ANATOLI STUDIES Journal of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara VOL. XII 1962 CONTENTS Page Council's Report and Financial Statement - - - - - - - - - 3 Summary of Archaeological Research in Turkey in 1961 - - - - - - 17 Excavations at Can Hasan, by D. H. French - - - - - - - - 27 Excavations at (atal HLiyiik, by James Mellaart - - - - - - - 41 The Chipped Stone Industry of (atal HUiyiik, by Perry A. Bialor - - - - 67 The Late Bronze Age Monuments of EflatunPinarand Fasillar near Bey?ehir, by James Mellaart - - - - - - - - - - - - - 111 St. John's Church, Ephesus, by H. Plommer - - - - - - - - 119 Some Byzantine Churches from the Pontus, by David Winfield and June Wainwright - 131 A Note on the South -eastern Borders of the Empire of Trebizond in the Thirteenth Century, by David Winfield - - - - - - - - - - - 163 The Church of the Evangelists at Alahan, by Michael Gough - - - - - 173 Sites Old and New in Rough Cilicia, by G. E. Bean and T. B. Mitford - - - 185 Published annually by THE BRITISH INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AT ANKARA Room 114, RTB House, 151 Gower Street, London, W.C.1 Price ?3
Transcript
ANATOLIAN
STUDIES Journal of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara
The titles of books and periodicals should be written in italics (in typing, under- lined), the titles of articles in periodicals in Roman letters between quotation marks.
REFERENCES: The volume and date of a periodical and the publication date of a book should both be cited in the first reference to it. The number of a volume in a series should be written in capital Roman numerals.
TRANSCRIPTION: Modern Turkish place and personal names should always be written in the current Turkish orthography. In typing, the dotless i should be represented by I in the body of a word.
GREEK NAMES which have become established in English usage should be given in the familiar English form (e.g., Ptolemy). Greek proper names which have recognized Latin transliterations should be given in the latter form (e.g. Bceotia, not Boiotia). Otherwise the Greek form should be used in referring to the Greek period of occupation of places which were later Romanized (e.g. Taras; later Tarentum).
ARABIC AND ALLIED ALPHABETS at the beginning of word omit ; hamza elsewhere
.--J b
•,7 s q
;. t (.;4 S k th
so
ht n, hZ
3z w or v
d
Sdh ' h
r gh t or
vowels "a, ,i, ,u lengthened ?-d, CT -, fi diphthongs ay andt aw or ai and *f au respectively.
ILLUSTRATIONS : All line drawings, including maps, will appear as " Figures," numbered consecutively in Arabic numerals throughout each article. Photographs reproduced as halftones or collotypes will appear as " Plates," numbered in capital Roman numerals.
Authors receive 25 off-prints of their articles. Additional copies may be ordered when the page proofs are returned at rates to be settled with the printers.
ANATOLIAN
STUDIES Journal of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara
THE HON. SIR STEVEN RUNCIMAN, Litt.D., LL.D., F.B.A.
VICE-PRESIDENTS REPRESENTING
SIR HuoH BEAVER, K.B.E., LL.D., F.S.A., Chairman. MICHAEL GRANT, Esq., C.B.E., Litt.D., F.S.A., Deputy Chairman. Royal Numismatic Society. PROFESSOR SIR RONALD SYME, F.B.A.
MIss W. LAuD, Sc.D., F.S.A. .. .. .. .. .. British School of Archaeology at Athens. SIR JAMES BOWKER, G.B.E., K.C.M.G. BRIGADIER-GENERAL SIR OSBORNE MANCE, K.B.E., C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O. R. D. BARNETr, Esq., Litt.D., F.S.A., Hon. Librarian .. .. Society for the Promotion of Hellenic
Studies.
HONORARY TREASURER
R. L. OoGG, Esq.
W. E. D. ALLEN, Esq., O.B.E., F.S.A. C. A. BURNEY, Esq., M.A. Sit GERARD CLAUSON, K.C.M.G., O.B.E. .. . . . Royal Asiatic Society. PROFESSOR P. E. CORBETFr .. .. .. .. . .. University of London. PROFESSOR R. A. CROSSLAND, M.A. PROFESSOR C. J. GADD, C.B.E., F.B.A., F.S.A. PROFESSOR W. J. GRIMEs, C.B.E., M.A., F.S.A., F.M.A. .. Royal Anthropological Institute.
O. R. GURNEY, Esq., D.Phil., F.B.A., Honorary Editor .. .. University of Oxford. DR. D. B. HARDEN, O.B.E., F.S.A. .. .. .. .. Society for the Promotion of Roman
Studies.
Miss K. M. KENYON, C.B.E., D.Litt., F.B.A., F.S.A .. .. The British Academy. GEOFFREY L. LEWis, EsQ., M.A., D.Phil. SETON LLOYD, Esq., C.B.E., M.A., F.B.A., F.S.A., A R.I.B.A. I. W. MACPHERSON, Esq., M.A., Ph.D., F.S.A. PROFESSOR M. E. L. MALLOWAN, C.B.E., D.Litt., F.B.A., F.S.A. British School of Archaeology in Iraq. MRS. K. R. MAXWELL-HYSLOP, F.S.A.
DR. C. S. MUNDY . . .. .. .. . .. School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.
Miss J. M. MuNN-RANIKN, M.A., F.S.A ... .. .. .. University of Cambridge. PROFESSOR STUART PIoorr, F.B.A., F.S.A. PROFESSOR D. TALBOT RICE, M.B.E., D.Litt., F.S.A .. .. University of Edinburgh. PROFESSOR J. B. SEGAL, M.C., D.Phil. DR. E. SOLLBERGOER . . .. .. .. .. .. British Museum. PROFESSOR D. J. WISEMAN, O.B.E.
DIRECTOR
M. R. E. GOUGH, Esq., M.A., F.S.A.
SECRETARY
MRs. H. F. RUo•o
London Address: 16, Bryanston Street, London, W. I. Telephone : WELbeck 1436. Ankara Address : Ingiliz Arkeoloji Enstittisii, Tahran Caddesi No. 25, Kavakhlldere, Ankara, Turkey.
Telephone : 25787.
REPORT OF THE COUNCIL OF MANAGEMENT AND OF THE DIRECTOR FOR 1961
The year under review has brought many changes to the Institute and more are foreshadowed for the coming months. The new Director has successfully negotiated with the landlord of our house at Ankara a contract to build an annexe which will double the accommodation at present available, give a greatly enlarged library, and an adequate flat for the Director and his family. The plans for a new Institute building outlined in last year's Report had unfortunately to be abandoned for various reasons outside our control and the present plan offers a reasonable solution of the urgent problem of insufficient accommodation. Rent and running expenses will be increased considerably, but the Council feel that the Institute must develop in size and activity if it is to fulfil the promise of the past years. It is greatly hoped that support will be forthcoming to this end.
Another change of importance is the raising of the minimum subscription for the Journal from the beginning of 1962. This has been necessitated by the steeply rising costs of printing and production. Anatolian Studies is attracting ever more attention, and with the slightly larger subscription and greater demand, we have good hope that it will be really self-supporting during the coming year.
In the death of Mr. Francis Neilson at the advanced age of ninety-four, the Institute has lost one of its most generous friends and patrons. Archaeology was only one of his many interests; but since 1936 he none the less supported with unflagging enthusiasm and generosity first the work of Professor Garstang personally, and later that of the Institute which he founded. We are happy to know that before his death he made provision for the continuance of Mr. Mellaart's highly promising excavations at Gatal Huyuik.
Short reports of the various archaeological expeditions under the auspices of the Institute will be found on pages 5-9-
COUNCIL OF MANAGEMENT:
The Council has received with regret the resignation of Professor C. M. Robertson, representing the University of London, on his taking up a new appoint- ment at Oxford; Professor P. E. Corbett has been appointed the University's representative in his place.
Professor D. J. Wiseman, who has represented the British Museum for the past nine years has also resigned on his appointment to the School of Oriental and African Studies, but it is much hoped that he will continue on the Council as an Elected Member.
LECTURES :
Two lectures were held in London in 1961 at the Society of Antiquaries Archaeology in Anatolia : Some Problems and Prospects, by Mr. Michael Gough, on
the 20oth January, 1961. The Wall Paintings of Sancta Sophia at Trebizond, by Mr. David Winfield, on
the 3rd March, 1961.
LIBRARY :
The Library has been greatly enriched especially on the classical side during the past year by the generous bequest of over one hundred books from the late Sir William Calder's library. A considerable number of new books have been bought, including a notable accession : Mommsen's Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Volume III, parts I and 2, and the Supplementum, parts I and 2. The volume and supplement cover the whole of the Near and Middle East.
3
4 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
The Council gratefully acknowledges the following books and offprints presented to the Library during the past year
From the Authors :
Gough, M. R. E., The Early Christians (London, I96i). Lloyd, Seton, The Art qf the Ancient Near East (London, 1961).
From Dr. O. R. Gurney :
Holma, H., Omen Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the BM. I Texts (Leipzig, 1923).
From Professor D. Talbot Rice :
Kinglake, Eothen.
Ofprints of articles have been received from the following authors : Professors J. M. Cook and D. Talbot Rice ; from Drs. R. Amiran, D. Garrod
and D. Kilbride, and from Messrs. W. E. D. Allen, J. L. Caskey, S. Casson, G. M. A. Hanfmann, J. Mellaart and A. Mozsolies.
ANKARA: THE YEAR'S WORK :
During 1961 no less than thirty-six senior members and registered students have been employed in varied fields of research in Asia Minor. Of these, nearly all made use of the hostel facilities and, consequently, our accommodation was almost always fully occupied, especially between the beginning of July and the end of September. In these circumstances the domestic staff deserve credit for its uncomplaining acceptance of the extra work involved by the opening of the annexe at 9 Tahran Caddesi. Apart from persons actively engaged in work in Turkey, a few members and non-subscribers also spent short periods at the Institute, while many visitors, both British and foreign, were entertained.
The scope of Institute members' activities was gratifyingly wide, ranging from the prehistoric excavations at ?atal Hiyik and Can Hasan, to research into modern Turkish carpet manufacture. Indeed, from April until October no month passed without some considerable project in progress. In April and May, Professor and Airs. David Talbot Rice carried out a sounding outside the walls of S. Sophia in Trebizond, where Mr. David Winfield, under the auspices of the Russell Trust, was engaged during the entire season on the cleaning and repair of important frescoes, notably in the cupola and exonarthex. In May and June, two senior members of the Institute, Mr. and Mrs. James AMIellaart, initiated a very successful first season at Qatal Hiytik near Qumra, in the Konya Plain. The quality of the finds and the extent of the site suggest that the excavation may continue for some years yet. In the field of early Christian archaeology, the Institute excavation, also generously supported by the Russell Trust and conducted by the Director, began at the site of Alahan monastery in Isauria towards the end of July and lasted for six weeks. Here, too, notably interesting discoveries were made. Finally, the Senior Fellow, Mr. David French, assisted by Mrs. French and a staff of four, began in September an excavation, partly under Institute subsidy, at the mound near Can Hasan, near Karaman. Although somewhat delayed in obtaining all the necessary signatures for the permit, and further pressed for time with the approach of changeable weather, the expedition achieved a good initial success, and the site shows great promise for the future. Reports on all these activities will be found below.
The work of individual members, registered as students during 1961 may be summarized as follows:
Professor B. Segal (S.O.A.S., University of London). Recording mosaics and other antiquities in and near Urfa.
Dr. O. R. Gurney. Three months' work on the Sultantepe tablets in the Ankara Museum.
ANNUAL REPORT 5
Mr. P. Hulin. Three months' work on the Sultantepe tablets in the Ankara Museum (accompanied by Mrs. Hulin).
Mr. Alan Hall (University of North Staffs.). Classical epigraphy in Isauria. Spent two months in Turkey as a Student of the Institute, continuing first his record of epigraphical material in the renewed collection of epigraphical material in Eastern Pisidia and Isauria. He then joined Mr. D. French for a week's mound-surveying in the region of Alkehir. Mr. Hall spent the remainder of the time in visiting excavations and in travelling.
Dr. Michael Ballance (sometime Institute Scholar and Fellow). Epigraphic and topographic survey in Cappadocia.
Professor and' Mrs. M. H. Beattie. Studied Turkish carpets and carpet manu- facture in Istanbul and Anatolia.
Mr. T. B. Mitford (University of St. Andrews). Epigraphic work in Rough Cilicia, partly in company with Professor G. Bean (Institute Correspondent in Istanbul).
Dr. Elizabeth Rosenbaum (Warburg Institute). Photographic record of Roman portrait heads in Turkish Museums. Assisted as photographer at the Alahan excavations.
Miss Shelagh Jameson (Institute Scholar I96o-6i), accompanied by her brother, Mr. David Jameson. Four months' work in the field on the classical epigraphy of Lycia and Pamphylia.
Mr. Barri Jones. Assisted Dr. Ballance in his survey. Mrs. Wainwright. Assisted Mr. Winfield at Trebizond. Mr. W. Hale. Assisted Mr. Winfield at Trebizond. Mr. T. Hole. Assisted Mr. Winfield at Trebizond. Mr. H. Martineau. Worked on the Catalogue of the Library and travelled
extensively visiting ancient sites. Miss C. MacLucas. Assisted the Senior Fellow with the Library and sherd collec-
tion, catalogued the Sir William Calder bequest, and took part in excavations at Alahan and Can Hasan.
Mr. R. L L. Guthrie. Took part in the excavation at Alahan. Mr. J. D. Richards. Assisted the Director as architect and surveyor at Alahan. Miss Marjorie McGregor. Took part in the excavations at Alahan and Can Hasan. Miss Maureen Barry. Took part in the excavations at Can Hasan. Mr. N. Kindersley. Took part in the excavations at Can Hasan. Messrs. J. Bayliss, S. Sprent, A. Harrison and G. Bakker. Survey of castles and other
medieval monuments in Turkey, Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. Mr. P. Winchester. Architect to Qatal Hayiik excavations. Mr. J. Nandris (Cambridge University Expedition to Macedonia). Worked on
comparative material in Library and visited local antiquities. Other members and non-subscribers who stayed at the Institute included the
Rev. J. Wilkinson, the Rev. P. Santram, Mr. and Mrs. R. Deane (University of Sydney), Miss V. Carnegie (University of Edinburgh) and Miss Glare Gof.
The thirtieth anniversary of the Turkish Historical Society was celebrated in October. The Director accepted an invitation to deliver a short message to the delegates on this occasion.
During 1961 the Institute acquired a flat close to the main premises in Tahran Caddesi, to provide accommodation for a maximum of eight persons. The rooms are spacious and there is a bathroom with hot water, and in addition a luggage store. At the Institute building itself, various improvements have been made including the laying of a gravel path at the back of the building to provide standing room for cars in summer, and a new fence in the front garden. Two garages have also been acquired not only for Institute transport and members' cars, but also to provide much-needed storage space for some items of camp and excavation equipment.
6 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
EXCAVATIONS :
ALAHAN MONASTERY:
The site of Alahan monastery, 21 kilometres NW of Mut on the main road to Karaman, has been known since the French traveller Laborde visited it in 1826. Since his time, the monastery was almost completely neglected until the 'fifties of the present century. Indeed, until 1955 the paper published by A. C. Headlam in 1892 under the title " Ecclesiastical Sites in Isauria (Cilicia Trachea) " was the only authoritative work. In 1955 a brief article appeared in AS V, while Professor Paolo Verzone of Turin produced a lavishly illustrated monograph entitled Alahan Manastzrz. This was the result of three days' painstaking work at the site, but as- apparently unknown to Verzone-I had already carried out a three weeks' sounding before his monograph was published, I had little compunction in requesting leave from the Turkish Department of Antiquities to continue my work there in 1961.
