide Indian Tribes of Alaska, "We need anincrease in scholarship grants to our college stu-de nts... . Many students are defeated by a lack offunds* (Widmark, 1990). Since American Indiansand Alaska Natives most often come from com-munities with the highest poverty levels andhighest unemployment rates, comparatively fewNative students receive support from their parentsor from their own resources. Ultimately they can-not provide the expected or required parental andpersonal contributions. The financial problem isintensified because Native students tend to beolder than traditional age, most have families, andmany are single heads of household.

American Indians and Alaska Natives areeligible for federal and state financial aidprograms, some of which are specifically desig-nated for Native students. And indeeu the vastmajority of Native students (82 percent) do applyfr financial aid (Tierney, in press). A primarysource of financial assistance is the Bureau ofIndian Affairs Higher Education Grant Program.The BIA contribution, however, is only about one-fourth of the total assistance required by students,which may be supplemented by such college-basedawards as Pell Grants, Supplementary EducationOpportunity Grants, Perkins Loans, and CollegeWork Study. Other public sources of support in-clude the Veterans Administration, welfare, stategrants, Social Security, tribal awards, vocational

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rehabilitation, and state tuition waivers (NACIE,1989, p. 63).

The BIA program, however, has not kept pacein its funding level with the growing demandamong potential Native college students. It is serv-ing an increasing number of students with adecreasing funding level. In 1986, $29.2 millionserved 14,500 students, while 17,800 awardeesshared a fiscal year 1989 allocation of $28.5 mil-lion. During that same period, the average awarddecreased from $1,676 to $1,385 (NACIE, 1990, p.63). The trend continues into the present. For fiscalyear 1991, the 81A proposed a budget of $26.9million, representing a $1 million decrease (Hobbs,Straus, Dean & Wilder, 1990).

The problem of diminishing funding sources iscompounded by rising college costs. As GordonDickie, Sr. (1990), Chairman of the MenomineeIndian Tribe of Wisconsin, testified,

changes in federal guidelines have reducedcontinuing education student budgets andawards. Tuition costs have risen steadily atan average rate of 5% per year for the past10 years. This has a negative impact onstudents who already face the other barriersof child care and transportation.William Baker (100), kssistant Vice President

for Minority Affairs, offered an institutionalperspective:

During the past ten years. the cost of attend-ing my institution the University ofWashington has increa.sed from about$4.400 to nearly $8.000 for an unmarriedstudent paying resident tuition... . The finan-cial aid programs available to NativeAmerican students all of them combined

have simply lagged far behind the increas-ing cost of attendance... . Of 110 NativeAmerican students receiving financial aid atthe University of Washington at the begin-ning of the 1989-90 academic year. 43 werethe recipients of seriously inadequate finan-cial aid packages.

Unsupportive Institutional ClimateResearchers have established that social and

academic integration into the life of a postsecon-dary institution is a major factor in college persist-ence. In light of the necessarycultural adjustmentsto an alien institutional environment, integrationis especially problematic for American Indians andAlaska Natives. Historical circumstances in In-dian-white relations have created conditions inwhich the distinct cultures of American Indiansand Alaska Natives continue to thrive. Survivingvalues, religious traditions, languages, and otheraspects of traditional culture often place Native

students at odds with the mainstream culture andwith institutions that reflect and support it. To goto college, these culturally different students typi-cally leave small towns or rural reservation com-munities in which Native life ways are stillmeaningful. They enter alien, intimidating andoverwhelming environments where different,often opposing social and structural systems arehostile, alienating, and isolating. Lin, LaCounte,and Eder (1988) found that `Ithe perception of cam-pus hostility and the feeling of isolation in apredominantly White college contribute sig-nificantly ... to the problem of the academic perfor-mance of Indian students." Students ai, theUniversity of Arizona testified that "NativeAmerican students face cultural insensitivity andsometimes prejudice by administration serviceworkers, faculty and non-Indian students who arenot familiar with or had experience with NativeAmericans" (Juan, 1990).

