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An Occupational Journey: Narratives of Two WomenWho Divorced a Spouse with AlcoholismKatie Lee BSc MScOT OT Reg(BC) a & Dr Bonnie Kirsh ba University of Torontob Department of Occupational Science and Occupational Therapy, and the GraduateDepartment of Rehabilitation Science, University of TorontoVersion of record first published: 29 Feb 2012.

To cite this article: Katie Lee BSc MScOT OT Reg(BC) & Dr Bonnie Kirsh (2006): An Occupational Journey: Narratives of TwoWomen Who Divorced a Spouse with Alcoholism, Journal of Occupational Science, 13:2-3, 134-144

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An Occupational Journey: Narratives ofTwo 飞苟omen 飞布ho Divorced a Spouse with Alcoholism

Abstract While the relationship between divorce, alcoholism, and their social impact have been established, there is little research on women who have divorced a spouse with alcoholism, especially from an occupational perspective. This cross case analysis was undertaken to develop an understanding of the occupational journeys of women who have divorced a spouse with alcoholism. For this study, an occupational journey is defined as the pathway of activities engaged in to develop identity and renew the self after leaving a spouse with alcoholism. In-depth interviews were used to obtain rich narrative data regarding the occupational journeys of two women in a large Canadian city. Findings suggest that the extent to which an occupational journey enables identity formation and well­being is dependent on the presence of supports, occupation, and empowerment.

KeyWords Identity Divorce Alcoholism Occupational journey Narrative

Katie Lee , BSc, MScOT, OT Reg(BC), at the time of this project was a student in the MSc(OT) program at the University of Toronto. She works as an occupational therapist with the Mood Disorders Centre at the University of British Columbia Hospital. Her areas of interest include the relationship between mental health and occupation , identity formation , and occupational issues unique to women.

Dr Bonnie Kirsh is Assistant Professor in the Department of Occupational Science and Occupational Therapy, and the Graduate Department of Rehabilitation Science at the University of Toronto. She has conducted research into community support for persons with mental illnesses , return­to work issues for injured workers and for persons with mental health problems , and experiences of minority group consumers of occupational therapy services.

Addresses for correspondence: Katie.Lee@vch.ca bonnie.kirsh@utoronto.ca

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Katie Lee & Bonnie Kirsh

Occupational science concems itself with humans as occupational beings who seek to engage in occupations that give meaning to life and enable health and well-being. One purpose of occupational science research is to determine the role of occupational engagement across th巳 life span; to explore how humans employ occupation as a means to navigate life's challenges and transitions while enabling well-being. The formation of identity, through occupational engagement, is one way occupation can enable well喃being. Thus , the relationship between occupational engagement during life transitions and the promotion of well-being through the development and expr巳ssion of identity needs to be explored.

Divorce is one example of a life transition. In Westem society, alcoholism and divorce 缸'e not uncommon experiences and the social impact of each of these issues has been well documented. The relationship between alcoholism and divorce is also well established, with higher rates of divorce observed in marriages with alcoholism. Research that addresses wives of men with alcoholism is available , as is literature on women and divorce. However, there is a paucity of literature on women who have divorced a spouse with alcoholism, especially from an occupational perspective. Moreover, within the existing literature on wives of men with alcoholism , women's experience has been largely overlooked. This study was a cross case analysis aim巳d at understanding the occupational journeys of women who have divorced a spouse with alcoholism, and the impact of occupation during and after this transition.

A Personal Reflection by the First Author

Researchers may pursue questions that emerge from their personal experience and insights (Ratcli匠， Farnworth , & Lentin , 2002). This is the case with the first author. Her reflections follow:

My interest in the occupational journeys of women who have divorced a spouse with alcoholism developed out of my own experience and my career path within occupational science. My father was addicted to alcohol for most of the 32 years he was married to my mother.A卢er failed attempts ω save my father卢om his addiction , my parents divorced. Seven years after her divorce , my mother is a successful and confident woman with a life 声II of joy. While studying occupational science , 1 began to see my mother's journey to fu伊llment as an occupational journey, where her engagement in various occupations enabled her ω discover her true se扩and achieve personal well-

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An OcclIpational JOllmey: Narratives of Two Women Who Divorced a Spouse with Alcoholism Katie Lee & Bonnie Kirsh

being. 1 began to explore the relatio lJships be仰een the CO l1structs of alcoholism. divorce and occupation.

Literature Review

Wives of men w i.th. akoholism In North America, alcohol is one of the most fr巳quently used drugs (American Psychiatric Association , 2000). Significant social and interpersonal problems may result for an individual with alcoholism 句 which may lead to considerable financial 句

home life 弓 and marital difficulties (American Psychiatric Association). Alcoholism is as much as five times more likely to occur in males than females (American Psychiatric Association). Therefore , it is more common in maniage for the man , as oppos巳d to the woman 句 to su仔er from alcoholism (Nace. 1982). Although ther巳 is extensive research on women who ar巳 malTied to a spous巳 with alcoholism , much of this research has focus巳d on how the woman 啕s behaviour affects the man '5 alcoholism (Barber & Gilb巳rtson ， 1997; Nace; Schuckit 叮 Smith ， Eng & Kunovac , 2002). Th巳 purpose of such research , then , is to translate findings into treatment options for the man with alcoholism (Barber & Gilbertson; Montgomery & Johnson , 1992) , and not to provide understanding or benefit to the woman ‘ s predicam巳nt.