The object of the present season's work was to establish the character and chronology of the building at the west end of the monastery complex. Our work was in progress from 25th July until 4th September, and consisted of thirty-five working days. It was financed by generous grants from the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara and the Russell Trust to whom my grateful thanks are due. Apart from the Director and Mrs. Gough, Bayan Sabahat ?enyuva, our komiser and Miss Marjorie McGregor (pottery and conservation), who were present through- out, the expedition was reinforced by Mr. John Richards (architect and surveyor), Mr. Robin Guthrie (field assistant), Dr. Elizabeth Rosenbaum (photographer) and Dr. Michael Ballance, Assistant Director of the British School at Rome. Messrs. Alan Hall, Peter Hulin and Harry Martineau also visited the site. The sharp climb of I,ooo feet deterred many would-be tourists, but of those that did come most were local Turkish officials, so that the situation was not really unsatisfactory. The very co-operative attitude of the Kaymakam of Mut, of his Jandarma Komutani and of our komiser lightened our work. A local bekci is now posted at the site and it is hoped that the very necessary jeep road will have been built before our next campaign.
The west building is now known for certain to have been a church with two distinct periods of construction. The first was a basilica of the mid-fifth century with sculptural decoration of greater richness than that of the better known Monastery Church, about 250 metres to the east of it. The second, built from the ruins of the basilica, is a hastily constructed church with few architectural preten- sions, and appears to date from the thirteenth century, at a time when the Christians and Karamanogullari lived for a short time on terms of mutual toleration. To avoid confusion with the Monastery Church this western building has now been renamed " The Church of the Evangelists " after the relief of the Tetramorph on the soffit of the lintel above the main gate.
Church of the Evangelists-Phase I :
I. It must be pointed out that during the 1961 season only the nave and apse were cleared, leaving the side aisles and pastophoria to be dealt with later. In the last days of the excavation the entrance to a room or crypt was discovered I 50 metres below the level of the south aisle. This was rapidly walled up to allow of excavation in the future.
2. The church was a basilica, with a paved atrium and narthex, and was divided internally by two colonnades. When five of these columns had been re-erected to their original height-less capitals-it became clear that there must originally have been an upper tier, divided from the lower by a rich frieze of guilloche enclosing rosettes, fish, acanthus sprays and, once, a cross; and, above the frieze, a simple cornice. The frieze, of which only one block was previously known, is very well
ANNUAL REPORT 7
preserved and was fortunately not broken by the builders of the second church, since they used the blocks for the bottom course of the walls of their new nave.
As stated above, the church had a narthex. To the west there was apparently a columned entrance, with a central arch-the other gates being trabeated ; while the east wall-that is the main west wall of the church itself-was pierced by three doors, of which the central one is that described in Anatolian Studies, Vol. V, pp. I 19-123. The apse and pastophoria also appear to be primary, though the arrange- ment of the stone seating for the abbot and clergy saw some alteration. The base of the altar lay, overturned, on the chord of the apse, and an offertory (?) table lay on its side in the NW corner.
3. The sculpture, whether in situ and weathered, or broken up for rubble and still fresh, was in every way remarkable. A specially exciting discovery was made in connexion with two archangels in relief that decorate the jambs of the main door into the church. These have never been buried, and they are somewhat weathered. Nevertheless, when the light was suitable it was possible to see that each archangel was standing on clearly defined objects. St. Michael stamps under- foot two female busts, each one wearing a Phrygian cap on her head. These may be thought of as devotees of Cybele. St. Gabriel, on the other hand, stands on a bull and a bald-headed male bust, and this figure appears to hold an object like a sistrum or rattle in his left hand. Is this a priest of Isis ? The bull's presence is capable of a number of interpretations. Can it be a reminiscence of the cult of Jupiter Dolichenus ? Whatever the answer, the central theme is clear, that of a triumphant Christianity trampling down her pagan rivals. In the mountains of Isauria the old cults were perhaps not even dead, let alone forgotten, in the fifth century of our era.
The tetramorph lintel was flanked by large acanthus-fronted consoles, each side of which was decorated with a magnificent dolphin relief, sculpted with the confidence of experience and great economy of detail. The cornice over the central door is a lively vinescroll with grape clusters, and with crossed fish and partridges between the horizontal modillons. At the extreme height of the wall was yet another cornice, with a great ram's head probably at the centre. This cornice is on a larger scale, but again between the horizontal consoles are fish, partridges and a dove (?), some fragments still retaining traces of colour. For the rest, the fragments are far too many to be included in this report. Stone tracery with flower scrolls suggests highly ornate window lights : there are fragments of a cancellus screen, decorated on one side with crossed fish and garlanded crosses on the other. The offertory (?) table-which is complete-has a conch-headed niche on all of its four sides, and below it a stepped cross. The oak leaf is frequently used as a decorative motive in place of the normal acanthus, and half a " wind-swept " oak leaf capital was discovered. Indeed the frequent use of the partridge and oak leaf suggests that the sculptor was a local man well acquainted with the Isaurian countryside.
4. About 200 metres north of the monastery is a perennial spring, and it is now known that its water was, in fact, distributed by rock cut channels to all the main buildings and cells of the monastery. These channels, particularly those that have a steep fall, are interrupted by small bowls and cisterns which would have taken up the overflow. The water finally flowed into a small tank in the north of the narthex- presumably used for washing, and fulfilling the purpose of the western cantharus.
Church of the Evangelists-Phase II :
i. Architecturally speaking, this church has little to recommend it. It seems likely that as early as the seventh or eighth centuries, the primary church was over- whelmed by a rock fall from the north, which shattered the north aisle and nave, while leaving the narthex, southern aisle, apse and pastophoria relatively intact. The rebuilding, mostly of original stones from the primary church, was carried out with little taste and on the south side, at least, within the walls of the earlier building.
8 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
The first three columns at the west end of either aisle were left standing, so that the area east of the narthex somewhat resembles a columnar porch running the entire width of the church. Beyond that, with a small central entrance, flanked by a pair of niches, the colonnades were replaced by solid walls, in which bases, capitals and drums were incorporated. This central area was then divided laterally into bays by roughly coursed pilasters which served as supports for the arches which apparently acted as ribs for a barrel vault. The voussoirs of these arches were actually cut out of column bases in some instances. There is a door from the nave to each side- aisle, but the southern one was blocked during the latest phases of its existence.
2. Of sculpture there is none, but a number of crosses carved on the secondary walls, show that the builders' religious enthusiasm was intense, as it might well have been when its free expression had been practically extinguished. Nevertheless, despite the poor architectural quality of the secondary church it is still interesting for its late date and its use of the building technique to be noticed in the medieval castles of Anazarbus and Korykos.
M. R. E. GOUGH.
CAN HASAN : KARAMAN, I96•
Excavation on the prehistoric mound of Can Hasan, which lies just outside the village some 12 km. east-north-east of Karaman, took place from 3oth September to I Ith October, 1961. After the end of actual excavation a further week was spent at the site in planning, photography and work on the pottery.
The tops of the mudbrick walls of a large burnt structure were found almost immediately below the surface. This structure was later called the Plaster Room because of the large number of pieces of painted plaster found in the fallen debris of an upper storey. The walls of this building and of the complex of five other independent buildings which surround it stand to a height of almost 3 metres and are very well preserved. The corners are virtually right-angles and an elaborate system of buttresses and benches is widely used. It is not yet apparent how these buildings were entered and lighted but further investigation should answer this question. A test beneath the floors of one building revealed pottery and walls of an earlier period but this deposit needs further clearing.
From the pottery it is clear that these buildings belong to an intermediate phase between the Early Chalcolithic of Qatal West type and Middle Chalcolithic of Mersin type and could be tentatively dated to about 4750 B.c. Red-on-Cream ware is still common but so is Dark-on-Light. Unexpected were sherds of incised and white-filled pottery of both bowl and jar shapes.
The most important finds included two figurines of an interesting type. The squatting position is known from elsewhere but the heads with nose, ears and chin clearly modelled are different in style from those previously known. One may be wearing a hat or crown. A mace head of copper is perhaps the earliest piece of worked metal found in Anatolia.
The fragments of painted mud plaster from the walls of the upper storey above the Plaster Room are most intriguing. Some show signs of having been used on columns and on the edges or side faces of doors, windows or niches which would have been well off a true vertical. The decoration is mainly of geometric designs similar to those found on the pottery in red on a white background. Some pieces of plain red, plain white and possibly plain blue were also found.
D. H. F.
EPIGRAPHIIC AND TOPOGRAPHIC SURVEY :
Dr. Michael Ballance and Mr. Barri Jones carried out an archaeological recon- naissance of eastern Galatia and western Cappadocia in order to collect material for the Ancyra-Iconium sheet of the International Map of the Roman Empire.
ANNUAL REPORT 9
Some forty sites of the Roman period were visited ; the old identification of Colonia Faustinopolis with Bagmakqi on the direct road from Tyana to the Cilician Gates was confirmed epigraphically and several other Roman road-stations were identified with varying degrees of certainty; monuments surveyed included the aqueduct of Tyana and the baths at Sarikaya (Terzili Hamami), and a total of some thirty inscriptions was recorded.
M. H. B.
THE RUSSELL TRUST EXPEDITION-TREBIZOND-I961: The Russell Trust Expedition carried out a fifth season of work at the Church of
Sancta Sophia, Trebizond, lasting some twenty-three weeks. At the beginning of May, Professor and Mrs. Talbot Rice arrived to survey the
progress of the work on the paintings and to conduct excavations with a view to solving some problems connected with the plan of the church. Few objects of interest were found in the course of the excavation, but the foundations of a smaller and older church were uncovered to the north of the present church. In addition we found that the present church originally stood on a raised terrace the facing wall of which was composed of tombs set into semi-circular niches. The back wall of each tomb was originally painted, but only one tomb survives in good condition. This contains a painting of two men on horseback, one of which holds a lance and the other a battleaxe.
Within the church we began by finishing off work on the paintings in the west vault of the nave where there are a " Last Supper " measuring some 17 feet by 8 feet, and parts of the " Agony in the Garden " and of the " Washing of the feet of the Disciples ".
At the same time we put up a small scaffold in the narthex where work continued throughout the season. The paintings of the narthex are in fairly good condition and are covered only by whitewash so that the cleaning of them was easier than elsewhere. The eastern section of the central rib vault of the narthex contains a six-winged Seraphin flanked by powers. The south vault contains four scenes: " Christ with the Woman of Samaria," " Christ teaching among the Elders of the Church," " The Marriage Feast at Cana," and the miracle " Take up thy bed, and walk ".
The first and the last of these scenes are not in very good condition, but the centre scenes are well preserved and are fine examples of late Byzantine painting. But the most exciting discovery in the narthex was a small scene on the south wall of the miracle of the boy possessed by devils. This is well preserved and is unique in Byzantine art for the expression of violent emotion which the painter has managed to convey. The mother of the boy prays to Christ while the boy's body is violently contorted, with his head thrown back and pupils of the eyes dilated as a devil issues out of his mouth.
After finishing the west vault of the nave, a central scaffold was erected up into the drum and cupola of the church and we began the work of knocking away the plaster covering and removing the whitewash. By the end of the season we had cleared most of this but the final cleaning remains to be done. Of the great Christ Pantocrator in the centre of the cupola only the outlines remain, since it has suffered badly from damp. Beneath Him is a frieze of angels in adoration of whom those in the south half of the cupola are in good condition, with several fine faces. In the drum were the twelve apostles between the windows and twenty-four Prophets in the window embrasures. In the four pendentives which we opened up at the end of the season are respectively : St. Matthew with a scene of the Crucifixion, St. Mark with the Baptism, St. Luke with the Birth, and St. John with the Descent into Hell. The central scaffold remains in position and the work will be completed in the final season of 1962.
Io ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Scaffolds were also erected in the south vault and in the south-west corner vault of the nave in order to finish off the interior of the church, but neither area contained more than a few fragments of painting. Finally a scaffold was put up in the exo- narthex where work was begun on the vault and walls which appear to have been painted with a great representation of the Last Judgement.
The Evkaf authorities have allotted 70,000 lira towards the restoration of the structure of Sancta Sophia and the construction of a new mosque for the village is now well under way so that the future of the church as a historical monument now seems assured.
Mr. Winfield again acted as Field Director for Professor Talbot Rice and he was assisted throughout the season by Mrs. Wainwright who was responsible for the drawing and toning in of damage to the paintings. Mr. Hale joined the Expedition for five weeks during the summer and we were very grateful for his assistance.
PROFESSOR MOtZAFFER SENYUREK
The Council would like to put on record the deep sense of shock and dismay felt by members of the Institute when news was received that Professor Muzaffer Senyurek was one of those who lost their lives in the aircraft crash near Ankara on
23rd September, I961. Professor ?enyirek was an anthropologist of world repute. Trained at Harvard under Professor Ernest Hooton, he was the author of over eighty publications, including two books, most of them in English. British archaeologists excavating in Turkey naturally turned to him for the analysis of all skeletal remains; his reports on those found by Garstang at Mersin and by Seton Lloyd at Polath have been published (Bell. XVIII, 1-25, and AS. I, 63-71) and he was preparing similar reports on Beycesultan and Hacilar. His untimely death at the peak of his career is an immeasurable loss to Turkey and the whole scientific world.
BALANCE SHEET, 31sT MARCH, 1961 x
196o. g96o. ? ? s. d. ? s. . ? ? s. d. ? s.d.
Capital Account : Furniture and Archaeological Equipment at Cost 3,914 Balance at ist April, i960 3,913 3 2 2,o000 at Ist April, 9g6o . 2,ooo o o
Income and Expenditure AccountLibrary : ncom and endiur
Accounttl,96o2,ooo Value as approved by Council of Manage-
Add Excess of Income over Expenditure 427
15 Furniture m
in Lndonooo o o for the year . 401 19 7 40 As valued by the Secretary . 40 O o
4,528 4,929 15 5 Stock of Publications in London : Excavation Fund : 1,628 As valued by the Secretary . . . I,562 o 2
58 Balance per separate Account . . 992 18 4 585 Sundry Debtors and Payments in Advance .
300 59 6 Balances at Banks :
1,2oo Reserve for Publications, Exhibitions, etc. . 1,200 0 0 London : 5oo Deposit Account . . . . i,5oo 0 o Amounts Held in Respect of Grants to Fellows 1,508 Current Account . . . . 2,836 5 9
398 and Students 829 8 9 1,139 Post Office Savings Account . . t,i67 6 xo 1x6 Sundry Creditors . . . . . 127 14 o Cashin Transit . . . . 400 o
Note:- 557 Turkish Lira Account 33 3 4 The account of receipts and payments in Turkey has been audited by (At exchange rate Ltq. 25o20 = ?I.) a firm of Chartered Accountants in Ankara and has been incorporated 5 1
in these Accounts. Cash in Hand:
1 Members of 28 London 40 9 1o HUGH BEAVER the , 219 Ankara 112 5 I
RCouncil of (At exchange rate Ltq. 2520 = ?. R. L. OGG Management.
152 x4 II
?xo,214 ?Ci1,993 to 6 ?10o,214 ?I,993 1o 6
Report of the Auditors to the Members of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara.
We have obtained all the information and explanations which to the best of our knowledge and belief were necessary for the purposes of our audit. In our opinion proper books of account have been kept by the Institute and proper returns adequate for the purposes of our audit have been received from Ankara. We have examined the above Balance Sheet and annexed Income and Expenditure Account which are in agreement with the books of account and returns. In our opinion and to the best of our information and according to the explanations given us the said accounts give the information required by the Companies Act, 1948, in the manner so required and the Balance Sheet gives a true and fair view of the state of the Institute's affairs as at 31st March, 196I, and the Income and Expenditure Account gives a true and fair view of the excess of Income over Expenditure for the year ended on that date.