The lack of role models and cultural conflictsfurther illustrate the institutional barriers toretention and academic achievement:

Lack of Role ModelsThe lack of role models in Native communities

and in higher education institutions constitutes apsychological and social barrier to participationand success. Bernard F. Teba, Executive Directorof the Eight Northern Indian Pueblos Council(1990), testified that

the lack of role models in Native AmericanIndian communities and in the classroomand in visible positions of leadership (nega-tively) influences youth to pursue educationand professional careers... . Native Americanmen and women possess an abundance oftalent. but ... the lack of parental experienceand participation in education, positive rolemodels and other factors have discouragedmany of our Native American Indian adultsfor (sic) persevering in education.

Moreover, in a recent survey of Nativeeducators, a full third cited the lack of role modelsas one of the top three barriers to educationalattainment for young Native men (Falk & Aitken,1984). Educators agree that role modeling is animportant ingredient for American Indian andAlaska Native women students, as well, and that"modeling can be beneficial in recruiting AmericanIndian women students and sustaining theiracademic achievement at institutions of highereducation" (Edwards, Daines & Reed, 1984, p. 31).

In viewing this problem, one must consider thatNative people historically have regarded educationwith suspicion certainly with good reason basedon the adverse effects of past federal policy. Col-

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lege-educated Native people often found themsel-ves alienated and mistrusted when they returnedhome with the trappings of an alien culture. Overthe past decade and a half, however, educationalattainment has become a priority among Nativegovernments, which increasingly recognize theneed for a technically-trained population.

Still, this changing attitude has yet to producethe intended impacts a highly educated Nativepopulation. Given the low percentage of collegegraduates, most Native students are first-genera-tion college students. They have not derived theeducational and financial benefits that accrue tostudents with college-educated parents, and rela-tively few Natives come from homes where highereducation is an inevitable phase of adulthood. Inaddition, the lack of community role models has theadverse impact of limiting the goals and expecta-tions of American Indian and Alaska Native stu-dents. The absence of parental and communitysupport has historically, then, had a chilling effecton Native aspirations toward higher education.For example, only 17.2 percent ofAmerican Indianand Alaska Native eighth graders plan to enroll ina college preparatory program in high schoolcompared to 22.5 percent of Hispanics, 24.7 per-cent of African Americans, and 30.9 percent ofwhites (Hodgkinson, 1990, p. 23).

The trend continues when a Native studentcomes to a college or university, where the lack ofrole models is even more noticeable. The numberand percentage of Indian faculty and professionalstaff is almost negligible. On college campusesnationwide, where 90 percent of the faculty arewhite, American Indian and Alaska Native facultynumbered 1,310, or only 0.3 percent of all facultyin 1983 (Fries, 1987). As Benjamin and Chambers(1989) summarized, "there are also comparativelyfew success stories and role models to encourageand inspire youth. For those who endeavor to gaina college education, only a handful will ever havethe opportunity to learn from a Native Americanprofessor" (p. 3).

Cultural ConflictsPerhaps more than any other factor related to

institutional climate, cultural conflict can affectAmerican Indian and Alaska Native participationand academic success in higher education. Mowand Nettles (1990) reported that "several studiesshow that they [Native college students] encounterdifficulties in making cultural adjustments topredominantly white institutions. What these cul-tural difficulties are, however, and how they relateto college success or failure are unclear" (p. 11).Testimony from Native students at the Universityof Arizona is helpful in understandirg this issue:

s

For Native Arneri..an students to obtain ahigher education, we are faced with goir.g topostsecondary institutions away from ourtribal Nations, communities and families. Asa result, most students experience culturalconflicts and insensitivity in outside foreignpostsecondary educational systems. (Juan,1990)

Scott (1986), in his model for predictingacademic success among Native college students,identified cultural attachment as the most impor-tant variable. He found that greater measuredability, higher socio-economic background, and ahigher percentage of "non-Indian" blood indica-tions that significant integration has taken placeprior to arrival at college are expected to reduceattachment to Indian culture, facilitate subse-quent integration into the university community,and thereby increase the likelihood of completingcollege. Scott and other researchers (Benjamin &Chambers, 1989) concluded that Native studentswho maintain strong cultural ties risk full integre-tion into the university community and reduce thechances of academic success, as defined by theinstitution. The net result of this culturalconfrontation is that, to fully integrate socially andacademically, an American Indian and Alaska Na-tive may be expected to reduce her or his attach-ment to traditional culture.