Research on women married to a spouse with alcoholism has focused on explaining th巳 woman's behaviours and has resulted in the development of several conceptual models. Two conceptual models that have r巳ceived attention ar巳 the

disturbed personaliti巳s model (Whalen , 1953) and the stress and coping model (Jackson , 1954). The former , which descαr巾e臼s t由h巳 woman as pathological , has be巳n largely discredited due to methodological limitations (Edwards 啕

Harvey & Whitehead ‘ 1973; Hurcom , Copello & Orford , 2000; Jacob , Favorini 弓 M巳isel & And巳rson ， 1978 呵

Montgomery & Johnson , 1992). The stress and coping model (Jackson) conceíves the wife of a ma口 with alcoholism "as striving toward[s] some r巳solution of [h巳r] situational difficulties through coping b巳ha飞riours" (Hurcom et al., p. 488). This model avoids pathologizing th巳 wife ， as it recognizes th巳 impact of 巳nvironmental stressors from the husband's alcoholism (Hurcom et al.). Res巳arch used to develop effective tr巳atment programs for the husband has focus巳d on determining what coping strategies are most helpful in encouraging the husband's abstinence from drinking (Barber & Gilbertson , 1997; Nac巳， 1982). Thus , by regarding the wife as a tool in the treatment process , the stress and coping model continues to overlook th巳 wife's experience (Barber & Gilb巳rtson; Montgomery & Johnson). Furthermore ,

neither model explicitly considers roles or occupations in the woman's life and the impact these have on the woman's id巳ntity or well-being.

Relative to "non-alcoholic mmTiages" , marital dissatisfaction ,

conflict , instabili ty , and di vorce are more common in marriages where the ma!e suffers from alcoholism (Barber & Gilbertson , 1997; L巳onard & Rothbard , 1999; Nac巳， 1982; O'Farrell. 1981). The challenges facing divorced wives of men with alcoholism are two-fold , as they st1吨gle to identify

Journal of Occupational Science, July 2006, Vol13 , No 2, pp 134-144

themselves as separat巳 from their husbands and separat巳 from

his alcoholism (Bisagni & Eckenrode , 1995; Casey, Griffin & Googins , 1993). B巳fore exploring the problem furthel 呵 it is important to consider divorc巳 as experienced by women.

Women's experience of divorce ln Canada , from 1998 to 2000. the divorce rate increased 3% and in 2000 ther巳 W巳re 70 ,292 newly divorced women (Statistics Canada , 2003). From a feminist persp巳CtI时， gend巳r­

power imbalances and the exp巳ctations plac巳d on women as a result of traditional gend巳r roles have women facing issues which differ from those of divorced men (Duffy , Thomas & Trayner, 2002). Common problems these women 巳ncounter

during this transition includ巳 financial troubles , social dif丑culties of being a single parent , al1d fears of independence ,

which occur as Western society encourages women to rely 011 men for financial security and happiness (Duffy et al.; Nelson ,

1989). Accordingly啕 women who value traditional gender roles may believ巳 th巳y have failed as wives and mothers after divorce and exp巳rience d巳巳p feelings of guilt and shame (Duffy et al.). Nonetheless , positive changes for these women ,

including personal grow血， a sense of freedom. and improv巳dself-confidence have also been documented (Bisagni & Eckenrode , 1995; Nelson ‘ 1982). The role of coping strategies to manage the stresses of divorce has b巳en d巳fined for these wom巳n as well (Bisagni & Eckenrode; Nelson , 1989). Again 同 a

focus on engagement in meaningful occupations during the process of divorce is missing from the literature.

Occupation and. iife transitions While little , if any , research has explored these women 's issues from an occupational perspective , it is important to view women who have divorced a spouse with alcoholism as occupational beings in light of the aforementioned research. Occupation 句 defined as "all ‘ doing' that has intrinsic or 巳xtrinsic m巳aning" (认Tilcock ， 1998a , p. 257) , has been said to be at the core of human 巳xperience (Wilcock , 1998a) and ess巳ntial for health and well-being (Canadian Association of Occupational Therapists , 2002). The power of occupation to facilitate lif，巳 transitions ， such as divorce , has also be巳n

recognized (Blair, 2000; Wilcock , 1998b).

A life transition repr巳sents "an interruption in th巳 pattern of 巳V巳1γday life" (Blair, 2000. p. 232) and a succ巳ssfu1 transition requir巳s individual adaptation and resili巳nce. 丁h巳sεqualitiescan d由ev曰巳lop thr p 巳rsona址1 g缸rowt出h and a倪削utonomy by enabling t出h巳 re­巳臼stablisl由hm丑len旧lt of daily ro刀outines and fe巳eli讪ngs of cωor口1tr刀吼01让l 哼

protecting self-est巳em，巳nabling self-actualization , and contributing to identity (Hasselkus , 2002; Laliberte-Rudman , 2002; Molineux & McKay, as cited in Blair). This ability of occupation to contribute to identity is of particular importanc巳for women who hav巳 di飞rorced a spouse with alcoholism. From an occupationa1 perspective , the stress and coping mod巳l

suggests that the wife's occupations centr巳 on her ability to cope with her husband's alcoholism. This may then result in identities for these women that are de巳ply connected to their husband's drinking. Thus , as these women transition to a life post-divorc巳， th巳y must not only identify who they are outside

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An Occupatìonal Journey: Narratives of Two Women Who Divorced a Spouse with Alcoholism Katie Lee & Bonnie Kirsh

of maniage , but they must build occupational identities that define them as separate from their husbands' alcoholism.

Work , as 巳xplored from psychosocial p巳rspectives ， has been recognized as an impOltant occupation fo1' both wives of men with alcoholism and wom巳n who hav巳 divorced. Res巳arch for both populations has suggested that work enables these women to develop their id巳ntities (Bisagni & Eckenrode ,

1995; Casey et al., 1993) and facilitate well-being through broadening their social environme时， and providing financial stability (Ba1'ber & Gilb巳rtson ， 1997; Cas巳y et al.; Duffy et a1.,

2002; Montgome1'Y & Johnson , 1992). However, 1'esearch with thes巳 women from an occupational pe1'spective is noticeably absent , resulting in a m勾01' focus on p1'oductive occupations , specifically employment. Research from an occupational perspective would 巳xpand th巳 cUlTent knowledge on the role of occupation during this t1'ansition , as other types of occupation ,

such as self-care and leisure , would be explored.