INCOME AND EXPENDITURE ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDED 31ST MARCH, 1961
1g96o 960 S? E . d. ? s. d. 96 ? s. d. ? s. d. To Expenses of Administration and Maaintenance 8,00ooo By Treasury Grant for 960-6 . . . 8,000 o o
paid in London : 401 Office Expenses 343 4 5 965 ,, Subscriptions 975 16 5 566 Salaries 567 4 0 376 Rent and Lighting . 471 5 6 86 ,, Bank Interest . 84 8 o
53 Audit Fee--London . . . 63 o o 52 Ankara 52 10o o ,, Income Tax Recoverable 196o 6r on
1,630 Director-Salary and Allowances . 1,630 o o 42 Covenanted Subscriptions . . . 45 5 7 Assistant Director-Salary and Allow-
700 ances . . . . . 00o 0 0 ,, Balance, being Excess of Expenditure 3,827 3 I1 I,0o6 over Income for the Year
3,778
,, Expenses in Turkey on Rent and Mainten- ance of Premises, Equipment and
2,688 Office Expenses .. 2,348 10o o
1,350 ,, Grants to Fellows and Students . . 400oo o o 266 ,, Library Purchases, Expenses and AMaintenance 230 7 5
872 ,, Publications, per attached Account . 897 9 1
1,200oo ,, Transfer to Excavation Fund . . . I,ooo o
,, Balance, being Excess of Income over Expenditure for the Year . . 4o01 19 7
10o,154 ?9,10o5 10 o 1o,54 ?9,1o5 10 o A-00--ofomm -
000 _
z
)o
O 0
d tZJ
EXCAVATION FUND ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDED 3IST MARCH, 1961
1960 196o ? ? s d. C ? s. d. ? s. d. 282 To Excavation Expenses in London . . 22 15 2 By Donations :
Francis Neilson . . . . 500 0 0 ,, Amount Remitted to The Director in Turkey Russell Trust . 450 o o
and expended by him on Excavation University of Edinburgh . . . 2oo o o 2,287 Expenses . . . . . 1,342 3 1 British Academy . . . . 50 0 0
661 1,300 o o 58 ,, Balance of Fund, carried to Balance Sheet 992 18 4 ,, Transfer from Income and Expenditure
1,200 Account . . . . . . ,000 O ,, Balance, brought forward from previous
766 year . . . . . . 57 6 7
2,627 ?2,357 16 7 2,627 ?2,357 16 7
PUBLICATIONS ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR ENDED 31ST MARCH, 1961
C ? s.d. ? s. d. By Sales :
1,519 To Stock of Publications at 31st March, I96o. 1,627 8 I 798 London 768 15 6 1,1988 Ankara.. . . 46 I6 4
1,767 ,, Purchases . . . . . . 1,547 13 o 085 I Io
1,628 ,, Stock of Publications at 31st March, 1961 . 1,562 0o 2 x oo ,, Honorary Editor's Expenses . . . 100 oo o o ,, Balance, transferred to Income and Ex-
872 penditure Account . . . . 897 9
3,386 ?3,275 II I 3,386 ?3,275 II I
0
5.3
?d
14 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
SUBSCRIPTIONS RECEIVED DURING THE YEAR ENDING 31st MARCH, 1961.
? s. d. University of Arkansas . . . . . I o o
Basel . .. . . . 4 Io 0
Birmingham . . . .. . . 15 o o Bonn . . ... 3 0 0 Brown. 4 1o 0 California . . .. . . 3 0 0
Cambridge . . ... . . 50 0 0 Catholic, of America . . . . . I 10 0
Chicago.. . . . . . 3 0 0 Cincinnati . . . . . . I o o 0 Columbia . . . . . . 10o Cornell . I to o Duke . . . . . . . . 3 o0 0 Durham . .. . . 25 o o Edinburgh . . .. . . . . o o oo Glasgow . . . . . . . . . o o0 0 G6teberg . .. . . 1Io o Indiana . . . . . . . . . . I 10o o Kentucky . . ... . . 9 o o Leeds . . . . . . . 10 0 0 Leicester . . . . . . . 3 o0 0 Liverpool . . ... . . 25 o o London . .. . . . 50 o o Louvain . .. . . 3 o0 0 Manchester, Victoria . .5.. . . 5 o o Melbourne . . .. . . . . o 0 0 0 Minnesota . . . . . . I o 0 Missouri . . . . . . I 10 New Mexico .. . . . . I 10 0 New York . . . . . I o 00 Oxford . .1.. . . . 150 0 0 Pennsylvania State . . ... . I Io 0 Princeton . . . . . . 3 0 0 Queen's, Belfast . . . . . . . o 0o o Reading . ... . . 5 5 o St. Andrews . . . . . . 4 10o o Sheffield . . . . . 10o 10 0 Sydney . . . . . 3 0 0 Toronto. . . . .. I Io o Washington . . ... . . I Io o
Western Reserve . . . . . . I 10o o Yale . . . . . . o 0
Ambassador College Library . . ..
. . . I 1o o Ashmolean Museum, Oxford . . . . . I Io o Birmingham City Museum and Art Gallery . . . . . . Io o Birmingham City Public Libraries .
.. . . 3 o o Bryn Mawr College . .1.1. . . . i Io o Corpus Christi College, Cambridge . . . . . . 4 4 o Detroit Public Library . . . . . . . . . . I o o Deutsches Archaiologisches Institut, Baghdad . . . . . . I o o Exeter College, Oxford . . . .. . . . . 2 0 0 Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge . . . . . . o o o Institut f'ir Vor-und-Friih Geschichte, Saarbrticken . . . . . 6 o o Institute of Archaeology, University of London . . . . . Ix o o Jesus College, Cambridge . . . .. . . . . 5 5 o King's College, Cambridge . . . . . . . . . . o 0 0 Library of Congress, Washington . . . .. . I o o London Library . . . . . . . . . . o o Los Angeles Public Library . . . ... . I 1o o New College, Oxford . . . . . . . . . 5 o o
ANNUAL REPORT 15
? s. d New York Public Library . . . . . . . . . . o o Newnham College, Cambridge . . . . . . . . . 5 o o Oriel College, Oxford . . . . . . . . . . 10o o o Orientalisches Institut der Universitit, Wien . . . . . . . 3 o o Pakistan, Director of Archaeology in . . . . . . . . I o o Peterhouse, Cambridge . . . . . . . . . . 2 2 0
Queen's College, The, Oxford . . . . . . . . . 3 o o St. John's College, Cambridge . . . . . . . . . 5 o o School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London . 30 o o Seminar fdir Alte Geschichte der Universitit Miinchen . . . . . o 0 Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge . . . . . . . . 2 2 o Stadt-und-Universitits Bibliothek, Bern . . . . . . . 10o o Statsbiblioteket, Aarhus . . . . . . . . . . Io o Trinity College, Cambridge . . . . . . . . . o o University College, London . . . . . . . . . 5 0o o0 Victoria and Albert Museum Library . . . . . . . . o o Vorderasiatisches Seminar der Universitit Gidttingen . . . . . 7 1o o Warburg Institute Library . . . . . . . . o o
z s. d.
Albertini, J. H. . . . . I I o Alkim, Professor U. Bahadir . . 1o o Allan, Miss P. E. . . . . I o o Allen, W. E. D. . . . . I 1o o Anabolu, Mrs. Miikerram . . I o o Anderson, J. K. . . . . I o o Arfa, H.E. General Hasan . . Io o Arfa, Mrs. . . . . . I 1o o Arthur, G. . . . . . o Aulock, H. S. von . . . . 3 o o0 Ballance, M. H. . . . . I 1o o Ballance, Mrs. . . . . o Barlow, D. R.. . . . . o o Barnett, Dr. R. D. . . . . I o Bayne, N. P. . . . . . o o Bean, Professor G. E. . . . o o
*Beaver, Sir H. E. C. . . . 2 2 0
Beazley, Miss E. . . . . o o Benedict, Warren C. . . . 10o o Bibby, T. G. . . . . . 3 3 o0 Birmingham, Mrs J. . . . Io o Blackman, D. . . . . . I 1o o Boal, W. W. M. . . . . 2 2 o Boase, Professor T. S. R. . I 1 o 0 Bonham-Carter, Lady C.. . . 2 o o Bossert, Professor H. Th . . . 3 o o
*Bowker, H.E. Sir James . . . Io 1o o Brice,W.C. . . . . . I Io o
*Brock,J. K. . . . . . I Io o Broich-Oppert, H.E. Georg von . I o o Bryher, Mrs. W. . . . . I o o Bunker, Mrs. E. C . . . . 3 o o0
*Burn, A.R. . . . . . o o Burney, C. A. . . . . Io o Burrows, H.S. Sir Bernard and Lady. 4 o o
*Caton-Thompson, Dr. G. . . I I o Chalfant, Colonel. S. . . . Io o Cheng, Da-Hung . . . . o o Christiansen-Weniger, Professor F. . I 1o o
*Clauson, Sir Gerard . . . 1o o Clissold, S. . . . . . I 1o o Clogg, R. M. . . . . . o Coldstream, J. N . . . . x o Cook, Mrs. E. M. . . . . 2 2 o0 Cook, ProfessorJ. M.
. . 2 2 o
*Cormack, Professor J. M. R. . . o Cotsen, Lloyd . . . . 10o o Coult, Mrs. E. . . . . I o o Cowles, Mrs. L. L . . . . I o o
? s. d. Craig, Mrs. B.D. . . . . I o o
*Crastin, A.. . . . . o o Crossland, Professor R. A. . . 2 o o Culican, W. . . . . . I 1o o Dale, Mrs. W.N. . . . . 10o o Dammanville, Mme. J. . . . 1 o Dixon, Mrs. M.J. . . . . 2 o o Dossin, Professor G.. . . . 2 2 0
*Drower, Miss M. S. . . . I o o Dugdale, J. R. S . . . . 2 2 Dunbar, J. G.. . . . . Io o Esin, Miss Ufuk . . . . Io o Everett, M. H. S. . . . I io o Farrer, C. M. . . . I o o Fennen, Mrs. B. . . . . I1o o Firatli, Nezih . . . . I 10o o Forbes, Major H. S. . . . I Io 0
*Foster, I. J. C. . . . . I o o French, D. H. . . . . I 1o o French, Mrs. E. . . . . I Frost, Miss H. . . . . Io 00
Gadd, Professor C, J. . . 2 2 Gallagher, E. R. . . . . Io o Garrod, Professor D. AE. . . 22 0
*Gelling, P. S.. . . . . o o Goff, Miss C. L. . . . . 12 6
*Gough, Mrs. D. M.. . . a i o Gough, M. R. E . . . . I o o Graham, A. J. . . . . o
*Graham-Harrison, F. L. T. . . 4 0o o0 Grange, F. F. de la . . . I o o Grant, J. A. . . . . . o o Grant, Dr. M. . . . . 10o o Gray, Miss D. H.F. . . . I o Gray, E.W. . . . . . io 0 Greenfield, ProfessorJ. C. . . 10o 0
*Grimes, Professor W. F. . . . 10o o Guichard, K. MacK. . . . 2 2 0
*Gurnmey, Dr. O. R. . . . 2 2 0 Haas,J. . . . . . 10 0 Hale, W. M.. . . . . 3 o o Hall, A. S. . . . . . I 0 0 Hall, Miss M. L. . . . . I o Hamilton, R. W. . . . . I 10 0 Harden, Dr. D. B. . . . . I 0o o Hardie, Mrs. T. S.. . . . o o Harris, R. L. . . . . 110o o Harrison, Mrs. E. A . . . 3 o 0 Harrison, R. M. . . .o o
16 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
? s. d.
Harvey, D . . . . I o *Hawkins, E. J. W. . I Io o Haynes, D. E. L. 2 2 o Henshall, Miss A. S. I I o Henze, P. B. . . . . o o Hereward, Miss D. . I 1 o Hill, A.D. . . . . 2 o o0 Hilton, J. R . . . . I 10 o
*Hollander, Mrs. V. Biro . . . I 1o o *Hood, M. S. F. . . . I 1o Hopper, Professor R. J . . . 2 o o Horn, Dr. S. H. . . . to o Horobin, Mrs. B . . . . I o o Hotham, J. D. . . . . o
*Hulin, P. . . 3 o o0 Hutchinson, R. . . . . I o10 Isserlin, B. S. J. . . . . I o o Jameson, Miss S. . . . Io o Jamesson, Professor J. R. von R . I Io o
*Jarvis, C. F. . . I I o Jenkins, Professor R. J. H. 2 2 o0 Jones, Professor A. H. M.. .I o Judge, E.A. . . . . I 1o o Kenyon, Dr. K. M. . . 2 2 0
Kessler, Mrs. M. L.. . . o o *Kinross, Rt. Hon. Lord . . . I o o Kitchen, K. A. . . . I 10 o Kohler, Miss E. L. . . . . I I o Koopman, Miss C. van H. . . I 10o o
*Lamb, Dr. W. . . 3 3 0 Lane, D.
. . I10o o
Lanius, A. S. C . . I 10 o0 *Lawrence, Professor A. W. . . I o *Lawrence, Mrs. B. I. I 1 o Levick, Dr. B. . 10. . I o
*Levy, Miss G. R. . I o Linseer, Dr. H. F. . I 10o o
*Macnaghten, R. D. 3 3 0
*Macpherson, I. W.. . i Io o Mallowan, Professor M. E. L. . I Io o Mance, Brig.-Gen. Sir H. O. . 2 0 0
Martineau, H. R. A. . . I o Maryon, H. . . Io o Maxwell-Hyslop, Mrs. K. R. I io o McCormick-Smith, M. J. 2 2 o Megaw, J. V. S. Io o Mellaart, J. I o o M6nage, V. L. I 10 O0 Millard, A. R. 2 2 o Mitford, T. B. 3 0o o0 Mobsby, K. S. I 10 0 Mundy, Dr. C. S. . 10 o Munn-Rankin, Miss J. M. I Io o Napier, L. M. 4 o o0 Ogg, R. L. . 2 2 o Ogilvie, R. M. I0o o O'Regan, P. V. W. R. H. I IO O
*Pawson, J. M. I 10 o Pemberton-Pigott, D. . . 3 o o Perkins, Dr. Ann 3 o o Perrot, Dr. J. . 12 6
s s. d.
Phythian-Adams, Rev. Canon W. J.. 1 Io o *Picken, Dr. L. E. R. . I o o Piddocke, M. V. . . . . 10 Piggott, Professor Stuart . . I I o Pinder-Wilson, R. H. . . . I 10 Plommer, W. H. . . . . I io o
*Pratt, F. J. T. . . 2 2 o Reed, A. . . . . . Io o
Reiseger, J. H. . . I o *Rice, Professor D. S. . . . o *Rice, Professor D. Talbot I 10 0 Richardson, T. L. . . . 3 o 0 Richter, Miss G. . . . . Robertson, Professor C. M. . . i o 0 Robertson, Professor D. S. I I o
*Robinson, E. S. G. . . . . 2 2 0
Rogers, H.E. Benjamin . . . Io Rosenbaum, Dr. E. . . . I I 0
*Runciman, The Hon. Sir Steven 5 0 o *Rushworth, E. I IO o Sandars, Miss N. . . . 10o Scott, Dr. D. F. . . . Io o Scott, M. . Io o
*Segal, Dr. J. E. . I Io o Serling, I. D . . . . 3 5 o Seton-Williams, Dr. V. I 10 0 Shaffer, A. . . . . i 10o o Sinclair, Mrs. S. . . . . 10o o Smith, H. S. . I Io o Smith, Miss V. J. G. . . . 1 10 0 Snodgrass, A. M. . . I10 o Stapleton, Dr. H. E. . . . Io o Stark, Miss Freya . . . 10 o Steadman, Miss M.J. . I 10o o Steinherr, Dr. F. . . . I 1o 0 Stewart, J. R. . I o o Stronach, D. B. I Io o Sturz, Mrs. Charles E. 1 10 o
*Syme, Professor Sir Ronald . 10o o Taylor, Mrs. S. I Io o
*Taylor, Miss J. du Plat . . o o Ternes-Lilienfeld, Frau M. von . Io 0 Tomlin, E. W. F. . I o Torranne, J. R. I 0 Toynbee, Professor A. I I o
*Toynbee, ProfessorJ. M. C. I 10o Ucko, P. J. . . . I 10
*Villiers-Stuart, Mrs. E. I 1 o Webster, Professor T. B. L. I 10 0 Whitaker, C. W. 10o o Wilson, D. R. . 1o 10
Winfield, D. . I 10 O0 Wiseman, D. J. .I O 0 Woodward, A. M. . . 10 o Wrinkle, Mrs. W. G. 2 o 0
Ying, Yong-Cho I 10 0 Younger, W. . I 0o
?975 I6 5
* Covenanted subscription.