The foregoing discussion, however, does notimply that cultural persistence is a mark offailure.Pottinger (1990) cited that "minorities perceive th .cultural differences they encounter in school esmarkers of identity to be maintained, not as bar-riers to be overcome". Many American Indians andAlaska Natives, as a result, opt out of college (Huf-fman, Sill & Brokenleg, 1986). Moreover, if successis measured by one's willingness to forsake his orher cultural identity, as Scott (1986) concluded,then "many Indians would not consider droppingout of school a mark offal lure" (p. 393). Institutionsof higher education must address this dilemma.

Current Strategies to IncreaseAccess, Retention and

GraduationWhat can be done to overcome barriers, so that

American Indians and Alaska Natives on a levelequal to their white peers participate, persist,and perform in higher education? Many currentstate, private, institutional, and tribal strategiesoffer promising developments in addressing theproblems and needs outlined above:

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Academic PreparationEducators recognize that participation and suc-

cess in higher education are largely determinedearly in one's educational career as early as theelementary school years. Accordingly, the U.S.Department of Education has initiated a numberof support service programs designed to assist inimproving access and retention for disadvantagedstudents. Among the most successful are the TRIOPrograms. These six prngrams include TalentSearch, Upward Bound, Equal OpportunityCenters, Student Support Services, McNairPostbaccalaureate Achievement, and Staff' Train-ing. They assist low-income, first generation col-lege students in completing high school, inobtaining college information, in processing admis-sions and financial aid applications, and, once en-rolled in postsecondary institutions, in pursuingfurther education. For the 1981-82 year, the mostrecent year for which data is available, 4.2 percentof the Talent Search and 5.4 percent of th e UpwardBound participants were American Indians andAlaska Natives (Haynes, 1990).

The Department has also initiated school-col-lege partnership programs to increase expecta-tions and preparedness for attending college. Forexample, the School, College, and UniversityPartnerships (SCUP) Program encouragespartnerships between institutions of highereduca-tion and secondary schools serving low-income stu-dents. This federal program supports projects thatimprove the academic skills of secondary schoolstudents, increase their opportunity to continueprograms of education after secondary school, andimprove their prospects for employment after highschool. In the program's first competition for fundsin fiscal year 1988, three of the nine successfulapplicants proposed to serve American Indians.One of these is administered at Northern ArizonaUniversity. These projects serve 1,000 studentsfrom 11 tribes in Arizona, Minnesota and Utah(Haynes, 1990).

Private organizations have also played a role inencouraging Native youth to pursue and succeedin college. The American Indian Science and En-gineering Society (AISES, 1989), for example,sponsors summer math and science enrichmentprograms on campuses across the nation. In 1989,220 Indian students participated in these camps.In addition, the John D. and Catherine T. Mac-Arthur Foundation awarded AISES a three-yeargrant of $480,000 to launch a comprehensive math,science and engineering enrichment program forAmerican Indian and Alaska Native junior highand high school students. The project will entail afour-year progression of culturally-sensitive sum-

9

Bobby Wright

mer camps at university sites around the country,followed by academic-year enrichment activitiesand a fifth year internship.

Several postsecondary institutions have ad-vanced initiatives, with federal, private, or institu-tional funds, to provide early interventionprograms aimed at pm-college age students. In1991, for example, Montana State University willoffer three distinct summer camps for junior highandhigh school students. The breadth of programsmakes it possible for students in grades seventhrough twelve to be eligible to participate in oneofthese camps, and in future years, to progress intothose camps designed for higher grades.