Purpose of S在udy

The purpose of this cross case analysis was to und巳rstand the occupational joumeys of two women who have divorc巳d a spouse with alcoholism. Specifically there were three main objectives or questions. (1) What influenc巳s these women's occupational choic巳s during their occupational joumeys? (2) What ar巳 the meanings that these wom巳n attach to their occupations? (3) How do occupational choice and engagement influence identity and well-being amongst these women post­divorce?

岛iethods

Design rationale 1n consideration of the paucity of literature on women who have divorced a spouse with alcoholism , an 巳xploratory

method of inquiry that allows for a preliminary understanding of the occupational joum巳ys of these women was n巳巳dedQualitative m巳thodology "巳mphasizes an und巳rstanding of human experienc巳，巳xploring the nature of people's transactions with th巳mselves ， other飞 and their sunoundings" (Portney & Watkins 号 2000 ， p. 272) and is well suited to study the complexities of occupation (Yerxa, 1991) and gende1'ed experiences (Pilcher & Coffey, 1996). This study pres巳nts a cross case analysis of two women as they transition巳d out of th巳ir maniages to th巳ir spouses with alcoholism. Lincoln and Guba (1 985) emphasize that case study structures address the problem , the context , the issues , and the ‘ lessons leamed'. Th巳narrative data elicited from the participants allow巳d an in­depth appr'巳ciation of all of these factors.

Role of researcher and maximizing quality As primarγinvestigator， the fi1'st author conducted all aspects of the study, and each stag巳 was discussed thoroughly with her supervisor电 the second author飞， for purposes of m丑1aintainingrigorous standards and r巳flecti吨 on i旧ersl

According to the int忧er叩pr陀巳ti飞v巳 paradigm , th巳 r巳searcher is recognized as an instrument in the research proc巳ss (Patton , 1990). Thus , it is the responsibility of the investigator to be

136

transparent regarding experience and perspectives that may have an 巳ffect on the study process and outcome. The fi1'st author's personal experience and insights into alcoholism ,

divo1'ce. and occupation 巳nabled a deepened unde1'standing of the pa1'ticipants' occupational joum巳ys and an ability to explore thes巳 with add巳d sensitivity and 巳mpathy， facilitating rapport building. However飞 in order to ensure that participants' ability to fully sha1'e their sto1'y was not r巳由北ted in any way ,

sev巳ral methods fo1' maximizing quality w巳r巳 employed.

Reflexivity 巳nhances the confi1'mability and overall trustwo1'thiness of qualitativ巳 research by allowing the investigato1' to consider the impact of his or her p巳rspectIves

on th巳 r巳sea1'ch p1'ocess (DePoy & Gitlin , 1998). The first author kept a refl巳ctive joumal to encourage an awareness of how her assumptions may hav巳 impacted the research process. The joumal help巳d ensure the wome叭 experiences w巳r巳

repr巳sented and not the first author's. Fo1' example，巳ntries

were made immediately following 巳ach interview to name and r巳flect on immediate assumptions , which inc1"巳ased awareness of how such assumptions may limit the participant's voice. Th巳 fi1'st author also discussed reflectÏons with her sup巳rVlsoras a means of reflection. As a fo1'm of pe巳r d，巳briefing ， the supervisor reviewed random transcripts of inter马'iews and 巳ngaged in discussions regarding how the fi1'st autho1'甸s

assumptions , based on h巳r own subjective experienc巳， may be impacting data analysis , while exploring othe1' possible mt巳rpretations of the data as viewed by the sup巳rvisor (D巳Poy& Gitlin). Patton (1990) discuss巳d analyst triangulation as a method of enhancing the quality and credibility of the data collected. This method was support巳d in the proc∞es岱s of j扣omanalys剖is with t白h巳 s叩up巳rVl比so臼r. In addition , an audit t1'ail was kept in the form of a methods joumal (Ratcliff et a1., 200匀， where the research proc巳ss and decisions made wer巳 reco1'ded ， to increase th巳 dependability of the study. As pointed out by Portney and Watkins (2000) , a joumal allows for oth巳rs to review the logic and rationale behind method choices in the research proc巳ss.

Participants Purposive sampling was used to 1'ecmit two wom巳n who were able to shed light on the c巳ntral phenomenon , and who were ,

in the wo1'ds of Patton (1 990) , "information-rich cas巳s" (p. 169). In consideration of the exploratory nature of the study and the lack of research in this area , inclusion crite1'ia w巳re

kept to a minimum. Participants were included in th巳 study if they had divorced a spouse who th巳y viewed as having alcoholism , lived in the identified urban area , and could communicat巳 clearly in English.

Full ethics approval was received from a university ethics board. Participants w巳r巳 recruit巳d from community support servlc出 for women and through fellow occupational therapy students. With permission ‘ an information fly巳r for th巳 study

was posted at supp0l1 services for wom巳n of divorce and a First Nations' women's centre , as well as distributed among classmates. Women who were interest巳d contact巳d th巳 first

author th1'ough a private phone number provided. Prior to beginning th巳 study，巳ach participant sign巳d an

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An Occupational Journey: Narratives of Two Women Who Divorced a Spouse with Alcoholism Katie Lee & Bonnie Kirsh

information/consent form.