SUMMARY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN TURKEY IN 1961
GORDION 1 UNFINISHED BUSINESS which held first priority for work to be done at Gordion in 1961 was the final clearing of the big building called Megaron 3 (or M 3 for short) found in 1957 and largely uncovered in 1959. Since this building is the westernmost of three thus far uncovered at the Phrygian level, all of which fronted on the south side of a paved open square or plaza within the city gate, a westward extension of the excavated area seemed desirable in order to find the western limit of the square or, failing that, to open up the next building beside M 3. Equally desirable was more exploration of the Terrace building to the south, of which three rooms had been cleared in previous campaigns, each with a wide doorway opening tantalizingly into the south scarp. An extension of the excavated area towards the south was therefore necessary to clear the rooms into which these doorways opened, as well as toward the east to find the eastern limit of the sequence of rooms and the corner of the Terrace Building. At the north-east side of the excavation a large cut was made in order to fix the line of the city wall to the north of the Phrygian Gate Building. All of these operations entailed a return to the present-day surface of the mound and excavation in the upper Hellenistic and later Persian levels.
Of the three top layers the uppermost, usually 30 to 50 cm. in depth, is an accumulation subsequent to the abandonment of the city in 189 B.C. ; it contains little of interest. With the second level more substantial remains begin to appear, scattered as in an open village rather than an ordered town with streets. Their contents indicate the agricultural character of the settlement. No traces have yet been found at this level of structures on a scale to justify identification as public buildings. This village was the abode of the Galatians, brought over into Asia Minor from Thrace by Nicomedes I of Bithynia in 277 B.C. to serve as his mercenaries. To the Galatians, who were notoriously acquisitive, may be attributed with probability a hoard of silver coins, the fifth found at Gordion.
Probably from the third level came two astragals with incised inscriptions, the first bearing the name Achilles, the second, which appeared some days later from the same trench, the name Hector. Propinquity as well as sentiment suggest that the two belonged together and were a pair.
The fourth and fifth levels evidently represent respectively the Greco-Phrygian town of the late fourth and early third centuries and the later phases of the Achaemenian city of the second half of the fifth and the fourth, down to the coming of Alexander in 333 B.C. At the fifth level along the south side of the excavation this year we again encountered massive deposits of the architectural terracottas found so abundantly in the early campaigns.
A number of objects of interest were found in the Persian layers or in pits cut in the clay immediately below them. A bronze belt of adult size, hooked at one end to fasten around the waist and with a fibula-like handle below the hook, turned up in a pit which had been filled with stones. Fragments of iron corselets made of overlapping scales sewn on a backing presumably of leather came to light. In another pit was found a hammered silver deep bowl of characteristic Achaemenian shape and probably to be dated in the fifth century. Interestingly enough this
1 Condensed from a report kindly submitted by Professor Rodney Young. B
18 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
shape seems to have appealed to the local potters, for it was imitated in clay. A nearly complete bowl of local manufacture but of exquisitely thin fabric and with highly polished surface seems not merely to have copied the shape but also to reproduce the metallic effect of its model. Animal forms too were popular.
Beneath these later phases of the Persian city more of the original settlement was uncovered or studied. At the north and north-east parts of two new buildings of heavy construction and monumental size came to light. At the north beyond Building M the corner of another structure, Building 0, was opened. The building had been thoroughly plundered in ancient times and no stone of its structure above ground level remained in place. There was enough, however, to give the orientation of the building, which seems to follow that of the NCT Building some distance to the east. At the north-east another building, P, lies parallel to the eastward stretch of the enclosure wall of the court within the city gate. Of this the full length of one side, about 23 m., had been exposed, together with a corner and part of the return at one end. Very little external evidence was found for the dating of Building P.
To the south-east of the gate court lay a series of buildings, N and I-L, parallel to its wall and separated by a space probably used as a street. The deep plundering and other disturbances have obliterated any evidence for the function and accurate dating of these buildings. Their floors, where preserved, lay at the level of the top of the deep clay filling, and the clay contains for the most part irrelevant Hittite potsherds, with a few Phrygian. We have yet to find a building at this level preserving any of its own filling or debris undisturbed to give us an idea of function and date.
Within the court the buildings at the north-east side-D and F-were removed so that the open plaza in the Phrygian city below might be cleared for deeper digging in the future.
The north side of the Persian Gate Building was further cleaned and studied in anticipation of deep digging beside it for what appears to be a tower projecting from the Phrygian wall (see below). At this side the Persian wall is double and nearly 8 m. in thickness. The south side of the same building has a single wall only 4 m. thick ; this discrepancy has seemed odd ever since the building was first discovered. We thought at first that the north end of the building might have been subject to late repairs. It was later realized, however, that the outer wall at the north was not necessarily a later buttressing of the inner wall, but that it had served to support a staircase rising along the face of the inner wall, and that parts of the two lowest steps above a narrow projecting euthynteria were still in place. Obviously such a stair could give access only to the rampart or chemin de ronde on top of the city wall. A closer examination of the south end of the building showed, preserved only at a deep level due to later plundering, a foundation parallel to the south wall of the building and at a distance comparable to the width of the stairway at the north. At either end of the building, then, there had been a stair giving access to the ramparts above. Our calculations suggest a total of about eighty steps, each with a height of 15 to 18 cm., or a rough estimate of a city wall some 13 m. high.
The removal of Persian Building D and the clearing of the north side of the Persian Gate Building made possible a closer examination of the Phrygian remains beneath. A stretch of the outer face of the Phrygian city wall had been exposed in I955 to the north of the Gate Building, but its thickness was not known. At the point where city wall and the outer face of the wall of the north court of the Gate Building meet there is a slight jog and a change in the direction of the wall. Just
SUMMARY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH 19
to the north of this jog lies the top of a wall running eastward at an angle of approximately 90 degrees to the face of the Gate Building but deeply buried in the rubble of the Persian structure parallel to it at a higher level. This wall too was investigated in 1955, but its eastward end was not found. It has been tentatively identified as the south face of a tower added against the face of the city wall at a distance of 18 m. from the opening of the gateway in order to flank and protect the entrance to the city. This year's operations gave verification that the wall was Phrygian but failed to clarify its function. The wall was cleared to a distance of 16 m. eastward from the face of the city wall, but no corner or return toward the north was found.
Failure to find an outer corner for the tower led us to make a northward cut over the line of the city wall in the hope of locating the opposite (north) side of the tower. The result was the uncovering of a stretch of the city wall to its full thickness of 7 -25 m. ; but no abutment of the north side of a tower materialized.
The removal of Persian Building D enabled us also to clear the full width of the paved square in the Phrygian town along its east side. The paving itself is preserved over the entire width of 34 15 m., from the corner of the Burned Brick
Building at the south to that of a building opposite on the north. Of this last only the end of one anta was revealed. The open area seems to have been slightly wedge- shaped, narrowing very gradually toward the west. The line of its north side is given alike by the direction in which the paving slabs were laid and by the north end of the stone socle for an enclosure wall laid across the whole width of the square from the corner of the Brick Building to the anta of the new building at the north, against which it abutted. This socle, laid on top of the paving, is preserved through- out its length with only one short gap. Upon it stood a crude brick wall I m. thick, now standing in places to a height of more than a metre.
The north end of the brick enclosure wall meets at an acute angle the wall, likewise Phrygian, which runs north from the inner corner of the Gate Building. From the area just inside the gate there was no way out toward the north ; at the south rose the high retaining wall of the south terrace, and to the west lay the Brick Building and the enclosure wall. By the time of the Kimmerian destruction the City gate had thus become a virtual cul de sac. The discrepancy in orientation between the gateway and the buildings that lay inside it has long been puzzling, and we have held a theory that these buildings took their orientation not from the impressive Gate Building immediately to their east (obviously), but rather from another at the north or north-west side of the town; it may be that our paved square, for which we have found no western limit as yet, extended right across the whole width of the town to a gateway on the opposite (north-west) side. In any case the virtual closing off of the known gate to communication with the town inside it would seem to prove the existence of another and more important entrance to the city, wherever it may lie.
The gradual weathering of the poros walls of the Mosaic Building, or West Phrygian House, already badly burned and cracked and now beginning to flake off at the surface, made imperative the removal of stones bearing doodles for their preservation. The south face of the Mosaic Building was therefore exposed to its ground level. The construction revealed was of poros with timber framing and a rubble filling. At wide intervals heavy vertical posts, their lower ends deeply bedded in the foundation rubble, ran upward in wide grooves or niches in the wall face. Some distance above ground level these were crossed by a horizontal beam also bedded in the wall face. Below the level of this there were no doodles. Above the level of the horizontal timber the wall face between each pair of the large posts
20 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
was divided into narrow piers by pairs of intermediate vertical posts in the wall face, and the pier faces were covered with doodles down to the level of the horizontal beam. None of the new doodles was very exciting, nor did they offer anything that we could not duplicate among those already found. Nevertheless they were worth preserving and therefore they were removed for safe keeping. The area to the south of the wall, now minus its outer face down to the level of the horizontal beam, was then refilled up to the level of the terrace.
Although the greater part of Megaron 3 was cleared in 1959, about one-fourth of its area at the north-west side was left still covered by the deep clay which overlay the burned debris in its floor, up to the Persian level. Enough had been uncovered so that the plan was fixed ; no surprises were expected, or found, though a number of pleasing details were added by the 196I campaign. In the north-west quarter excavated this year, very little pottery was found. Just to the right of the doorway as one entered the inner room lay the remains of three large pithoi ; it seemed highly likely that these had once contained the water-supply of the house. But the northern half of the west side seems to have been the part in which bronzes were stored. Close beside the west wall were found quantities of heavy sheet bronze, hopelessly twisted and broken. That these had once belonged to the walls of large bronze cauldrons was suggested by the presence among them of a very big reel- handle attachment, pierced by a hole to hold the ends of a swivelling ring handle. The only other recognizable piece of bronze found in this area was the handle attachment of a much smaller vessel, in the form of spread birds' wings and tail and decorated with the head and neck of a griffin with long pointed horn-like ears, central topknot and curved open beak.
The exploratory cut to the west of M 3, which measured io m. on each side, had to be started from the surface. Digging down through the various Hellenistic levels brought to light the corner of Persian Building O ; after it had been recorded and taken out we reached the top of the burned Phrygian layer at an unexpectedly high level. The southern edge of the area was occupied by the front of a new Phrygian building which stood beside M 3 at the west, but at a high level. The building was of crude brick; its north-east corner was cleared, and most of the length of its north facade, enough to suggest a megaron plan for the new building exactly like those of the Phrygian buildings already uncovered. The pottery from the burned fill was precisely like that found in similar burned debris in all the other buildings at the Phrygian level.
The three rooms of the Terrace Building excavated in 1959 were all precisely alike. It was known that the series was continued by two more rooms toward the east, and the westward continuation into the scarp of the walls which close the last room at north and south signals the existence of yet a sixth room at the west. This year the two eastern rooms were cleared, one entirely and the other only in part ; and the anterooms which lie to the south of the two western rooms were opened. The two westernmost-and probably the central-suites of rooms were evidently service areas, the inner rooms equipped for the wholesale grinding of grain, the outer for the cooking of food. The great mass of pottery found in them was also intended for daily use in cooking, in the bringing of water and for storage, but it included two queer and interesting pieces of finer fabric. The first, the " python-cothon ", is essentially a ring-vase which was bent over to form a double loop ; at the top of one loop a spouted mouth had been added, at the top of the other a bridge handle which spanned the gap to the back of the neck behind the spout. Neck and mouth were painted with hatched triangles, the body banded. The second, the " sipping cup " of fine buff-polished fabric, decorated with zones
SUMMARY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH 21
of incised zigzags, had an umbrella handle at the bottom, its turned-up end decorated by a model bird; a hole through the handle below the bird may have held a tassel, or a string to hang the cup by. A ridge down one side of the cup on the outside ends in a knob above the rim; knob and ridge are traversed by a hollow tube, which opens to the inside of the cup at the bottom. The sipping cup was thus made with a built-in straw, as it were, for sucking up the contents from the bottom while it was conveniently held in the hand from below by its umbrella handle.
The fourth room, adjoining these to the east, was like the others in size and internal arrangement, but between it and the three western rooms a difference in quality of finds was apparent. The floor at its west side was covered with pottery, but at the north and east lay objects of an entirely different sort. Near the north wall in the debris over the floor lay a group of small bronze animals which included a pair of horses on a flat plaque, a moufflon, a bearded goat, two deer-like animals with heads turned back and a small bird of silver. Moufflon and goat in style recall similar animals on some of the later Luristan bronzes. The horses were made with two necks and heads on each body, perhaps to give the effect of the horses of a quadriga without having to make four bodies. The little silver bird, which once had eyes inlaid of another material, was probably a pendant; the great curving beak brings to mind the many birds of the contemporary doodles on the walls of the Mosaic Building.
This silver bird was the first object of precious metal to be found at the Phrygian level; but this evidence that the Gordion artisans did work in such metals as well as in bronze was confirmed by the finding of a group of objects produced by them in gold, silver and electrum on the floor of the same room near the north-east corner. If the precious metals were imported to Gordion they afford evidence of contact and exchange with a wider world. The bronze goats, so oriental in style, suggested outside influences. Ivory horse-trappings found at the base of the east wall of the same room were actual imports, probably from North Syria.
The ivories, accompanied by two snaffle bits of iron, constitute the trappings for four horses. They consist of fragments of four triangular frontlets designed to hang below the forelocks of the horses, and five (there must have been eight) cheek-pieces. The frontlets, all of which seem to have been alike, are bordered around the edges by cabled decoration. At the top lies a Hittite solar symbol, winged at either side and decorated above and below by voluted floral ornament. Below the disc stands a nude winged goddess in the attitude of the Mistress of Animals, her hands holding up sphinxes by their hind legs; she stands on the head of a bull, facing. The sphinxes which she holds upside down have lion bodies, tails ending in bird heads, wings, and human heads. The carving is of the minutest detail and the utmost delicacy. The cheek-pieces, fish-shaped with one end rounded and the other squared off, show Chimaera-like beings, winged lions in side-view with human heads, facing, growing from their shoulder-blades. The lion tails end in bird heads; the human heads have independent wings growing out at either side. Behind the lion bodies at the squared end there is a volute-tree; voluted ornaments grow from the edges, top and bottom, to fill empty space. In style and detail frontlets and cheek-pieces are alike; all must have come from the same factory. The thin ivory plaques were mounted on a backing probably of leather. A number of interesting pieces was found which have not yet been fitted in; a small monkey with his hands at his chin, and the heads of three more ; three lion heads of different sizes ; and a tree with a sejant lion at either side.
The iron bits may help to settle the question of provenience. The interlocked
22 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
bars of the snaffle carry near their outer ends crescent-shaped plates with a central bar on the concave side ; the three prongs are pierced near their ends with holes to hold the ends of a triple cheek-strap on the bridle. A stone horse's head found at Zinjirli shows all the trappings in place: three-pronged holder at the end of the bit, cheek-piece and triangular frontlet. It suggests a North Syrian origin for our ivories and the bits that belong with them.
Some cleaning of the walls of the south court of the Phrygian Gate Building brought to light the face of a heavy earlier wall, buried under the eighth-century level, which passes immediately to the west of the north court. It could be Hittite, or it could belong to an earlier phase of the Phrygian settlement. Structural, architectural and topographic considerations suggest that the latter is the case.