Financial SupportFederal financial aid, especially that awarded

by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, has not kept pacewith the need. However, some states and privateorganizations have responded with scholarshipand grant assistance for American Indians andAlaska Natives. In the states of Montana andSouth Dakota, for example, Native students infinancial need receive tuition waivers at all publicinstitutions. Minnesota has a long-standingscholarship program, which offers an averageaward of $1,400 to as many as 1,500 under-graduate, graduate, and vocational education stu-dents. State appropdations for the MinnesotaIndian Scholarship Program has grown from$5,000 to $1.6 million since 1955 (Aitken, 1990).

Private non-profit organizations have alsomade efforts to increase opportunities forAmerican Indians and Alaska Natives. Among themost noteworthy is the American Indian Scienceand Engineering Society, an organization com-mitted "to significantly increase the number ofAmerican Indian scientists and engineers; at thegreatest possible speed; ensuring professionalgrowth; and developing leaders for nation building(AISES, 1989, p. 1)." While only part of its agendais the raising and awarding of scholarships, thisactivity is among one of its most successful ac-tivities. The AISES Scholarship Program, startedin 1982 with a modest $1,400, has grown in 1989to $190,000 in scholarships for 151 American In-dian students.

The American Indian Higher Education Con-sortium, an association of tribal colleges, hasstarted the American Indian College Fund. Pat-terned after the United Negro College Fund, theorganization will serve as a clearinghouse forscholarship contributions and Awards. During itsfirst year, the fund raised $1,000,000.

Several organizations provide fellowshipsspecifically for graduate study. The American In-

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dian Graduate Center (formerly American IndianScholarships, Inc.) administers fellowships fromprivate contributions, and, through contract withthe Bureau of Indian Affairs, distributes thefederal support of American Indian graduatestudy.

Private foundations have also answered the callfor increased access through financial assistance.The Ford Foundation established the Predoctoraland Dissertation Fellowship Programs forminorities, which are designed in part to assistAmerican Indian and Alaska Native graduate stu-dents.

Not the least important of these non-federalinitiatives are those scholarship and fellowshipprograms established by individual institutions ofhigher education. Several colleges and universitiesoffer special financial assistance to American In-dians and Alaska Natives, as do several individualNative governments.

It is critical to note that these state, private, andinstitutional efforts do not and must not supplantdiminishing federal assistance. Rather, theselaudable programs supplement federal programsin an effort to achieve access and equity in highereducation. Still they remain a small contributionin comparison to the need.

Institutional ClimateIfAmerican Indian and Alaska Native students

encounter a receptive, supportive institutionalenvironment, they are more likely to make thenecessary social and academic adjustment. Falkand Aitkin (1984) suggested several factors thatcontribute to a supportive environment for Nativestudents: a large number or critical mass of Nativestudents on campus; peer support; parental sup-port; support from outside agencies, such as tribaleducation departments; faculty and staff who showconcern for Native students; good academicpreparation in high school, personal motivation;and adequate financial support.

In addition, Scott (1986) included positive in-stitutional structures such as cultural centers andcurricula which value the Native world as impor-tant factors in institutional climate. American In-dian and Alaska Native studies programs oncollege campuses provide these structures andserve as focal points for Native students. In 1984,there were 107 two- and four-year institutions withprograms of varying size and scope of operation.Half of these enjoyed full departmental status(Heth and Guyette, 1984). In addition to the teach-ing, research, and service functions of traditionalacademic departments, Native studies programsalso provide important student services. Perhaps

most important, they provide a haven in an other-wise alienating environment in the words of anAlaska Native educator, "a safe place to be in astrange land" (Widmark, 1990).