Two women were recruited. Anne (pseudonym) is First Nations and in her forties. She left her cornmon-law husband over four years ago , after 27 years of marriage. She has two children from whom she is now estranged and is employed at the women's centre where she sought assistance after leaving her spouse. Michelle (pseudonym) is Caucasian and also in her forties. She left her husband of 25 years two years ago and had been divorced for six months at the time of the interview. She has two children with whom she has a close relationship. She is completing her doctorate. Anne was in a slightly higher income bracket than Michelle. The first author had no prior relationship with either participant.

Data gathering In-depth interviews were used to elicit narrative data from participants. Narratives use "the universal human activity" of storytelling "to see how respondents in interviews impose ord巳r on the flow of experience to make sense of events and actions in their lives" (Riessman , 1993 , p. 2). Narrative data shed light on connected events that have a sequence and intentional quality (Bailey & Jackson , 2003). The temporal component of narratives makes this an effective approach for understanding life transitions (Riessman). The interview guide used was flexible to allow the story to develop without interruption. Broad , open-ended questions and probes were used , as ne巳ded ， to encourage the p缸ticipant to share her story. A mutually convenient interview time and location was arranged prior to the interview. Interviews were conducted with only the participant present to ensure privacy. Each interview lasted one and a half-hours. To increase the confirmability and credibility of the findings , surnma巧r notes were written after each interview that captured the main thoughts shared by the women.

Participants were provided with a brief demographic questionnaire prior to cornmencing the interview, to ensure that relevant descriptive data was collected and to generate possible ideas around relationships between demographic variables and emerging units , categories and themes. The variables requested were identified in the literature on wives of men with alcoholism and on women of divorce as affecting their ability to cope and to transition after divorce. They included age , years since divorce , years married to a spouse with alcoholism , number of children , level of education , annual income , and employment status (Barber & Gilbertson , 1997; Casey et al., 1993; Duffy et al., 2002; James & Goldman , 1971; Montgomery & Johnson , 1992).

Data analysis Audiotapes were transcribed verbatim , and this step enabled intimate knowledge of the data. Data analysis began once the initial interview was completed, a process compatible with the emergent and iterative design of the study. In their discussion of analysis of narratives , Bailey and Jackson (2003) suggested that the process uses paradigmatic reasoning to classify and bring order to various elements in the world. Analysis of narratives reduces stories to their cornmon elements; data is

exarnined to discover categories and common themes that appear across stories , and further analysis draws relationships between the categori臼. As these authors point out , Polkinghome (1995) claimed that analysis of narratives draws on methods similar to those proposed by Glaser and Strauss. In this study, the constant comparative method of qualitative data analysis was applied (Glaser & Strauss , 1967). To achieve a profound understanding of the data, analysis was completed manually. After data transcription was complete , units or "chunks of meaning which come out of the data itself' (Marshall , cited in Lincoln & Guba, 1985 , p. 345) w巳red巳fined and written on index cards , along with the associated quote to reflect the narrative context. Tentative categories were identified across and within 巳ach interview, where units were associated with a category based on specific inclusion criteria. Categories were organized across the two interviews into themes. This final stage was completed in consideration of each woman's entire narrative. Data analysis was dynamic and iterative; new units emerged, categories were redefined, new themes developed , and old themes re-worked. Eventually, a theoretical framework was constructed.

FB Ob n -E Ju n ---且

E且

Six themes emerged from the data (Table 1). These themes shed light on the occupational joumeys of women who have divorced a spouse with alcoholism: the first two describe these women's experiences before leaving their ex-spouses , and the remaining four describe the joumeys from the point of separation onwards. By beginning their stories prior to the divorce , these women provided a context from which to better appreciate the significanc巳 of their occupational joumeys. For both women , the point oftransition occurred when they ceased co-habitation with their spouse.

"Home is hell": Occupational deprivation Occupational deprivation is the denial of "occupational choice and diversity because of circumstances beyond the control of the individual" (Wilcock, 1998a, p. 257). This deprivation results in the individual being "unable to do what is necessary and meaningful in [his or her life]" (Whiteford , 2000 , p. 200). Both women described being occupationally deprived due to their ex-spouses' alcoholism and abusive behaviours.

When married, both women's roles and associated occupations included maintaining appearances of a ‘ normal' familly, controlling the effects of alcoholism, being primary caretaker ofthe family, and protecting the children and their spouse from the effects of alcoholism. Thus , their primary focus was on the home environment. Because of th巳巳motional and physical demands of these roles , the women had to sacrifice other roles such as worker, student and friend , which resulted in restricted occupational choice. These roles , in addition to the spouses' controlling and abusive behaviours , kept these women 1缸.gelyat home and socially isolated.

Anne and Michelle revealed the emotional pain they experienced with their ex-spouses , as well as their forced dependency. They described feelings of worthlessness and

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An Occupational Journey: Narratives of Two Women Who Divorced a Spouse with Alcoholism Katie Lee & Bonnie Kirsh

Table 1. Themes and Categories Representing the Reflective Context and Occupational Journeys of Women Who have Divorced a Spouse with Alcoholism

Theme Sub themes

"Home is hell": occupational deprivation Role sacrifice and social isolation Emotional pain and dependency Cultural and spiritual repression Breaking point

Barriers to moving on Societal expectations Lack of support services for women in need

Support enables the process of moving on Inner Outer Towards others

Doing: building the self Participation in cultural and spiritual occupations Participation in productive occupations Gaining knowledge: growth and validation

Empowerment: ownership and survival Owning possessions Survival

Renewal "The person 1 am" Afuture "Amazing ride"

fear, as well as feeling numb , bullied , damaged, as if living in a dark period and seeing suicide as the only way out. These feelings destructively influenced the women ‘ s belief in their ability to do. Dependency on the spouse for money and access to possessions and resources disempowered both women and restricted occupational 巳ngagement. This was p缸ticularly

damaging for Anne: Throughout that relationship , you know, as he said, he paidfor eveηthing. [ was ninety-eight pounds, 'cause [ wouldn 't eat because he paid for it. [ wouldn 't drink because he paidfor it. [wouldn't sleep because he was there , that was his bed.