If this old city wall gave us an unexpected peep at early Gordion, a trench to the north of the building beside M 3 gave us a much more unexpected peep at an even earlier Gordion. After 7 m. of digging through Hellenistic levels and Persian clay a level was reached which should have been the Phrygian. There was no burned fill over it, and there were no foundations of buildings. It seemed that we had come down on another area of the open square, but we decided to dig deeper and see if there was another Phrygian level below. The pottery below floor-level contained some Phrygian as expected, but surprisingly the majority of the sherds were of the Early Bronze Age. We are evidently coming upon an early settlement- mound buried beneath the later accumulation. The leap from late Phrygian to Early Bronze Age in the stratification will probably be explained by a levelling of the area in Phrygian times which truncated the earlier mound at the top, removing all of its upper strata and reusing them as fill. A cut through the floor of the Phrygian sequence to the south of the Early Bronze Age area and below the cobbled ramp leading to the terrace produced a quantity of pottery, Phrygian mixed with Hittite this Hittite pottery may well have come from the filling of the early mound just to the north when it was levelled. Enigmatic as these matters are at present, they indicate that a long history still remains to be investigated at Gordion.
BOGAZKO'T) The 1961 campaign at Bogazk6y was a direct continuation of the work begun
in the previous year. First and foremost, the stratification in the vicinity of the " House on the Slope " was further investigated. Strata of the Old Hittite period (corresponding to the time from the foundation of the Hittite kingdom by Hattusili I till the beginning of the Empire) proved to be not very well preserved, though great quantities of pottery were collected. Most of this was buff-coloured plain ware, the forms and types of which closely resembled those of the age of the colonists. Stamp seals belong regularly to the type with handle; their designs showed characteristics of style which linked them both with the period of the colonists on the one hand and with the later Hittite glyptic on the other. A seal in the shape of an ox's hoof shows a hare figured in a manner thoroughly reminiscent of pre-Hittite examples; one knobbed conical button-seal has in the outer ring spiral and guilloche patterns alternating with small human figures (gods ?), with a star motif in the central field.
Layer WH 8a (WH for " West-hang Buyikkale " to distinguish it from the levels in the northern lower city), which perished in a general conflagration, was more productive. Here the houses, like those in Layer 4 of the Lower City (though smaller), were irregular in shape and orientation, being adapted to the actual
1 Translated from a report kindly supplied by Dr. Thomas Beran.
SUMMARY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH 23
conditions of terrain and the lines of streets and water-channels. Numerous vessels were found in situ on the floors, among them dishes and bowls with and without flattened base and with characteristic carination and horizontal handles, tea-pots and beak-spouted vessels both in plain ware and in the finest porcelain-like pottery with brilliant burnish; also spindle-shaped jugs with pointed base and trough-like spout and beak-spouted pithoi with sharply carinated shoulder and red-brown or carmine slip. These are exactly the same shapes as were found in Layer 4 in the Lower City, Layer IVd on Byuikkale and Layer Ib at Kirum Kanis (Kiltepe). The correspondence extends also to the other small objects, such as pins, chisels and other tools, as well as to the glyptic. Noteworthy is a cylinder-seal of the " Second Syrian Group " of the highest quality, which through its provenance forms a further piece of evidence for the early dating of the whole group.
A large building of the next older level WH 8b agrees in its building technique with the great building of Layer IVd on Btiyuikkale : mud-brick walls, containing much wood-work, resting on a massive foundation of stone and rubble enclosed in a shell of masonry. In one room of this burnt building was found a complete depot of vessels, for the most part large storage vessels, but also dishes with pointed base, drinking bowls and cups of a fine plain ware, and dishes, bowls and sieve- spouted jars with a fine unburnished red wash and inverted rims. Beside these wheel-made wares were numerous examples of a fine hand-made pottery with leather-brown to red-violet wash, comparable to that found in Layer 4 at Hiyik by Alaca and Level II at Kirum Kanis. Layer WH 8b can thus be dated with certainty, even without the help of texts, to the older Colony period.
A similar association of wheel-made and hand-made wares is shown by the inventory of the two next layers, WH 8c and WH 8d, which can be equated with Level III at Karum Kinis.
The oldest level, WH 9, rests on the virgin soil or rock and was likewise destroyed by fire. Wheel-made ware is already represented, though only in two shapes: small flower-pot-like beakers and widely splaying bowls, both in plain ware, and with characteristic string-cut base. A second group of vessels was probably formed on the (slow ?) wheel and then completed by hand ; the clay is tempered with sand and the pale red or grey-black washes are burnished. The repertory of shapes is very rich: wide bowls, dishes, cups with vertical handles, sieve-spouted jars with sharply angled bodies, often with basket handle, and primitive beak-spouted vessels with strikingly long " beaks ". Very frequently incised or pointilli decoration is found on the shoulders. " Cappadocian pottery " (Aligar III ware) is also represented in Layer 9, but the greater part of the pottery found belongs to an unpainted, fine, hand-made ware with a thin, most often red, wash. The shapes are very like those of the vessels shaped on the wheel and finished by hand. To a rougher ware belong the hand-made storage-vessels, great high pots with drawn-in shoulders and funnel-shaped neck and transverse and longitudinal handles, as well as big pithoi with a small pedestal base and wide-open mouth, under which there is usually a decorative ledge, modelled with finger impressions and plastically attached. Vessels and wares of a similar kind have been observed elsewhere at Bogazkoy, in Level 5 in the Lower City and among the oldest finds in the vicinity of Building K on Buiyikkale (Biyiikkale V) ; further at Alaca Huiyik, Karaoglan, Ahlatlibel, Etiyokugu and Polath in the latest levels of the Early Bronze Age. Especially striking are the agreements with Level VI at Beycesultan, where vessels of these types occurred together with Troy V ware. A comparable association of early wheel-made ware with painted and unpainted hand-made ware is also characteristic of Level IV at Kirum Kanis.
24 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Investigations in square K/I5 revealed that the terrace-walls and cross-walls which there abut on the " Postern Wall" were built in post-Hittite times and formed the boundary of a Phrygian settlement which extended over the western slope of Btiyuikkale. The older Postern wall, built in the period of the Empire, was also used for the same purpose and formed the north-western boundary of the Phrygian lower city.
A sounding in the vicinity of Temple I (square K/I8) brought a surprise. A deep section outside the south-eastern front of the temple complex aimed at
establishing whether, and if so which, Old Hittite levels had been cut through or built over when the temple was constructed, in order thus to obtain a terminus post quem for the foundation of the temple and at the same time to synchronize the levels in the northern Lower City with those by the House on the Slope. However, the temple proved, at least in this area, to have been constructed on the living rock or on virgin soil. Immediately in front of the outer main gate of the temple, quite unexpectedly, a Phrygian shrine came to light. A single-roomed building, its rear wall running parallel with the south-east front of the Hittite temple, contained a platform attached to the rear wall and extending along its whole length to a depth of about I
"5 m., and in the middle of this an altar base
of re-used Hittite blocks. In front of this altar was a sacrificial basin, let into the paved floor, with an outflow discharging into a channel leading under the shrine. On the platform and the altar base lay numerous offerings such as mace heads, sling-stones, spear-heads, bronze discs, and a chased relief of a walking lion. Fragments of pottery could be reconstructed into a tripod with feet ending in shoes with upturned toes; on it were mounted three differently shaped dishes, held together by the figure of a small sitting eagle. The painting of this object shows it to belong, like the other vessels of the same shrine, to the Middle Phrygian period (Buyiikkale II). Traces of ashes on the building and of burning on the objects indicated that the building had been destroyed by fire. Later intrusions, above all late classical burials, seriously affected its state of preservation. None the less this little shrine represents the only Phrygian sacred building hitherto discovered.
The tablets unearthed this season numbered 69o, divided into three groups: (i) those from the House on the Slope (partly from the debris of the Macridy excavations), as far as datable, belonging to the time of Tudhaliya IV and Suppiluliama II; (2) those mentioned in last year's report, found in the rubble of the Old Building, from the time of Suppiluliama I and Mursili II; (3) frag- ments found in the debris of the Phrygian layers of habitation. The latter are fragments of Old Hittite tablets, assignable from peculiarities of language and script to the time before Telipinu, most probably to the reigns of Hattusili I and Mursili I. Some of the fragments could be joined, so that one can surmise that the Phrygians obtained their building material from a place where these tablets were stored as an archive. Together with sherds of Old Hittite pottery, these tablets had come to rest in wall and brick fillings of the Phrygian period.
Among the tablets under (i) above must be mentioned some texts of Suppilu- liama II, especially a treaty with [Tal]-mi-Telub of Carchemish, and a religious record of dedication concerning the erection of an image of Tudhaliya IV in the NA4 hegur SAG. US and other dedications for this shrine, with a historical introduc- tion. In the latter two wars with Alatiya are described, including a victory of the Hittite fleet over the ships of Alaiiya which were burnt at sea. The last doubts about the identification of Alaiiya with Cyprus may thus be dismissed, and at the same time it is revealed that in the time of Suppiluliama II the power of the Hittites, at least in external affairs, was still unshaken.
SUMMARY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH 25
SARDIS 1 The fourth campaign at Sardis took place from mid-June to early September
I96r. The Fogg Museum of Harvard University and Cornell University again collaborated in the enterprise sponsored by the American Schools of Oriental Research. Digging under the direction of G. M. A. Hanfmann began on 26th June and continued through to Ist September. The Associate Director, A. H. Detweiler, President of the Schools, took part in the direction of the excavations in August.
The very severe rains of the winter had brought down a number of rubble walls and had weakened others. It became necessary to strengthen and conserve the walls of the Early Byzantine " House of Bronzes " and of the Byzantine shops in front of the Roman gymnasium " B ". During the cleaning of the House of Bronzes there was found an interesting relief of a river god, re-used in the Byzantine basin, and in the door-socket of a basement unit, a bronze coin of Justinian, which supplies a date of 549-50 A.D. for the final phase of the complex.
Chance discoveries of the winter led to excavation of a painted mausoleum, the " Peacock Tomb ", probably of the fifth century A.D., and of two marble sarcophagi of Hellenistic date in the region known as Haci Oglan. Two Lydian graves consisting of schist slabs had been opened by illicit diggers during the winter in the area of the Lydian Necropolis Hill. A follow-up resulted in recovery of important pottery datable around 600 B.c. and of three pieces of jewelry (a silver hawk, an agate pendant on gold wire and a granulated gold bead).
The excavation of the " Pyramid Tomb " was completed ; though not very distinctive, the pottery found would be consonant with a date in the Persian era. Measures will be taken to preserve this monument, of which the masonry technique is unique at Sardis.
Major efforts centred on the Acropolis, the area of the Roman gymnasium, the " Pactolus North " sector and the " Lydian Trench " in the vicinity of the House of Bronzes. Only one room was uncovered in the sector " Pactolus Cliff" to save an endangered mosaic. No work was carried on at the Roman-Byzantine bath " CG ".
On the Acropolis, a terraced building was uncovered in part. Some units are built over Byzantine graves of the ninth century, while others may be Early Byzantine. From the graves came a remarkable bronze medallion with an Anastasis, while a gold solidus of Justinian II (705-71 1) was found in the fill over a room. The corner of a floor and two walls of either the Lydian or the Persian era came to light in the south-west corner of the excavation. Here Geometric Lydian pottery was retrieved from a well. Black-burnished Phrygian pottery identical with that known from Gordion appeared at the bottom of a deep crevice in the north-west corner.
In the area of the gymnasium, continued systematic excavation and recording of the Marble Court proceeded hand in hand. New fragments of the Severan dedicatory inscription were found, as well as of the Byzantine inscription dealing with the restoration in the fifth or sixth century A.D. As L. Robert pointed out, the last part of the inscription on the north side of the court provides in prose a factual statement on which the poems of the other two sides embellish. It contains an indictio date as well as interesting architectural terms. Four more capitals decorated with heads of satyrs and gorgons were found. The large complex west of the gymnasium (" West B ") was tackled along the axis of entry into the main building. A large masonry vault and four piers were freed.
1 Report kindly contributed by Professor G. M. A. Hanfmann. C
26 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Just south-west of the main gymnasium building (" B ") an investigation was undertaken to determine the position of the main east-west avenue of Sardis. Under the Ottoman road, which served until 1952, and a Byzantine road probably of the seventh or eighth century, there came to light a magnificent marble-paved Late Roman road flanked by two colonnades. The Byzantine shops in front of the gymnasium opened upon the north colonnade. Coins and bronze objects (lamp, weights, sword, keys) indicate that the avenue was laid out in this form around 400 A.D. and wrecked in the early seventh century by the invading Persians. A splendid portrait of a bearded man had been tamped into the bedding of the
Byzantine road. Other fragments may come from the same statue. The area of the excavation on the east bank of the Pactolus (" Pactolus
North ") was susbtantially enlarged. It was seen that the units with mosaics uncovered in I96o belong to a bath of the fifth century A.D. of which the basement with well-designed heating system (hypocausts) is preserved. Other rooms with mosaics to the south probably belong to this complex. Between the main part and the southern rooms, excavation in depth revealed more of the Achaemenid apsidal structures, which included a well some 8 m. deep. Underneath are Lydian walls and a well of the Lydian period. Another apsidal structure has begun to emerge at the north end of the excavation. The impression made by the curious array is that there may have been here, possibly in the Lydian, very probably in the Persian era, some sort of centre for water supply. In Roman times water was definitely distributed from reservoirs in this area to the city regions along the
highway. Among the interesting finds was a monumental Hellenistic relief, unfortunately badly mutilated by Byzantine builders, and an archaic Lydian terra- cotta relief of a divinity taming two winged lions or sphinxes.
The " Lydian Trench " was enlarged to some 8oo sq. m. More evidence for the commercial and industrial character of the area came from small shop structures and part of a large building. Most of the structures were apparently destroyed in 499 B.c.-identical sets of four pottery pieces having been abandoned in several places as if their users had been interrupted at a meal. Moulds with bits of metal and other evidence indicates that a bronze casting establishment was then active in this area until at least mid-third century B.C. (Rhodian stamp handle). Fragments of terracotta reliefs, a finely ornamented bronze plaque, two painted terracotta phalli and a Near Eastern glazed alabastron are among the finds, as well as three graffiti thought by E. Laroche to be Carian.
Clean-up work in the Artemis temple resulted in the discovery of several
fragments of colossal statues. Some of them are from the colossal statues of Antoninus and Faustina. One fragment found by the first Sardis expedition appears to belong to a colossal Hellenistic statue of Zeus. The writer believes that it was erected in the east cella in the reign of Achaeus (220-2I4 B.C.). It proves that the east cella belonged to Zeus, thus solving the puzzling problem why " the sacred precinct of Zeus Polieus and of Artemis " mentioned in inscriptions never yielded a separate temple to H. C. Butler's quest. Measures were taken to conserve the Early Christian Church at the south-east corner of the Temple.
[We regret that we are unable to include reports on the numerous other excavations undertaken in Turkey in 1961. We hope we may have the privilege of receiving information from the directors of these expeditions in I963.]
EXCAVATIONS AT CAN HASAN
FIRST PRELIMINARY REPORT, 1961
By D. H. FRENCH
THE VILLAGE OF Can Hasan is situated in the Kaza of Karaman, in the Vilayet of Konya, about 13 km. north-east of the town of Karaman. Can Hasan 1 is a small village of about three hundred people, lying in a wide and fertile plain, not too far from the first low foothills of the Taurus. The approximate height of the village above sea level is I,oo000 m.
Geographically the importance of Karaman and its surrounding villages lies in its unique position at the end of the route (Fig. I) through the Taurus which begins at Silifke and follows the Gok Su (Calycadnus) as far as Mut, from where there is little difficulty in crossing the water- shed 2 between the river valley and the Karaman plain. This is one of the great routes through the Taurus and one of the easiest: there are others. All of them are used even to-day, when nomads with pack animals travel up to 300 km. through the Taurus from summer to winter pastures.