Some colleges and universities serving Nativestudents are making efforts to create a supportiveinstitutional climate for American Indian andAlaska Native students. Several model institu-tiono are noteworthy:

Montana State UniversityMontana State University, a public land-grant

institution, has perhaps the most comprehensivesupport system for its Native students in the na-tion. 'Me heart of this system is the Center forNative American Studies, an academic depart..mentin the College of Letters and Science, with sixfull-time faculty. These include three teachingfaculty, one full-time Native student advisor, andtwo administrative faculty serving specialbranches of the Center: the Office of Tribal Serviceand the Native American Graduate Center. TheOffice of Tribal Service, the only one of its kind inthe nation, coordinates the University's interac-tions with the tribes of Montana, particularly withthe seven tribally controlled colleges in the state.The Native American Graduate Center seeksfinancial support and administers fellowshipprograms for advanced study.

In addition, the Center for Native AmericanStudies maintains the American Indian ClubRoom, a spacious, well-furnished complex whichoffers an enclave in an otherwise alienatingenvironment. The advisor's office, student com-puters and typewriters, meeting/lounging/studyfacilities, and telephones are available here. ANative student in need is eligible for the Center'semergency loans, special scholarships, free tutor-ing, and other support services.

Other institutional programs complement theCenter's activities. The Advance By Choice Pro-gram, a federally-funded special services program,provides counseling, tutoring, and developmentalcoursework for American Indian and Alaska Na-tive and other disadvantaged students. In addi-tion, the American Indian Research OpportunitiesProgram is the University's umbrella organizationfor three federally-funded projects designed totrain undergraduate and graduate students for thehealth professions and biomedical researchcareers.

Other programs have Licluded financial sup-port of graduate students, the establishment offaculty development programs for tribal collegeinstructors, faculty and student exchangeprograms, donations of library books and scienceequipment, assistance with tribal college ac-

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creditation, and the administration ofmath/science programs for minority high schoolstudents.

Perhaps the most vital component of the sup-port network is the institutional commitment thatpervades Montana State University. According tothe President, William Tietz, "We have, based onour land grant mission, oriented ourselves to as-sisting the state's American Indian population."Despite a decade of dwindling state resources forhigher education, Native educption programs haveenjoyed continued funding at Montana StateUniversity (Trinity, 1990).

Largely because of the supportive climate, in aperiod of general University enrollment stability,the American Indian and Alaska Native studentnumbers have continued to increase. The Nativestudent enrollment for fall 1990 was 224, repre-senting an 11 percent increase over the same termlast year and a growth of 43 percent since fall 1981.

Northern Arizona UniversityTwo years ago, Northern Arizona University

(NAU), a public state institution, embarked on"The New Momentum," a new initiative to xmder-take a systematic, culturally sensitive, long-termpartnership program with various Native govern-ments, to improve their educational and economicopportunities. It proposed to forge partnershipsamong the University, the tribal governments, in-dividuals, state and federal agencies, school sys-tems, and organizations in the private sector.

Further, to create a more receptive, supportiveenvironment, NAU has established a number ofprograms and services: The Nizhoni SummerCamp, the Native American Advisement Center,the Talent Search Program, and the UpwardBound Program. In addition, the Universityoperates unique centers which focus curricula andtraining on needs of the Native communities theAmerican Indian Rehabilitation Research andTraining Center, offered through its Institute forHuman Development, and the Center forAmerican Indian Economic Development, sup-ported through the College of Business Ad-ministration. As a result of such efforts over thepast decade, NAU has more than doubled its Na-tive student enrollment, one of the largest in thenation.

Again, it bears repeating that strong institu-tional commitment is at the root of NAM success.As President Eugene M. Hughes recently em-phasized, "We at Northern Arizona University arecommitted to a statewide and region-wide missionof improving the educational and economic oppor-tunities for American Indians" (Hughes, 1990).