Both women spoke of how their husbands controlled their cultural and spiritual expression. For Michelle , this was significant as her 饵-husband was a respected religious leader in a small community. She described the pressure she felt to practice her spirituality in accordance with his beliefs. Anne told of how certain pieces of her culture , such as ceremonial objects , art, and medicines , are not permitted in the presence of alcohol. This limited her ability to engage in cultural occupations and express her spirituality when at home or with her spouse.

Finally, Anne and Michelle each described a moment when they realized that in order to survive they must leave their spouse and the abusive relationship. This realization occurred either with one or a series of breaking points. Anne shared: "within three days he was back ω drinking the same pattern again and [ guess that's when [ really realized that he wasn't gonna change and 扩[ stayed [ was gonna die right along with him" . Later she described the final breaking point in her relationship and how she was able to act on her decision t 、

138

leave: "[t云 July 30仇. [can never forget that date , the time that eveηthing just sank in and actually made sense".

Barriers to moving on The women in 也is study did not leave their spouses once they 巳xperienced the effects of alcoholism and abuse. Instead, Anne remained in her marriage for 27 years and Michelle for 25 years , despite the pain and occupational deprivation described in the previous theme. Two main types of barriers extemal to the women contributed to them remaining with their spouses.

Anne and Michelle described societal expectations that inhibited them from accessing much needed support. Both related how they had to maintain a facade of the perfect marriage and farnily. By presenting themselves as the capable wife and mother, roles valued by Westem society, both women distanced themselves from receiving assistance , as farnily and friends either perceived no problems or believed both women to be coping well.

Michelle shared how she had blamed herself for her ex­spouse's alcoholism and abusive behaviours. This at times prevented her from seeing the 位ue sourc巳 of the problem, a problem that could not be solved by her changing herself. Furthermore , societal expectations left each woman with feelings of guilt when she considered leaving her spouse, as she believed this represented failure to be a good wife and mother. Michelle related , "[ just was completely destroyed and ... yet, [ still felt this need ω stay， this obligation. I'd made these vows. For better and for worse [ had ω stay in this relationship" .

A lack of support services for women in need was also

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expr巳ssed. When Michelle consid巳red leaving she questioned ,

"What would 1 do? Where would 1 go?" Without an answer to these qu巳stions ， she remained with her spouse. If support services w巳re present 句 access was prevented by a lack of awareness. At the women's c巳ntre. Anne assembled a resource manual for women who were leaving abusive paltners and she shared, "There 's a lot of wornen who don 't even know these things exist.1 remember.l was one ofthem. you know".

Support enabied the process of moving on Once a final breaking point was reached in their relationships ,

Anne and Michelle shared how bllilding their supports 巳nabled

them to leave and continlled to be a source of strength. Ann巳 's

inner supports were key in providing h巳r with the ability to leave. She spoke of how her spirituality and her faith in the Cr巳ator helped her gath巳r inner strength and courage. Sh巳d 巳臼scαr协ed how believing in h 巳创rs罚el旺f and knowing t出ha创t sh 巳 wa创s a good pe白rsωon help巳daω吕 well

Receiving support from others provided both Anne and Michelle with the belief that they could leave their spouses. SUpp0l1S includ巳d family , friends , co-workers , and classmates , counselors , psychologists and support service agencies. Ann巳and 岛1ichelle both sought out support; Anne att巳nded a women's support centre and Michelle saw a psychologist. However. there were times where Anne and Michelle needed their supp0l1s 勾 such as co-workers and friends. to reach out to them. SlIch supports 巳nabled these women to view themselves as competent people who deserved better lives. Michelle explained:

1 found that there were some people who could be supportive and who 1 could talk and share fη~y trauma that 1 was going through. And 扩 1 hadn 't had them 1 don 't know, 1 don 't think that 1 could hαve survived.

Both women valued being able to offer support towards other women by exchanging stories of alcoholism and abus巳. They saw these exchang巳s as reciprocal 句 where th巳y offer巳d support to other wom巳n as well as received support through the common experienc巳s they shared.

DOÌlllg: Buúllliing the self Th巳 women spoke to the role of occupation in developing the self. Common across the categories in this th巳me was conn巳cting with others and building sllpportive networks through doing. However , as the role of support was highlighted in the previous th巳me. it will not be further elaborated. Engaging in occupations that promoted the expression of cultural and spiritual beliefs enabled each woman to discover and learn her clllture and spirituality on her own terms 啕 to fill a void in her life and to discover her life pu叩ose. Anne said

Learning about my culture and being able to practice it il1 a sweat [lodgej , hanging up Native paintings in I盯

apartment. My apartme月t is beautiful 11OW, you know, and 1 don 't have to hide my Native stujf... When people walk into my apartment now, ‘ Geez , you have a l1 ice apartlηent'. you know... it's me , it's got a touch of me plus a touch of my culture.

Joumal of Occupational Science, July 2006, Vol13 , No 2, pp 134-144

Michelle describ巳d how her 巳x-spollse used his position within th巳 chllrch to control h巳r spiritual 巳xpression. Upon leaving her spouse , she struggled with fears of the institutional church. While the occupation of att巳nding church as a means to support spirituality remained , th巳巳nvironment in which 乱1ich巳II巳巳ngaged in this occupation made the difference. She found a supportive church community that enabled her to r巳discover h巳r spirituality. She shared:

111 a sense 1 had to rediscover my own beliefç becαuse so much of it was kind of shaped. . . because sometimes 1 would sα'y something αnd my husbαnd would get mad at me... ‘ You shouldn 、t be sα!ying that'... and so it's been nice , you know， α reawαkening. .. kind of rediscovering of realizing thαt my e工-husband had a wron又 understandin又 of Inany things and that has helped me to kind of rediscover and set my own ,

discover my own spirituality.