THE SITE
The mound is long and comparatively low, measuring about 360 m. long (north to south) and 280 m. wide, and standing just over 5 m. at its greatest height (at the north end). It lies at a short distance from the north edge of the village. Its southern end is enclosed by the village cemetery ; the north-west corner is uncultivated and used currently for heaping straw for storage. Numerous holes have been dug into the western side by the villagers in search of suitable soil for roofing their houses.
There are two other mounds close to the village, numbered II and III. Mound II, a small, principally late, mound is just to the south of the main mound on the other side of the Karaman-Suduragi road. Mound III lies about 500 m. away to the north-west and is prehistoric.
Can Hasan is possibly one of the mounds north-east of Karaman marked on a map published by Dr. K. Kokten.3 Mr. James Mellaart was the first to publish sherds from it and to draw attention to its archaeo- logical value and interest.4 A second visit was paid to the site by Mr. Mellaart in company with Mr. Alan Hall and myself in October 1958 during an extensive survey of the Konya Plain then being made by
1 Can Hasan is the spelling on the Turkish I : 200,000 map. Canasun is the spelling in Kiepert and the I950 census report, Canason in the I955 report. The form Can Hasan, therefore, is probably a recent version of this older name.
2 To-day by the Sertavul beli. 3 DTCFD. X (1952), 167 ff., map 4- 4 AS. IV (1954), 175 ff., particularly 187, Figs. 62, 68, 71-5, 8o, 81. These sherds
are unfortunately no longer to hand.
28 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Mr. Mellaart and now in the course of publication.5 The site of Can Hasan appears on the maps published by Mr. Mellaart in each of his articles.
THE 1961 SEASON
Work began on the 3oth September and continued for ten full days into October. A final week was spent in planning and photographing at the site and in work on the pottery in the house. We had the services of the foreman, Veli Karaaslan, and two trained pickmen from Beycesultan and we recruited eleven unskilled men from the village.
The excavations were carried out under the auspices of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara and were additionally financed by generous grants from the Mediterranean Archaeological Trust and from Professor M. E. L. Mallowan. The Turkish government was represented by Bay Ziya Ceran, Director of the Akaehir Archaeological Museum. In addition to myself and my wife, the staff consisted of Mr. Nicholas
5,AS. XI (1961), I59 ff. (to be continued). I have not seen the Neolithic sherd illustrated in AS. XI, Fig. 4 : 6. No Neolithic sherds were found on a pre-excavation survey by the expedition and no stray sherds turned up during the excavation.
EXCAVATIONS AT CAN HASAN 29
Kindersley, field assistant; Miss Maureen Barry and Miss Catherine MacLucas, pottery assistants. Miss Marjorie MacGregor and Mr. Robin Oakley assisted for a short time at the beginning.
THE PLAN OF THE FIRST CAMPAIGN
Our interest in the site of Can Hasan was roused by some sherds picked up by Mr. Mellaart in 1951-52 and 1958. These clearly belonged to the range of Mersin XIX-XIII and were, in fact, identical with examples published in Prehistoric Mersin. More important was one sherd of Halaf type (Fig. 2), the only certain piece from the western plateau.6 Furthermore, though a few Middle Chalcolithic pieces had been found by Mr. Mellaart on other sites, only Can Hasan produced Polychrome ware ; an excellent piece (Fig. 3) was found in I96I in a pre-excavation survey.
FIG. 2. Sherd of Halaf type from Can Hasan. Surface find. I : I.
FIG. 3. Polychrome bowl from Can Hasan. Surface find. I : 4. Rim diam. 0 - 17 m.
The potentialities of the site were, therefore, clear. As the new excavations planned by Mr. Mellaart at Qatal Huiyiik (Qumra) were expected to produce pottery of both Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic periods and those at Can Hasan to produce pottery overlapping with the latest from Qatal West (the Early Chalcolithic mound), a beginning would thus be made toward establishing a stratigraphic sequence for the Konya Plain. Moreover, since there was no deep overlying deposit of later periods at Can Hasan, area excavation would be easy. By the finding of Mersin wares, and possibly Halaf type sherds, in contexts with Konya Plain wares, the geographical and archaeological gap between, on the one hand, the pottery culture of Hacilar and, on the other, those of Mersin and Halaf would be at least partially bridged. Halaf ware in stratified contexts on the plateau would provide a direct link between Anatolia and North Syria and Mesopotamia and would obviate much tedious comparative chronology.
Thus it was hoped to find well-preserved traces of the Middle Chalcolithic period fairly near the surface, but in the area where we laid out trenches our hopes were not realized. Only in the north-east corner of S 23 b did we come upon layers of this period (Can Hasan layer 2 A). From these and other indications it seems possible that the Middle Chalco- lithic layers lie further out, towards the north and north-east, perhaps as
6 For a distribution map of Halaf ware see Mellaart in Dawn of Civilization, 64-
30 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
a result of erosion or from a deliberate shifting of the inhabited area.7 The paucity of Late Chalcolithic material on the top of the mound also suggests that the layers of this period lie rather on the west side of the mound, where the majority of Late Chalcolithic sherds have been picked up. The Late Chalcolithic material that we found came from a shallow pit in S 23 c (layer i). Pottery associated with the buildings found (layer 2 B) proved to be transitional Early to Middle Chalcolithic and not pure Middle Chalcolithic.
ARCHITECTURE
Our first trenches in S 23 a and b 8 came upon well-preserved, heavily burnt mud brick walls immediately below the surface. When these trenches were expanded, it was seen that these walls belonged not to one but to several substantial buildings destroyed by a very severe fire. These buildings have for the sake of convenience been called " houses " and numbered I to 5. Although several pits of the Roman or Early Byzantine period have cut into walls and associated burnt debris, comparatively little damage was done and it was found that in many places the walls were still standing to a height of about 3 m. (P1. I a). The floor level of each structure is roughly the same.
Each structure was independent of its neighbours ; no use was made of party-walls. There is no evidence yet that walls such as the west wall of House I and the east wall of House 3 were in any way bonded. Similarly, no two walls, though very closely juxtaposed, are exactly parallel. Stone foundations are apparently absent, the mud brick being laid directly on soil. There is great regularity in the construction of the walls. A mud brick of about o08o by 0-4o by o iro m. was used throughout, and a tough green-grey clay employed as binder-mortar. The bricks were laid end to end in two rows.
A feature of the building technique of these houses was the use of timber. Support and reinforcement was given to each wall by small beams measuring up to o-o8 m. in diameter. These were placed first horizontally close to the outer edge of the wall and parallel with it ; then vertically, again near the two faces of the wall; and finally cross-wise through the wall. Each wall was thus efficiently and strongly held together. Further- more, at each corner the courses of mud brick were bonded. This same technique was used in the buttresses (P1. Ia) and for this reason the buttresses in House 3 protrude to a regular distance of o 8 m. In other houses, for instance in House 5, additional bricks have been added to the ends of the buttresses and they protrude, therefore, for irregular distances.
7 There is perhaps an analogy at Hacilar where Level I was found towards the edge of the mound and Level II lay close to the surface in the middle.
8 The whole of the mound was gridded into Io m. squares ; these were labelled, as can be seen from the plan, west to east by letter, and north to south by number. Each So m. square was subdivided into four 5 m. squares (a, b, c, d) and all finds related to their stratigraphic position within each minor square. Sherds are marked, for example, (Batch) 85, CAN 61, S 23 a A.
..... .
.................... ........ R At"
;N-;
W.
. , .
..I
? AH
vr ?IN
,-r;'-"V! ... -..
' ? /4•ak-! !ttI i'
3 ;Opq "" -•-'-:• •.!,•,L,.••.
.7r
•'-• <':i• .i• .. . . 0
, ,.. • • ••'• ,.....
... :. -,.,
eb
: 'W "- .. " .'
. , M A
. .
.,', :• .: " ",.. : " . . : . : A S
"i??s:?,v~d COAHAt- JI ??z J;!73 Villip r,? AVII N.W -M,. a Ik-1; ~1 ~ ,, ?'id;~?nl z t 1.1d.?
''' ii-~rs A 1,k- ?
s vy ~- 2?,:
ir'? ~f i~'iNt
FIG. 4. Site plan, Can Hasan x961.
. ... ..
. A _ _ _ _
Pg. ..3y
.-4.4.4.4~.CAN HASA4N 1961 .M 4
WT.. . .. . . . . . ...
'4r
* /4 ..'.,..44'• :; ...? ?
:P'/ - MT M
r S I.... . --;
.
l
?X co
. .U,•.. •
_.; t. 7•• w'>,,.... ..,
...... .-
....• •..
23
Cg-:r 6f ?rZ
'-.4. U• •'4if
.•?..
"• .• " ' I '' "+" .:.'.-"+
'
'""
4
"',..44. ... . ' .$'; +,#+ ..'.+
' 4•.7. +'.';. ,... " ..
•,• f~~~e
..'4..':$ . .,4t
.4,.;X•.'-' 44('".•;•; ,4;.4 ..'4
tow4'... ., :' .. .. .. . .
... . .. .
I
:.
.% i ..
. . . .. . . . -.
. .. . .. ... .
!
2'F.
4?
W,/ ___ __ __ __ __ __ $
4?r- R.;
FIG. 4. Site plan, Can Hasan x961. Facing page 30.
EXCAVATIONS AT CAN HASAN 31
Roofing or ceiling material was found at a height of ca. 2 m. above the floor in the debris of each house, particularly in Houses 2 and 3. As far as one can judge on present results, there is no difference between the technique employed in roof construction to-day in modern Can Hasan and that used in the prehistoric settlement. The modern roofs are built in the following stages: first, large beams supported by walls and by wooden posts where necessary for additional support; second, smaller beams laid cross-wise ; third, small branches, possibly even a reed mat or haszr ; fourth, clay or soil stamped down.
Again, like certain houses in modern Can Hasan, Houses 2 and 3 were two-storeyed. Probably the upper storey occupied about half the total roof space and the remaining half was used for work purposes, possibly cooking, certainly for drying and storage. In modern Can Hasan wheat and maize are dried on the roofs as well as such vegetables as peppers.
That there was a second storey and that it, and not the ground floor, was used for living purposes is clearly shown by the position of fallen debris. Pottery and wall plaster both overlay roofing matter in Houses 2, 3 and 5. The ground floor was therefore presumably used for storage purposes. It was on the benches of House 3, for example, that we found samples of burnt grain. Benches, however, were not a regular feature of every house, as can be seen from the plan (Fig. 4). In many cases the face of the mud brick was given a coating of mud-plaster ca. o 02 m. thick, which was then white-washed. This feature was particularly clear in House 5. Floors were of beaten clay except for House 3 which has a pebble floor. There were no hearths on the ground floor.
There are many problems still unanswered and it is hoped that the results of the 1962 season will solve certain basic difficulties, as, for example, the method or methods of entering 9 and lighting these structures and how the upper storey may have been used. However, one point is clear: all the structures, Houses I to 5, though perhaps constructed at different times, were burnt or destroyed simultaneously. The fire which destroyed House 3 clearly destroyed House 2 at the same time 10 and falling debris caused the destruction of the neighbouring houses.
FINDS 11
In the burnt debris was found a fairly wide selection of objects, most of which had fallen from an upper storey and consequently were high up in the debris. Very little has yet been found on the floors.
9 The most obvious possibility is some form of external stair to the roof and a descent by ladder from there to the ground floor.
10 A wind from the north is indicated by the line of burning ; this is the Poyraz of summer and autumn, roughly June to September.
11 The finds are at present divided between the Konya and Ankara museums. The heavy stone and miscellaneous objects are in Konya, the stratified pottery and finer objects in Ankara.
32 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
THE POTTERY 12
Iron Age and Late Chalcolithic wares were found in the surface layer and in pits. Discussion and illustration of these wares is reserved until later.
Layer 2 A : The Beginning o'f Middle Chalcolithic.-With the exception of the burnished wares the pottery of this layer was predominantly painted ware.
(i) Painted Ware (Figs. 5 : 1-8, I0-12; 6).--The most common colour scheme is black on cream or buff ground but all varieties between red, chocolate brown and black paint are found. The most striking shape is a large jar with tall flaring neck (Fig. 6). Bowls are rare but the few so far recovered (Fig. 5 : 1-8) are of a type different from the carinated examples of Layer 2 B.
(2) Incised and Plain Burnished Wares (Fig. 5 : 9, 13).--These wares con- tinuing from Layer 2 B are still found but the incised ware seems rarer. The bull-headed pot (Fig. 5 : 13) is of particular interest.
Layer 2 B: Transition between Early and Middle Chalcolithic.-The pottery was mainly painted ware associated with incised and plain burnished pieces. There was a little plain ware. A distinctive feature was the presence of large tubs, some with painted rims, others in coarse ware.
(I) Painted Ware (Figs. 7; 8; 9: 1, 5, 6).--This is basically a red on cream ware but with a significant proportion of black (or a very dark red) on cream or buff. The shapes are mainly large jars (e.g. Figs. 7 : I ; 9 : ) but there are a few large bowls (Fig. 9 : 6). The red on cream ware shows clearly its derivation from the wares of Qatal Huiyiik West.
(2) Incised and Plain Burnished Wares (P1. I : b and c ; Fig. 9 : 2-4).-- Examples are found fired black, grey or buff. The incised ware is almost invariably filled with white. The proportion of incised to plain burnished ware is about equal. Two shapes have so far been found : small jars and small bowls. The bowls of the plain burnished ware are generally smaller than those of the incised ware which occur in two distinct sizes.'l
SMALL OBJECTS
Stone.-Obsidian occurred but not in abundance. Comparisons with
Qatal Huiyiik East show that the amount of Can Hasan material is meagre and the workmanship poor. Clearly we are at the end of a tradition. The pieces are almost entirely simple blades and flakes; there is none of the elaborate pressure flaking of Qatal Hiyuk East.
No stone axes have so far been found but stone bowls and other small objects of stone are common. A considerable number of pounders, grinders and querns came from each of the houses.
Clay.-A wide range of small objects (animal figurines, pendants, whorls, stoppers, etc.) was recovered. The most notable were two
12 This summary is intentionally brief. A detailed analysis is left until we have a more " significant bulk of material ".
13 It is perhaps a little too early to consider possible relations between Can Hasan and Biyiik Gallicek but the question may later have to be raised whether the origins of
Biiyfik Guillicek Late Chalcolithic should be sought in the Konya Plain.
?....- ...... :... N.::• ,, f....
•
...
.. . ?... , =• .. . . i .. ........... .i!i: i{• i g .• i. i~ ii ~ i••2 . ...'
..
?.. .. ... • . . ....
..... ...... 15s:
t......_: ....:.......
:
K. i,.....c se .l .N 6 / 9,f o ou e 5 ay r2 B R m d a . .x 5 m
.................4X
? .: .,•, ' X.• .... ..............--- '
%
.....
...... . ........ Mi x
._ '
.. .
....
M I ......
.........:•i~ i•
(fra :1N.
'J?:... ~~~~~~~(b) Incised bowl, CAN/61/79, from House 5, LyrIB i im ?15m
C011
-:X N."
~i . ??' ?": Nx?? R
N.,: a..~. .. ..... ...... ...
lit~ii~~iilit: X. N.?:::r~: l is, ?
i :r:.:M
(a) Can Hasan Layer 2 Bl House 3 from north-west. (c) Incised bowl, CAN/6 1/28, from House 5, 1ae .Rmdim 1m
PLATE II
(a) Wall plaster with bevelled monochrome border from House 3, Layer 2 B.
(b) Wall plaster with side face from House 3, Layer 2 B.
EXCAVATIONS AT CAN HASAN 33
figurines from Houses 2 and 3, one certainly, the other probably, female. A unique feature of these is the exaggeratedly long neck and head which together exceed in height the entire lower body. The position of the better preserved is squatting with legs tucked underneath. The body is distinctly obese. On the head fragment the eyes, ears and nose are portrayed plastically but the mouth is not indicated. There is also a crown or head- dress. The clay of these figurines is coarse, heavily tempered with straw ; the surface was given a fine white slip and probably burnished. The neck and head of both examples had been built around a long rectangular peg, but there was apparently no cavity on the top of the head.