Bobby Wright

Clarkson University/AISESA decade ago, Clarkson University, a private

institution in Potsdam, New York, became the siteof the first American Indian Science and Engi-neering Society student chapter. (Today there aresome sixty AISES chapters nationwide.) Con-sidered a model chapter, the Clarkson AISESchapter offers a number of nurturing activities,including the AISES Science Camp and a Mentor-ship Program for junior high and high school stu-dents. The presence of AISES on the Clarksoncampus is largely accountable for the highest per-centage rate of matriculated Native students, andthe highest retention rate in the country (Ryd-zewski, 1990). According to the Assistant Dean andAISES advisor, to date, 95 percent of Native stu-dents who enter Clarkson graduate from the Col-lege of Engineering. Prom a total enrollment of 15to 20 students annually, as many as seven en-gineering students have graduated in a single year.

Clarkson's commitment and success have at-tracted corporate contributions for engineeringscholarships and grants. Moreover, the institutionis committed to matching all external support,allowing the University to disperse between$75,000 and $100,000 in financial aid awards toAmerican Indian and Alaska Native students.

Assistant Dean Edward Misiaszek attributesthis success to selective recruitment of students,often depending on direct referrals from highschool counselors and other colleagues, as well asclose follow-up and mentoring of enrolled students.In Misiaszek's words, "I ride herd on these stu-dents." He has been doing so for twenty years(Misiaszek, personal communication, January 11,1991).

This unparalleled success speaks well ofClarkson University and the strong administrativecommitment in its College of Engineering. Butequally noteworthy as a success factor is the na-tional AISES organization itself. Formed in 1977,the Society has dedicated itself to increase oppor-tunities for American Indians and Alaska Nativestu pursue science and engineering fields. Unques-tionably the individual chapters and the nationalorganization have provided an effective supportnetwork with positive results in recruitment,retention, and graduation of Native students inthese important fields.

Exemplary institutions which are successful inenrolling and retaining Native college _Jentshave common characteristics. Foremost amongthese is a strong, ongoing institutional commit-ment, sometimes resting in a sinmle influentialadministrator. Other factors inclr collaboration

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with Native communities, an emphasis on precol-lege programs, proactive approaches to financialaid needs, and strong student support systems.Certainly, the highlighted institutions are not theonly (or necessarily the best) examples of ex-emplary programs. At the same time, one mustrecognize that most institutions are either mis-guided in their approach viewing the student asthe problem rather than the institution and itsculture or they completely ignore the issues(Tierney, in press).

Clearly, positive developments loom on thehorizon. They promise educational advancementamong American Indians. Ultimately, however,the test will be the definition of success that emer-ges as Indians increasingly enter and achieve inpostsecondary institutions. Will success contributeto the assimilation of Native people, or will institu-tions accommodate and value the cultural differen-ces which enrich the diversity of higher educationand American society as a whole? This remainsthe critical quesLion.

Strategies for the 1990s andBeyond

The two decades since the Kennedy Reporthave witnessed significant advances in AmericanIndian and Alaska Native higher education. Thesad irony is that the same problems and many ofthe same recommendations are as relevant todayas they were in 1969. Clearly, much remains to bedone if the nation is to significantly increase thepostsecondary recruitment, retention and gradua-tion of the Native population. Toward a new era inAmerican Indian and Alaska Native higher educa-tion, the following recommendations are offered:

The United States Congress should in-crease appropriations for federal financialassistance for postsecondary education,especially for the Bureau of Indian AffairsScholarship Grant Program, to a level thatallows every eligible American Indian andAlaska Native person to attend a highereducation institution of his/her choice.

The Bureau of Indian Affairs HigherEducation Grant Program (or its contrac-tors) and individual institutions of highereducation should collaborate to provide op-portunities, especially financial assis-te.nce, so that college-bound Native stu-dents may attend out-of-state, private,highly selective and/or costly institutions.Currently, students who receive BIA fund-ing are typically limited to support of in-state tuition. Partial tuition waivers,