Participation in productiv巳 occupations d巳scribed by these women consisted of paid 巳mploym巳nt 弓 volunteering ， and 巳ducational pursuits. Productive occupations enabled them to build th巳ir confidence and self-est巳em ， develop various skills ,

face challenges and exp巳n巳nc巳 succes日， r巳move themselves from the eff，巳cts of alcoholism , and attain financial security. Anne shared her plan to apply for the position of 巳xecutive

director at the women 's centre wher巳 she had sought assistance from aft巳r leaving her spous巳:

1 do a lot of other courses 、 like fundraising foγ non­

profit organizations , a lot of workshops like that. Just learnin又 that all the thinf!.s that αn executive director would need to know. And 1'd like to take a proposal writing course , so l' d be excellent in that.

Michelle shared that doing productive work at schoo1 led to support and confid巳nc巳:

As 1 finished up my master 's and 1 worked with people ,

my supervisors there 、 and they kept telling me that, you kno飞飞 1wαs a good mind and, you know, 1 had potential αndthey αppreciated my work and it started to make IηE feel more confident in myself

An important occupation for th巳se wom巳n was actively pursuing knowledge about themselves , alcoholism and abuse They described being able to recognize their own feelings and n巳eds ， which contribllted to personal growth. Anne shared , "'1 became great at being a woman cause 1 learned /1101它 αbout

myself'. In addition , both wom巳n shared the validation that came from learning about alcoholism and abuse. Th已yw巳re

able to name these issu町， see them as wrong and learn that these ar巳 common exper让nces shared by many women. Michelle described this experience:

1 lvent to the university libraη， 1 went to the public library and 1 started reading about some of these things , which 1 hadn't realized, you know. And some oj it was... ah... what 1 wouldn't have classified as abusive. 1 thought, ‘Hey!... That ￥ my experience!' And so 1 found that validating in a way because...1 wasn't the only person out there.

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Empowermeni: Ownership of achievements Whil巳 owning possessions and surviving independently involved occupational engagement , it was the fe巳ling of empowerm巳nt 回 th巳 occupational outcome that was significant. For both Anne and Michelle , owning possessions.‘ creating a living space and having a sense of control ov巳r their surroundings symboliz巳d ind巳pendenc巳

and str巳ngth. Anne said: 1 bought my own bed, 1 bought a TV, you know,

júrn Ífure , like , 1 started 01]' with nothing , but it's slowly coming around. Took me almost four years , but /'ve got Iηy own apartment with a balcony, the whole bit, like , and 1 did it all by myself. Nobody did it for me , 1 did it all by myself. And that's the most empowering thing to me.

Furthermore. each woman became empowered by reflecting on her joumey and knowing she had surviv巳d. Michelle shared:

When 1 would question myself, 1 would think back to that sense oj β eedom that 1 felt when 1 opened the door to my apartment for the jïrst time. So it was kind of a point to reflect on and um , a ， 抖'hat's the right word , 1 knew that 1 had done that so 1 could make it.

Renewal Ren巳wal ， d巳fin巳d as "to begin again" and "to make new spiritually" (Meniam-Webster, 2004) , was expressed by both Anne and Michelle , as they refl巳cted on theír occupatíonal journeys. They spoke of the happíness they f，巳It ín being fr巳Eto explore and discover their tm巳 selv巳s. Through their occupatíonal journeys , they had become n巳w and dífferent women and had reclaimed lost identíties. Anne was descríbing the groups she facílitates and workshops she teaches at the women's centre when sh巳 noted:

It's just mind boggling that person 1 was then and the person 1 am today. Like ， 扩 they could see Iηe now... it'd be an eye-opening experience. Even my daughter could see me now, it'd be unbelievable what she'd see ,

she saw me a couple years ago αnd she was floored ,

so 旷 she could see now, you know, 1 made her cry last time she seen me. She said, ‘ You look so healthv mom'. lmagine 扩 she seen me teaching a bunch of students!

Míchelle shared: "My nwther says I'm more like what 1 was like years ago". She said , "llost my daughter somewhere f O/

a wlúle , and [I'm] a veη dijferent person... so it's like reclaiming your identity in a way". Through their sharing of future occupational goals , it was 巳vident that these wom巳n

saw a life full of occupational choic巳. For 巳xample ， Ann巳 was

working on a book about h巳r expenenc巳. Michelle was focused on completing her doctorate and also spoke of having a garden and purchasing a hom巳.

The tim巳 since leaving their ex-spous巳 was se巳n as a journey and a process , and cause for celebration. When reflecting on

140

the tim巳 since she left h巳r ex-spous巳， Anne commented: lt's been the most amazing ride for the last four yeαTS and it doesn 't feel like the roller coaster 1 used to be on. Going up and then ‘pshooo' , something happening... feels like there 's 170 coming down , just high... going and going.

Discussion

Through reflecting on her occupational 巳ngagement prior to the divorce , and h巳r subs巳quent occupationa1 joum巳y ， each woman's nanative spoke to the transformativ巳 power of occupation , illustrated the uniqueness of this transition from an occupational persp巳ctive ， and 巳xplored the significance of occupational outcomes. A th巳oretical framework (Figure 1) was developed to illustrate the dynamic and reciprocal relationships occurring within the occupational journeys.