Metal.-A copper or bronze mace-head was found in the burnt debris between the two buttresses against the north wall of House 3. It is of the simple round type without any surface features.
Bone.-We found a necklace of tiny bone beads on the floor of House 3. A few bone points were also recovered.
Grain.-Samples of carbonized grain, probably wheat, were collected from House 3.
Bones.-Only a small amount of bone material (probably all animal) was recovered from the houses.
Wall Plaster.-A large number of fragments of painted wall plaster were discovered in House 3 in the form of lumps of mud brick with a hard burnt plaster face still adhering. None were in situ ; clearly they had fallen from an upper storey. Though all fragmentary, some were in an excellent state of preservation. The technique appears to have been quite simple : a layer of mud was laid on the rough surface of the bricks ; on top of this a thin coat of white clay (?) was applied. The patterns were then painted in red ochre (?) on the white ground. Except in one or two cases only one coat was applied (or has survived) ; on a few there are traces of a second coat of monochrome red and perhaps grey or blue. The patterns are entirely of a geometrical type. Whether there was an overall design is not yet clear but the large pieces that have survived (P1. IIa and b) show what might be called " irrational Maeanders ". There are similar patterns on some incised burnished sherds (e.g. Fig. 9 : 4)- The use and position of the painted plaster in an upper storey is not at all clear. Some pieces have rounded corners (P1. IIb) or simple revetments (P1. IIa) on the surface. One tentative suggestion is that perhaps only the area around doorways or windows or even cupboards was decorated in this manner : a practice which is even now common in the villages of the Konya Plain.
STRATIGRAPHY AND CHRONOLOGY
Out of a total of 5 m. (the maximum height of the mound above the plain), 3 m. are entirely taken up by one level. The walls of an earlier structure appear below the floor of House I but these were not investigated.
34 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
The stratigraphy and terminology may be expressed in tabular form thus :
Layer. Period. Pottery. Structures. I Roman Coarse wheel-made Work-floors
Iron Age Black on red Stray sherds Late Chalcolithic Dark burnished Pits
(with white paint) 2 A Middle Chalcolithic Black on cream Floors or courtyard layers:
(and variants) reoccupation over destroyed Some black burnished houses in S 23 b.
2 B Transitional Early/ Red on cream Houses I to 5 : burnt or Middle Chalcolithic Brown on buff destroyed.
Black burnished
3 ? ? Walls under House I in S 23 a and c.
A date of ca. 4750 B.C. for the burning of Houses I to 5 is here put forward but this suggestion is only tentative as it is based solely on simple analogies with Mersin and Hacilar. Our samples of carbonized wood have not yet been tested.
CATALOGUE OF ILLUSTRATED POTTERY
Scale I : 4
FIGURE 5. Pottery from S 23 b, Layer 2 A, Middle Chalcolithic. i. Bowl (Batch 4). Red on cream ground. Rim diam.
o027 m.
2. Bowl (Batch 4). Dark brown on buff ground. Rim diam. o0 34 m. 3. Bowl (Batch 6). Red on buff ground. Rim diam. o 26 m. 4. Bowl (Batch io). Black on buff ground. Rim diam. 0-20 m. 5. Bowl (Batch 85). Red on buff ground. Rim diam. ca.
o" 20 m.
6. Bowl (Batch 85). Red-brown on buff ground. Rim diam. o 18 m. 7. Bowl (Batch 85). Matt black on burnished cream ground. Rim diam. o 28 m. 8. Bowl (Batch 87). Dark brown on dark buff ground. Rim diam. 0-20 m. 9. Bowl : CAN/6I/62. Black-topped buff burnished. Rim diam. o- Ii m.
io. Jar or Bowl, small : CAN/6I/46. Brown-red on buff ground. Rim diam. o- I I m. i i. Jar, small: CAN/6I/45. Matt black on buff ground. Rim diam. o o8 m. 12. Jar, fragment (Batch 88). Pale brown on buff ground. 13. Bowl: CAN/6I/4.. Buff-grey burnished, incised and white filled. Rim diam.
0o30 m.
FIGURE 6. Pottery from S 23 b, Layer 2 A, Middle Chalcolithic.
i. Jar: CAN/6I/94. Black on buff ground. Rim diam. o.36
m. 2. Jar: CAN/61/92. Black on cream slip. Rim diam.
o.30 m.
FIGURE 7. Pottery from Layer 2 B, Transitional Early/Middle Chalcolithic. 1. Jar : CAN/61/12o. House 3. Black on deep buff ground. Rim diam. o 285 m. 2. Jar, small: CAN/6I/I4o. Red on cream slip. Rim diam. o- 12 m. 3. Jar, fragment of rim : CAN/6i/I o8. Red on cream slip. Rim diam.
o. 2o m.
4. Bowl: CAN/6i/80. Black on buffslip. Rim diam. 0o32 m.
(continued on p. jo)
EXCAVATIONS AT CAN HASAN 35
// /
/2/
/
----- 5/
7-
7 9 8
9 10 N 2
~L- - r - - S = ,- -SC, - - - i- =- - -S -
13
FIG. 5. Pottery from S 23 b, Layer 2 A, Middle Chalcolithic.
36 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
/
2
FIG. 6. Pottery from S 23 b, Layer 2 A, Middle Chalcolithic.
EXCAVATIONS AT CAN HASAN 37
73
4"
FIG. 7. Pottery from Layer 2 B, Transitional Early/Middle Chalcolithic.
I? I
i * * \;' \. .
* .
FIG. 8. Pottery from House 3, Layer 2 B, Transitional Early/Middle Chalcolithic.
0 CO
cO
tl
EXCAVATIONS AT CAN HASAN 39
2
AMns
VP r too
4 *
IL'
%2
insr~r
insLII r.
00,'~ ?1
FIG. 9. Pottery from House 5, Layer 2 B, Transitional Early/Middle Chalcolithic.
40 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
FIGURE 8. Pottery from House 3, Layer 2 B, Transitional Early/Middle Chalcolithic.
I. Jar : CAN/6i/I I9. Red on cream slip. Rim diam. o*52 m.
FIGURE 9. Pottery from House 5, Layer 2 B, Transitional Early/Middle Chalcolithic.
i. Jar : CAN/61/26. Dark red on buff ground. Rim diam. o0 225 m. 2. Jar: CAN/6I/139. Black burnished, incised and white filled. Rim diam.
0 105 m. 3. Bowl: CAN/61/77. Buff-grey burnished, incised and white filled. Rim diam.
o0 145 m. 4. Bowl : CAN/61/29. Grey-brown burnished, incised and white filled. Rim diam.
0o30 m. 5. Bowl: CAN/61/Io5. Red on cream slip. Rim diam. 0o30 m. or possibly oval. 6. Bowl: CAN/61/3o. Red on buff ground. Rim diam. 0-40 m.
EXCAVATIONS AT QATAL HUYUK
FIRST PRELIMINARY REPORT, 1961
By JAMES MELLAART
THE SITE OF gatal Huiyuik was discovered during our survey of the Konya Plain in November, 1958.1 Rich in surface finds of a type hitherto only known from Professor J. Garstang's excavations at Mersin on the south coast of Anatolia, its importance was soon realised. However, at the time of the discovery, we were engaged in the excavation of the equally important site of Hacilar and it was not until after the completion of excavations there that digging could be contemplated at atal Huiyiik. After the final season at Hacilar in I96O,2 we were free to devote our attention to this new site.
As Hacilar showed a gap in its culture sequence exactly during the Early Neolithic period, which surface finds showed was best represented at Qatal Hiiyiik, it was decided to start excavations at this site to complete the sequence and throw further light on Hacilar.
Therefore, on the initiative of the late Mr. Francis Neilson and with his support and that of the Wenner Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, N.Y., the Institute of Archaeology of the University of London, the Australian Institute of Archaeology, the British Academy and British Petrol (Aegean, Ltd., Istanbul), a first season of excavations was conducted between I7th May and 29th June, 1961, a total of thirty-nine working days.
We are most indebted to the Turkish Department of Antiquities and its Director-General, Bay Riistem Duyuran, for the privilege of granting us the permission to dig this important site; to the Vali of Konya, Bay Rebii Karatekin, as well as to the Director of Education and the Chief of Police in Konya ; the Kaymakam of Qumra and especially to Bay Mehmet Onder, Director of the Konya Museums, and numerous other local officials for their interest, help, assistance and hospitality.
Next we must here acknowledge our thanks to the Byzantine Institute of America for allowing Mr. Ernest Hawkins to come to our much needed assistance and give us the benefit of his invaluable experience in dealing with frescoes; to the President of the German Archaeological Institute, Professor K. Bittel and Professor R. Naumann, Director of its Istanbul section, for the loan of survey equipment and to the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara for the loan of a plane table and a tent. Our most grateful thanks are due to Miss Anne Louise Stockdale, the artist who prepared the finished copies of the wall-paintings, on the Bosphorus and in England, and without whose generosity, enthusiasm and persever- ance under almost impossible climatic conditions the earliest wall-paintings of all, found by chance in late November, would have been lost without adequate record.
1 AS. XI, 1961, p. 158 ff. 2 AS. XI, 1961, pp. 39-75- D
42 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
And last, but not least, we are very grateful to numerous other friends in Ankara for their help and hospitality, for transport and storage space and the many little things that contributed to the success of the dig.
The expedition consisted of myself as Director; my wife as photo- grapher ; Mr. Perry Bialor, an American anthropologist, as chipped stone expert ; Mr. Peter Winchester, a London architect ; Mr. Refik Duru, an archaeological assistant from Istanbul University, and Bay Ali Riza Biiyiiklevent as representative of the Department of Antiquities.
Visitors to the excavation included H.E. The British Ambassador and Lady Burrows; the Vali of Konya ; Professor Machteld Mellink, Pro- fessor Afif Erzen, Dr. and Mrs. Thomas Beran, Bay Mehmet Onder, Mr. and Mrs. Michael Gough and numerous others.
A maximum of thirty-five trained workmen from Beycesultan were employed under our foreman Veli Karaaslan, as local labour was not available. Once again our trusted ustas included Rifat Qelimli, Mustafa Duman and Mustafa An. The advantage of employing only well trained workmen on a site like Qatal Hiiyiik where wall-paintings may be expected within 2 inches from the surface is obvious. The expedition headquarters were in the school and the schoolmaster's house at Kiifiikk6y, kindly put at our disposal by the Ministry of Education.
INTRODUCTION
Qatal Hiiyiik is the name of the largest neolithic site yet known in the Near East, covering 32 acres. It lies in the centre of the most fertile part of the Konya Plain, 52 km. south-east of that city and 11 km. north of Qumra, the nearest kaza.3 Its altitude is about 980 m. above sea-level, comparable to that of Hacilar which is about the same. (Fig. I.)
The site is a double one (Fig. 2) situated on the Qarqamba Cay, a river which flows from the Lake of Beygehir into the Konya Plain. The eastern mound (Plate IIIa) is the earlier (neolithic) site, measuring 5oo by 300 m. with a height of 17 - 5 m. above the level of the plain. The western mound beyond the river was occupied only during the Early Chalcolithic period and is round with a diameter of about 4o0 m. and a height of 7 m. From the size of these sites it is evident that we are not dealing with villages, but with cities. One can already say that during the neolithic period, at least, Qatal Hiiytik was the capital site of the Konya Plain, without any rivals, for all other known neolithic sites in the area are of village size.
(atal Hiiyuik lies in the middle of the most fertile alluvial land in the plain, which is unlikely to be mere coincidence. The nearest mountains are 40 to 50 km. away and the plain stretches as far as the eye can see for an unbroken 200 km. The volcanic mass of Karaday, north of Karaman-the source of our volcanic stone-dominates the landscape but beyond it one sees the great sweep of the snow-covered Taurus Mountains and towards the north-east the graceful twin cone of Hasan Dag near
' See map in AS. XI, I961, p. i6I, site no. Io.
~\~\;;;ptlll fIliit; ,B LACK SEA
o
0AN AN ARA
0
SALT LAKE
,4ACx?Cy AlA L H.
., ,
Cllost, 0
C,??cr S
11
I '-. )" "\\
•. - 14@. I.; •. • • -,,,•. -• . x M ,,• /" I ,, .•-
" . \
",
FIG. I. Map showing distribution of Qatal Hiiyiik and Hacilar neolithic cultures.
C)
H
0
~C)
S,a
>.
Hq
1<o
44 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Aksaray, the source of obsidian and at the time with which we are concerned an active volcano. In this majestic setting lies the site of Qatal Huiyiik, which is only one of two hundred mounds that dot the plain as silent testimonials of lost civilizations. No trees obstruct the view and the silence of the landscape is but rarely disturbed by thunderstorms, for this is the region of Turkey with a minimum rainfall, not exceeding 30 to 40 cm. a year. Nevertheless the area has frequently been called " Turkey's granary" and wheat-growing is its main occupation, now aided by new irrigation systems. That conditions were radically different in the neolithic period is suggested by the fauna at Gatal Hiiyuiik which indicate the presence of forest in at least a part of the plain. Other changes are indicated by the presence of several dried-up lakes.
SUMMARY OF THE 1961 CAMPAIGN
All our work was concentrated on the eastern, neolithic, mound and only at the end of the season two soundings were made with a limited number of men on the western mound. The results at Qatal H. West were somewhat unsatisfactory as both trenches encountered courtyards or pits. However, two successive phases of Early Chalcolithic pottery 4 (of which there was any amount, both painted and monochrome) could be established stratigraphically, and basically the same sequence, but associated with buildings, painting, figurines and metal, was established by the excavations at Can Hasan, some 75 km. south-east of qatal Hiiyiik, conducted by Mr. David French in autumn I961. The importance of the site of Can Hasan will be obvious from his report which appears elsewhere in this journal (pp. 27-40) and the opportunity of being able to compare and discuss the new evidence from two approximately contemporary and related sites is not only fortunate but much needed, as the culture sequence of the Konya Plain has already proved to be of more than ordinary interest within the wider limits of Anatolian prehistory.
On the neolithic eastern mound, the eroded western slope offered the best opportunity for horizontal excavation and after a few exploratory trenches had revealed that the area was closely built up, an area of about two-thirds of an acre was investigated running from a point some 2 m. below the somewhat disturbed top of the mound down to the track which follows the eastern side of the cultivated fields at its foot (see plan, Fig. 2
and P1. IIIa). Not less than ten successive building-levels were discovered, numbered from top to bottom, and out of these, only two (VII and IX) are not burnt. In all some forty houses were found with a more or less standard plan. The culture deposits so far discovered show that this culture went through a steady development, without any serious breaks or disturbances, extending through a considerable period of time, during which the accumulations of houses and debris reached a thickness of not less than 35 feet. It is possible that still further building levels of this
4 For pottery of the earlier phase see AS. XI, 1961, pp. 177-184, and Figs. 1-14; for the later see D. H. French's report on Can Hasan.
Awl- zzz -~ 1" d" . 6V
I II
..,.UP .-.
\\. /\
I
/
.of- -.
/I \
",,/
/ (;;j><? ~\\ ,>\~m'
N
\_..--s --
\\ \,, I ;•... ,•:-.. > ._
, /) --
/\
1' ,•
,..,,
' -
i /.,
\'.;
'*... , oC (• --& :
/.0 -
/ -/.
/
• X- "
-... ." -. 1
--:::<, .. ',," .' /--. .
I
"",-
\\\
/ /1 ', A,
/
(..W
I
\ i
/ Ii
I
\\ X,
I \ •.
I.
it 1, 1 i .I? I, It ,+
! ~~/If? \""
ifi
I /I, ,,,. ,
.,I"• , II \
I I F fe .
IFI
,-. ,,I .....
? ,,I .I-
\/ /\ " 'I
" 'b i': !' I -
-" "-\ t
. . " / I ," / / , . ...
iis
I - \ "\?