:312

scholarships, ;and relocation assistanceprograms represent possible institutionalresponses. However, the BIA or its contrac-tors should take the initiative to establishbilateral agreements to encourage this op-tion for college-bound Native students.Federal financial aid programs and highereducation institutions should implementmeasures to extend the term of financialaid eligibility for students who require ad-ditional time to complete their degrees.This category of student would includecommunity college transfer students,whose academic progress is typicallydelayed in developmental coursework.Other needy students include those pursu-ing science, engineering and other techni-cal fields which today are considered atleast five-year programs. Workablemeasures include a special provision in thePell grant guidelines and a new programfunded specifically for this category ofneedy students.The U.S. Department of Education, in-dividual states, and institutions of highereducation should collect, analyze, and dis-seminate data on American Indians andAlaska Natives in higher education. Aprimary goal of the data collection shouldbe to track the progress of Native educa-tional attainment, especially enrollment,retention and graduation. A federal man-date to states which receive Native educa-tion funds and to the National Center forEducation Statistics is one strategy tomeet this need.In addressing needs of American Indianand Alaska Native higher education, thefederal government, states, and institu-tions of higher education should be sensi-tive to the unique needs of urban Nativepopulations and communities which arenot federally recognized. Opportunities of-fered to reservation-based and federallyrecognized groups should be available tourban and non-recognized Native popula-tions. At the same time, to qualify for allfederal or institution-based programs, ap-plicants should be required to provide ade-quate documentation of one's Native an-cestry. Simple self-identification oftenmisplaces opportunities in the hands ofindividuals whose degree ofNative blood isminimal and whose affiliation withAmerican Indian and Alaska Native com-munities is negligible.

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Postsecondary Education Bobby Wright

The federal government, states, tribalgovernments, and higher education in-stitutions should collaborate to iziprovethe /precollegiate preparation of lqativestudents. The focus of these efforts shouldnot be limited to academic preparation, butalso extend to social and emotional readi-ness as well. Programs like the recentlyinitiated SCUP Program and the provenTRIO Programs should be expanded andshould serve Native populations in propor-tion to their need.Junior high and high schools should im-prove and expand guidance services, espe-cially those which impact students' careerand college plans. Such services might in-clude ongoing career education, early col-lege visitations, dissemination of summerprogram and college information, and al-cohol/drug counseling. In genera], schoolsshould provide more ongoing evicourage-ment and support to potentially college-bound students, beginning such efforts 110later than the junior high school level.American Indian and Alaska Nativeparents and their communities at largeshould increaPs involvement in theirchildren's educational achievement andplanning. While community control andparental involvement in education arehallmarks of the Self-Determination era,parents can do more to encourage and sup-port their children's educational aspira-tions. Schools, tribal education organiza-tions, and higher education institutionscan assist parents in this goal. Such low-cost activities as financial aid workshops,student-parent college visitations, andcareer information dissemination, andcommunity career/college fairs are pos-sible strategies. The Farent Action Teamat Montana's Rocky Boy Reservation offersa model prteram.Higher education institutions, particularlythose with significant Native studentpopulations, should provide adequatefinancial support and other resources tomaintain a quality American Indian andAlaska Native studies center. Theseacademic, student services, and culturalcenters should serve as the focal point forNative students, but should not be viewedas isolating, separatist program& At thesame time, these Centers must serve thediversity goals of the institution and pro-

vide academic, social, and cultural enrich-ment to the campus community.Higher education institutions shouldstrengthen their affirmative action efforts.In light of the limited availability ofqualified Native doctorates and the severeunderrepresentation of American Indiansand Alaska Natives on college faculties,institutions should develop special facultydevelopment programs to recruit, nurture,and tenure Native faculty. Such programsmight encompass research support funds,release time provisions, early sabbaticalleaves, mentorships with senior faculty,and financial support for Native facultypursuing their doctorates.The federal government, states, Nativegovernments, and higher education in-stitutions should collaborate to supportand strengthen the tribally controlled col-leges. In recognition of their proven suc-cess, the federal government (with con-tributions from state appropriations)should provide adequate funding for opera-tions and development, including endow-ments and facilities construction.