Reflective context of narratives In the interview, both participants were invit巳d to share their thoughts about meaningful occupations engaged ìn after theìr divorce. However, both Anne and Michelle began their stori巳s with the point at which they met their ex-husbands. The 巳xperiences and occupations these women engag巳d in while manied w巳r巳 important pieces of their stori巳s and gave their narrativ巳s a broader context with which to appr巳ciateth巳 significance of their occupational journeys. Th巳Ir

inclusion of this formative time speaks to the continuity of occupational engagement throughout one's life course (Yerxa , et al., 1990). Anne and Michelle could not consider th巳ir occupationa1 journ巳ys in isolation of their past occupational and life experiences. This supports th巳 ass巳rtion

that occupation occurs within a "str巳am of time" (Yerxa，巳t

al.弓 p. 6). Accordingly，巳ach woma丑 reflected on the occupational deprivation from which she came , made sens巳of ít and then related it to the pathway of activities she engaged in after th巳 divorc巳. Henc巳. their stories prior to leaving their spouses served as reflective contexts from which to measure the significance of their occupational Journeys.

Th巳 context of these occupational journeys can be understood through the application of Maslow's theory of drives and ne巳ds. 如laslow's th巳ory (1 970) describes six levels of drives and needs , ranging from basic physiological drives to the highest need of se1f-actualization. It suggests that these needs affect peop1e 啕 s motivations to do (Christiansen , 2004). Applying an occupational perspective to Maslow 弓 s theory of ne巳ds giv巳s an appreciation of the context from which Anne and Michelle 's occupational journeys 巳merged. The occupational deprivation these wom巳n 巳xperienced while malTied to their spouses forced them to engag巳 in occupations focused on me巳ting basic n巳eds of survival , safety, and security. Thís restricted their occupational engagem巳nt and caused their n巳巳ds for affiliation ，巳ste巳m and higher ‘ bei吨 n巳eds to b巳 neglected.

When they became fr四 from the occupational deprivation

Journal of Occupational Science, July 2006 , Vol13 , No 2, pp 134皿144

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imposed by their ex-husbands' alcoholism and abuse , th巳ir

basic needs were met and Anne and Michelle w巳re able to engage in occupations aimed at satisfying aesthetic and self­actualization needs. 丁his enabled them to "grow and express autonomy , competence , and uniqueness as a person" (Christiansen , 2004 , p. 127).

Transformation and identity Doing involves 巳ngaging in occupations one feels obliged to do , as well as 巳ngaging in occupations that one desires to do (引Tilcock ， 1998b). While Anne and Michelle were indeed doing in th巳ir marriage , their ability to do what they desired was very much limit巳d. If on巳 considers doing to be in dynamic balance with being and becoming (认Tilcock ， 1998胁，

it follows that without doing f1'eely , Anne and 岛1ichelle w巳re

not able to be 0 1' become. It was not until they embarked on their n巳w occupational journeys and 巳ngag巳d in both meaningful and purposeful occupations. that they had the means to "discover themselves , to think , to reflect and to simply exist刊 (Wilcock ， 1998b , p. 250). It was then that th巳ybegan to explore the notion of becoming. ln b巳coming ， both women were able to app1'eciate their potential and personal growth , transformation , and self-actualization (认Tilcock ，

1998b). This chang巳 in self was represent巳d in the th巳me of renewal. Both women described how they felt lik巳 diff，巳rent

p巳ople ， how they had embarked on an amazing journ巳y ， a journey for which they saw no end.

Christiansen (1 999) stated , "occupations are key not just to being a person , but to being a particular person" (p. 547). Ther巳fo1'e ， not only does doing enable b巳ing and becoming ,

it also contributes to the formation of identity. Howev巳I飞

occupation does not do 50 in isolation , but within the context of one 帘 s relationships with others (Christiansen , 1999). This was apparent throughout these women 's occupational journeys where connecting with others enabled th巳 lr

engagement in occupations , 巳mpowerm巳时， and renewal. Moreover , Christiansen (1 999) suggested that people's i 正lentity provides them with life meaning , and it is this meaning that contributes to well-being (1999) , which is defined as "a pleasant and desirable psychological s巳nsation"(Wilcock , 1998a , p. 98). This relationship was apparent when each woman spoke of th巳 happiness and freedom expenenc巳d in discovering and expr巳ssing her identity.

Occupation possesses a transformativ巳 power that "is th巳

m巳ans for learning about the s巳If and society , organizing lif，巳，discovering meaning and ex巳rcising control" (Townsend 弓

1997 , p. 19). In reviewing th巳se women's stories , it is apparent that once they embark巳d on their occupational journeys and began to engag巳 in meaningful and purposeful occupations (such as teaching workshops for women in need or compl巳ting a doctorate) 巳ach benefited from the transformative power of occupation. By doing in connection with social supports , these women dev巳loped and expressed their identities and achieved well-being.

JmlI'l1al of Occupational Sdence , July 2006 , Vol13 , No 2, pp 134-144

Transition and occupation Th巳 important role of occupation during a life t1'ansition has b巳巳n research巳d and applied to various populations: for example , victims of house fires (Ros巳nfeld ， 1989) , injured farmers (Molyneaux-Smith , Townsend , & Gu巳rnsey， 2003) and people who are retiring from the work force (Jonsson ,

Jos巳phsson ， & Kielhofner, 2001). Literature on each of thes巳populations found that transitions resulted in th巳 disruption

of m巳aningful occupations , routines and habits. While personal growth and ind巳pend巳nce can occur as a product of th巳se transitions (Blair , 2000) 穹 f巳elings of bereavement , paim. and denial for lost routines and habits often prevail

Both wom巳n in this study may have had meaningful occupations 吗 routines ， and habits prior to leaving their spouses , and for both , this transition was at times emotionally difficult. How巳ver， both women stated that p1'ior to the divorce , many of their occupations centered on their spouses' alcoholism , a notion that is support巳d by the stress and coping model for wives of men with alcoholism (Hurcom et al., 2000) , and that their occupations were further restricted by abuse. Therefore , when thes巳 women made the transition out of their marriage and a state of occupational d巳privation ， they did not report an acute s巳ns巳 of loss of th巳lr

occupational routines and habits , but rather 巳xpr巳ssed

f巳elings of freedom and noted greater occupational choice.