Conclusion: Toward a NewEra of Academic Progress and

Cultural IntegrityMany of the same challenges that confronted

Caleb Cheeshateaumuck at seventeenth-centuryHarvard face Native college students today. Nearlyfour hundred years later, the methods used to"civilize" (or, in more contemporary tern's, to"assimilate" and "acculturate") Indian youth, aswell as the tragic outcomes which resulted, remainmuch the same. A contemporary researcher, in hisrecent study of American Indian college students,found that

Indians do poorly in school because theeducational system has been one of themajor battlegrounds in the confrontation be-tween Indian and white worlds... As thesubstance, networks, and activities ofeducation in white schools typically cham-pion white values and practices to the ex-clusion of Indian ones, fitting in andsucceeding in school create special problemsfor Indian students committed to Indian cul-ture (Scott, 1986, pp. 383-84).

Indian students have been couaseled to become'less Indian,' he added,

as a conscious strategy for doing better inschool. If this is what is meant by success.

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many Indians would not consider droppingout of school a mark of failure. For many,success in education means mastering whiteways on one's own terms by maintainingsome commitment to Indian values andtradition (Scott., 1986, p. 393).Considering the cultural conflicts, it is not

surprising, then, that Indians continue an aversionto higher education, an institution which for cen-aries has sought to remold them in the image of

the white man. In terms of relative success ofeducational efforts, their cultural persistenceremains a centuries-old tribute to peoples whocontinue to prevail on the battleground ofideologies and cultures, even if they have not al-ways triumphed in the academic arenas.

Now, more than three centuries after CalebCheeshateaumuck confronted the alien environ-ment of Harvard, the time is long overdue forcultural conflict and assimilationist efforts to end.American Indians and Alaska Natives must haveopportunities to enter the higher education arenaon their own terms to encounter challengewithout tragedy and experience triumph withoutsacrificing their cultural integrity.

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Pottinger, R. (1990). Disjunction to higher educa-tion: American Indian students in the South-west. Journal of Navajo Education, 7(2), 3-11.

Rydzewski, J. (1990, August). AISES's first stu-dent chapter: A decade of success. Winds ofChange, pp. 117-121.

Scott, W. J. (1986). Attachment to Indian cultureand the "difficult situation": A study ofAmerican Indian college students. Youth &Society, 17(4), 381-395.

Standing Bear, L. (1933). Land of the SpottedEagle. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Special Subcommittee on Indian Education.(1969). Indian Education: A National Tragedy,A National Challenge. Washington, D.C.: U.S.Government Printing Office.

Teba, B. F. (1990, August 30). Testimony presentedto the indian Nations at Risk Task Force. Un-published Raw Data.

Task Force Five: Indian Education. (1976) Reporton Indian Education: Final Report to theAmerican Indian Policy Review Commission.Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government PrintingOffice.

Bobby Wright

Tierney, W. G. (in press). Official encouragement,institutional discouragement: Minorities inacademe, a critical analysis of NativeAmerkans. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing.

Trinity, A. (1990, August). Creating educationalpathways: A Montana university teams upwith tribal colleges. Winds ofChange, pp. 56-63.

Widmark, E. C. (1990). Testimony presented to theIndian Nations at Risk Task Force. Un-published raw data.

Wright, B. & Weasel Head, P. (1990, Winter).Tribally controlled community colleges: A stu-dent outcomes assessment of associate degreerecipients. Community College Review. 18(3),28-33.

About the AuthorBobby Wright is a Research Associate and

Assistant Professor in the Center for the Study ofHigher Education, The Pennsylvania StateUniversity. At Penn State, he pursueL an activeresearch agenda in Native higher education, withparticular emphases in historical study of colonialcollege missions and student outcomes research attribally controlled community colleges. Dr. Wrightis a member of the Chippewa-Cree tribe of RockyBoy's Reservation in Montana. He is the past direc-tor of the Rocky Boy Tribal High School and morerecently former director of the Center for NativeAmerican Studies, Montana State University. Histotal experience in Native education spans nearlytwo decades. Dr. Wright is a strong advocate ofself.determination in education and for triballycontrolled education, and his professional life hasbeen devoted to fostering these developments.

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