Occupation as outcome There were c巳rtain occupations for 巳ach woman where it was not the doing of the occupation that was significant , but th巳occupation's outcome. When the women describ巳d engaging in the occupation of renting their own apartm巳nt ， they highlighted the importanc巳 of various outcom口， such as having their nam巳 on the lease , having control over their living space , and fe巳ling safe. These outcomes symbolized personal independence and control , and were a source of empow巳rm巳nt (Lord & Hutchinson , 1993). This is perhaps not always consider巳d within occupational sci巳nce discou1'妃，

as there is a tendency to focus on the meaning one receives through occupational engagement , rather than exploring th巳symbolism and relevance of the occupation's outcome.

A theoretical framework A theoretical fram巳work (Figure 1) was developed to conceptualize the th巳m巳s that emerged in this study and to bett巳r illustrate the relationships between them. The themes Home is Hell: Occupational Deprivation and Barriers to Moving On are situated within a thre巳 dimensional bas巳

Th巳yar巳 positioned within the background of the model to repr巳S巳nt the occupational life course cont巳xt. This context provided a point of refer巳nce from which to appr巳ciate the significance of th巳 occupational journeys. The double-巳ndledarrows connecting thes巳 two themes r巳pres巳ntth巳 interaction

between the two that work巳d to k巳ep these women occupationally deprived and with their husbands. The lines are dashed , as the mechanisms of this interaction were not explored in this study.

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An Occupational Journey: Narratives of Two 飞lVomen Who Divorced a Spouse with Alcoholism Katie Lee & Bonnie Kir吐1

Figmre L Theoretical Framework of an Occupational Joumey for Women Who have Divorced a Spouse with Alcoholism: The Reflective Context and the Cyde of Renewal (The Occupational Journey)

Once th巳se women experi巳nc巳d a breaking point within th巳ir

mamag巳， they realized with new gravity th巳 need to leav巳 and

if they had acc巳ss to supports , they enter巳d the cycle of ren巳waL which is where their occupational joumey begins. This cycle , th巳 occupational joumey, involved the ongoing ,

dynamic , and reciprocal interaction between support , doing ,

and empow巳rment. The double-end巳d arrows represent this relationship. It is the ínteraction between these three them口that enabled the d巳velopment and expression of identity and W巳ll-beíng. Thís transfonnation is captured within the theme of renewal , located within the centre of the cycle of renewal 固

The double-end巳d arrows emerging from the interactions of th巳 thre巳 themes surrounding renewal íllustrat巳 how renewal is the product of the relationship between these constructs. Being r巳newed ínvolved the development of ídentity, r巳flection ， and setting new occupational goals. Th巳se products of renewal result巳d in further occupational engag巳m巳nt ， greater supports and more empowerment , maintaining the cycle of renewal withín the occupational joumey.

Limitations and Future Research

Theory construction , in íts grand sense , was not an expectation of this preliminary study, as the number of participants was not sufficient to reach saturation (Lincoln & Guba , 1985). The limit巳d number of participants was due to time constraínts and the sensítive nature ofthe topic. Nonethel巳ss ， the study yíelded rich information and an initial und巳rstanding of occupational joumeys. While findíngs may resonate wíth many women. servíce providers. and oth巳rs ， transferability of th巳 findings

may be limited. Inclusion of women from a wíder range of class and ethnic backgrounds. and age groups may have increased the richness of the data and th巳refore improved transferability to a wid巳r array of women. How巳ver二 two

cultural backgrounds were represented. Furthermor巳， due to the delicate nature of this topic , it is possible that more tim巳

142

and more than one interview would have established greater rapport and trusL permitting these wom巳n to shar巳 ev巳n deeper nan'atives conc巳ming their occupational joumeys. In addition 句

th巳 two participants' occupational journ巳ys were qmte positive , whích may represent recruitment bias. Data from women who had negative occupatíonal outcomes would líkely add a greater profundity to the framework and further illuminat巳 th巳 complex relatíonship betwe巳n the three constructs explored.

Future research would include exploríng this concept wíth a greater number of women to fm1her development of the theoretícal framework. Questions explored may ínclude: Are th巳re other stages or constructs that compríse thís joumey? Is there a poínt where women exit from the joumey and what factors ínfluence thís? In addítion , the occupation of story tellíng for th巳se women as a means to make sense of and fínd meaníng ín theír experíence could be explored as another step in theír occupatíonal joumeys.

Condusion

This study develop巳dth巳 concept of an occupatíonal joumey for women who have divorc巳d a spouse with alcoholism. While there is literature that explores the role of occupatíon ín various life transitions 、 this study broadened this und巳rstanding to include transitions that do not n巳cessmily result in the often­painful loss of m巳aningful occupations , routines and habits but rath巳r mcreas巳 occupational choice. The th巳oretical propositions d巳veloped to understand the occupational joumeys of women who have divorc巳d a spouse with alcoholism contribute to the knowledge base of occupational science. Th巳 transfonnative

power of occupation becomes evident in its potential to develop identity, a sense of 巳mpowerment， and well-being. Coupled with suppo口， women's occupational journeys can lead them to oppo口unities for healing , self-discovery, and meaning in life Through occupation. a building of the s巳lf and a proc巳ss of r巳newal and redefinition are enabled. Therefor已， a life path in whichoppo口unities for engagement in occupation exist appe缸'S

to be a critical condition for human growth and life satisfaction. Once again , occupation as a basic human need has b巳en

highlighted.

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