Wi,, ,. ... . l.... , . ........
, i? ,,-. I/' / ".-" `I
I1i •ii/ /
' lil \
.. .. # I
""- / ,'-
...... .
Its$r
", ." G • • ! --- \•,t •t.•.
I ?.
\
wo
I If
,,/'
I
I
i
/ 441.
I \ *A#
FIG. 2. Site plan of Qatal Htiyiik (Qumra), showing the double mound, the river bed and the areas excaval
Ltal Htiyiik (Qumra), showing the double mound, the river bed and the areas excavated in 196i (in black). Facing page 44
EXCAVATIONS AT QATAL HOYOK 45
4N-
(ATAL HUYUK
BUILDING LEVELS I.
Pr
I PI
o dI 0
FIG. 3. 9atal Huiyuik. Plan of building-levels I-III.
r)U~r~o rtAN*A bW prh ake n
r.k
\cp~m b~r CT~rJ CtUUU*I4W SloCbv,4"
OPEN ARE
46 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Early Neolithic period will be found at Qatal Hiiyiik, for we cannot yet clearly demarcate either its end or its beginning. Deposits which can be attributed either to the following Late Neolithic or the preceding aceramic neolithic period have not yet been found during our first season of excavation, but that does not mean that they do not exist elsewhere on the mound. Virgin soil has, of course, not yet been reached.
The level of culture reached at Qatal Hiiyiik during the Early Neo- lithic period is far above that of the contemporary neolithic at Mersin on the south coast and was therefore quite unexpected. There can now be little doubt that we have hitherto quite underestimated not only the potential but the actual richness of achievement of the earliest cultures on the Anatolian plateau.
ARCHITECTURE (Figs. 3-6) It is not my intention to describe here in detail all the architectural
remains discovered during the 1961 season. Most of the plans speak for themselves, and the perspective drawings and reconstructions (Figs. 7, 8, 10o, I) need little explanation. What follows is therefore of a more general nature.
All houses at qatal Hiiyiik East are built of sundried mudbrick, which is made either of a sticky clay mixed with chopped straw or of a more sandy clay. Stone foundations are not found, for stone is not a commodity to be found in the middle of the alluvial plain.
House plans are rectilinear, or approximately so. Each house consists of a large living room (averaging 5 by 4 m., though some are much larger), and one, or occasionally two, smaller chambers used for storage or other domestic tasks. Roofs were flat and none of these houses appear to have had more than one storey.
The dwellings were grouped around courtyards (Level IV, Fig. 4) in blocks, or along narrow lanes (Levels II, III; Fig. 3). Where possible, they were entered by a door from the court or street, but several houses crowded in the middle of a block had no access but that provided by a shaft leading from the flat roof. These shafts, carefully plastered, cannot have been open to the sky and in the absence of a mudbrick staircase they must have held a wooden ladder. Carefully plastered niches evidently held lamps. At the bottom of the shaft a low doorway-the only complete example was o087 m. high-without provision for a door led into the main living room (Fig. 7 and Plate IVa). Entry from the roof is still found in numerous villages in the more remote parts of Turkey, and adds con- siderably to security. It is not yet known whether gatal Hiiytik was provided with a defensive wall.
The problem of lighting these houses was probably solved by having roofs set at different levels, such as one would in any case expect on our western section of the mound where all building levels slope up both eastwards and northwards.
All building levels from VII to II show the same features in the living room. The north-east corner is occupied by a raised platform or divan,
\ \
/ A
, \\\ L-
PIT COURTYARD
b/
3 * 2oooA,0
OPEN COURT
1 bereb er
41
&ALA15~bn
~IT~rhic,40
FIG4. 4. atal Htiyiik. Plan of building
/ wo" wk~ o.,m kkNm }
PIT COURTYA RD
w
(W" w oL ",.,
/ /
a. -J ( DENUDED
-
BUILDING LEVEL IV RM
Ur&- W/ . ,41CO&IZ At.. .A o I f
IZ S
4O C 7 *
. ;
, ' 3. 14.
C
(atal Hitiyik. Plan of building-level IV. Facing page 46
EXCAVATIONS AT QATAL HUYQK 47
which would have served for sitting, working by day and sleeping at night (Plate IVa, b). At its southern end is a raised bench of mudbrick. A large bin or compartment often occupies the north-western corner of the room, but sometimes we find subsidiary platforms against the north wall.
WWI STC
i t
i "-
" .Iv
BUIDIN LEVL
| I~
t"C iv.'",
"
swivo r dipH
COURRTYARD)
nin
PW6-
CATAL HUYUKil '" BUILDING LEVEL V MM I amvw-f" 4 MAWW SON& "M rLVM Wj ooj*dfIt& A46L*A
be 60"61u" t _
FIG. 5. Qatal HUiyk. Plan of building-level V.
Between bench and south wall there frequently is another and lower bench and the southern part of the house contains a raised hearth with kerb, rectangular and often square in shape ; or a number of them. Behind it, but never in line, we often find a domed oven set in the south wall. The oven had no chimney and smoke must have escaped through the door or through windows set high up in the walls below the roof. Sometimes we find side by side in the south wall an oven and a kiln, the latter with separate fire box but otherwise similar to an oven.
48 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
This arrangement is the usual one, but there are numerous variations, as a glance at the plans will show. All these features are carefully plastered in a white or creamy clay (ak toprak), still widely used by present day villagers, and the plaster of the walls, etc., was smoothed with polishers in
-bo -w C
w~w caft~ wc
inbb
'F L
BUIDIN LEVELS VI .~
-b9-A
Itl ?z , 10J ~u uW~r ~p~b Cl-7b~r op mr
_*f o iJo, PIThmwf
BUILDING LEVELS.. VI.
Iisia
Ix .
T • : • " T -- ; • Y
FIG. 6. Qatal Htiyuk. Plan of building-levels VI-IX.
white or green limestone, of which numerous examples have been found. Another feature of great interest is architectural ornament which
occurs in every house. To break the monotony of plain wall surfaces, the Early Neolithic " architects " of Qatal Hiiyiik had devised a system of plaster ribs, engaged posts (plastered and frequently painted red) for vertical differentiation in combination with horizontal offsets, so that each
EXCAVATIONS AT QATAL HUVYUK 49
room bore a number of panels and recesses (Fig. 7), which were normally emphasized by red paint (Plate IVb). Brick pillars, hearths and platforms were commonly painted red, but red paint was never used to colour the floors as it had been in aceramic Hacilar. As a result red dados are unknown.
Doorways frequently bore a border of parallel horizontal red bands (Levels III, IV, V, VI). In not less than a dozen (out of forty) houses some parts of the building bore simple ornamentation in a red ochreous
N. S.
l~c---4 -,, c f- ---- - AN-
S,,,.l•., o'. m",
0t II - -
M.I
Ir ----(
I ___
......... ............. ... ".. . ..?'
-- -"~' .; _ __.
-
-.AF MAIN~ ROoIM .. wourc E.vi.
oM.
FIG. 7. Section and reconstruction of house E VI, x, with entrance shaft.
paint, and it is particularly interesting that this tradition has survived for some eight thousand years (or more) in the Konya Plain, but nowhere else in Turkey. When asked, the villager will admit that it is " tradition " (anane) to paint their houses, but he is evidently unaware of the reason for doing so. It is hardly less surprising that the best painting is found in the villages of Kuiiiikkay and Karkin, which are nearest to gatal Huiyuik and a corresponding decrease in imagination is found the further away one gets from gatal Huiyiik. The implications of this phenomenon are still difficult to evaluate.
A large building in Level VII (Fig. 8) adds still another feature to the already rich repertoire of architectural ornament: plaster reliefs (P1. IIIb). This building is in many respects unusual. Access to it lay probably through a shaft in the south-western corner, the doorway of which has not survived. In front of it was a subsidiary hearth (a single hearth could hardly heat this large room) and in the north-west corner was a basin with red-painted rim. The main platform, directly to the
50 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
right of the basin, was surmounted by a panel, painted red, and above the next but lower platform there were a pair of reliefs of seated human figures. The ends of the limbs were painted red, and one bears a knob
tvall dfCW,*,*m
etrf- e4f
vrs" r FWcv
CATAL HUYUK BUILDING LEVEL VII 1BUILDING I-
FIG. 8. Perspective drawing of large building in Level VII.
whereas the other has a hole, a possible indication of the sex of the figures represented.
Against the back wall not less than three engaged posts were covered with red painted plaster and a line of red surrounded a niche for a lamp. A third relief once decorated the panel in the north-east corner (on the north wall), but it is so mutilated that it is impossible even to guess what it represented.
EXCAVATIONS AT ?QATAL HUYOK 51
Other low platforms extend along the east and south wall and their edges were painted red. This building was unburnt and empty so that no conclusions can be drawn as to its use from the contents of the room. However, both its size and its unusually rich decoration suggest that it was not an ordinary dwelling and support for this theory may be found in both earlier and later finds from exactly the same spot. In Level VI a building lay over this room, of which only part of one wall with platform and some burials underneath were preserved, but immediately to the east we found a small room-carefully plastered, but without access-which contained the horn cores and part of the skull of an enormous aurochs (P1. Vc). The spread of the horns, from tip to tip, measured 120o m. This is evidently a ritual deposit connected with a bull cult and a further deposit of scapulae, horns and tibia of aurochs were found in the next room to the east.
On the other hand, a rich deposit of crude clay votive figurines of wild animals, ritually broken, crushed or wounded with arrow or spear points, was found in a pit in building level VIII, immediately west of the large building in question (P1. VIIb). Where they came from is not yet known; perhaps an earlier shrine lay below the building with the plaster reliefs.
All this strongly suggests that there existed during Levels VIII-VI a shrine or temple connected with hunting or bull cult in this immediate area of the site, and it is perfectly possible that the large building in Level VII was in fact one of these.
BURIAL HABITS
The Early Neolithic people of 9atal .Hiiyiik
buried their dead below the floors of their houses. Burials of children may occur anywhere below the floor, but adults were regularly buried below the platform in the north-east quarter of the house, that is, they buried the dead below their beds.
When intact the skeletons lie in a contracted position in shallow oval graves on their left side with the head towards the room and their feet towards the east (back) wall. However, incomplete burials are far more common and it is not the last interment which is complete, as one might perhaps expect. In house A III, 4, a body was found intact but for the head, for which there was room in the grave. The head was, however, found separately about a foot away and two other skulls were found higher up in the grave. In house E IV, 2, three human skulls were found in a shallow grave below the floor just in front of the platform, and piles of human bones, skulls and mandibles were found below the platforms of denuded houses in Levels IV (P1. Va) and VI. In the latter there were numerous long bones but only a single skull, whereas in the former there was found one intact skeleton, one trunk without head, legs or arms and not less than seven skulls and mandibles. At least eight people were buried below this house.
These burial habits, unknown either in the aceramic or the Late
52 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Neolithic or Early Chalcolithic levels of Hacilar, or for that matter at Mersin, are reminiscent of similar practices observed in the Natufian and following pre-pottery cultures of Palestine. They strongly suggest that secondary interment was practised involving the reburial of parts of the skeletons after complete or partial decomposition of the flesh. This would explain the numerous severed heads and mandibles, arms and limbs and the comparative rarity of complete burials. For a " modern " ethnological parallel I refer the reader to the Illustrated London News of 3rd February, 1962, where very similar practices among the " Palaeolithic " Onge pygmies of the Andaman Islands are described. That we are dealing at Qatal Hiiyiik with burial rites of vast antiquity is beyond much doubt and these practices should not be confused with the custom of collective burial such as was practised at a later date by many communities, but for which there is no evidence in Anatolia.
They do, however, suggest a strong family sense of kinship with the dead, different from but not unlike the custom of ancestor cult involving the preservation of skulls found in the aceramic levels at Hacilar and in the pre-pottery cultures ofJericho.
Burial gifts are exceedingly rare and consist almost entirely of neck- laces of beads made of marble, fossil shell (P1. Vb), various stones and a blue copper ore. These same blue beads were also found at Kizilkaya and at Hacilar and contrary to an earlier theory of mine that metal tools were needed to make these,5 they were probably manufactured with bone tools. The only other object from a grave is a bone wrist-guard found between the arms of the headless skeleton in house A III, 4. No pottery or stone bowls were found with the dead, nor is there a trace of red ochre. The bones have not yet been studied, but the heads are long and the teeth are well preserved.
POTTERY (Fig. 9) Pottery occurs in all building levels except the earliest (IX), where
its absence may be fortuitous, as only a minute area has been exposed. Compared to the abundance of pottery at Late Neolithic Hacilar one
is immediately struck by the small quantity of pottery found and by its
AS. X, I960, p. 87.
FIG. 9. (All pottery is hand-made and has a buf fabric containing small white grits or micaceous particles, but no straw.)
I. A III. Buff, mottled grey burnished. 2. A III, 7. Brown interior, cream exterior, burnished. 3. A III, 4. Greyish buff coarse burnished. 4. A III, 4. Fine brown burnished. 5. E V, 3. Very coarse buff ware. 6. E VIII. Brown burnished. 7. A lII, 4. Greyish black burnished. 8. B II, 2. Buff burnished. Four feet. 9. E V. Smoothed grey ware. Four feet.
Io. E IV, I. Coarse buff ware. Four feet. II. E IV, 4. Greyish black burnished. E2. E V, 3. Buff, mottled grey coarse burnished.
13. E III. Smoothed buff ware with black core.
14. B II, I. Smoothed coarse buff ware. i5. E V, 4. Cream, mottled black burnished. I6. E IV, 12. Coarse greyish buff ware. 17. E IV, 4. Coarse brown, mottled grey ware;
smoothed. 18. E IV, I. Red-brown burnished. 19. E VI, i. Dark buff vertically burnished ware. 20. E VIII. Brown burnished. 2t. E VIII. Reddish buff burnished. 22. E VIII. Black burnished. 23. E VIII. Black burnished. 24. E VIII. Fine dark brown burnished. 25. E VIII. Black burnished.
EXCAVATIONS AT QATAL HOYOK 53
5
cIto
II 19
N1
/1
// 2 AS
FIG. 9. Early Neolithic pottery from 4atal Huiyiik. (1)
54 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
much simpler shapes. Only two sherds (one from Level III, the other from Level II) bear any traces of paint and only half a dozen sherds have horizontal incised lines below the rim 6 (Levels III and II). Otherwise the pottery is devoid of any ornament.7
The rarity of pottery as such is noteworthy; in the earlier levels (VIII-IV) it is uncommon to find more than half a dozen pots per house, and it is only in the later ones that an increase in quantity is noted. With the increase in quantity goes an increase in size of the individual pots and the steady appearance of more light-coloured wares. Towards the end of the development (Level II) we may draw attention to the appearance of disc bases and an occasional vertically perforated tubular lug, features well known from Late Neolithic Hacilar,8 but as no Late Neolithic deposits have yet been found at Qatal Hiiyiik the possibility of a slight overlap can neither be postulated nor denied, and it seems safer to treat the whole series as earlier than Late Neolithic Hacilar.
Within the sequence we can trace some, but not much development. From beginning to end, most of the pottery is a brownish black burnished ware, but with numerous colour variations. Many of these vessels were cooking pots, as is clearly demonstrated by the thick layers of soot in which they are covered. Others are bowls and dishes and among the latter brown to buff colours prevail in the earlier levels (VIII-VI), but dull reds occur. In Level V the first light-coloured wares make a hesitant appearance: cream wares, mottled black, and a little orange and pink. These increase in Levels IV-I, and many fine mottled pieces occur side by side with the introduction of a red slip. Jet-black wares are unknown. The cooking pots remain darkish brown throughout the sequence and their hole-mouth shape shows little change from beginning to end; the only development noticeable is in the lugs which change from vertically perforated knobs to ledge handles (still perforated), the latter acquiring a tilt in Level III. In the Early Chalcolithic deposits at the western mound this shape continues (in buff or pale red ware), but the handles are now crescent-shaped with or without the vertical perforation.
The Early Neolithic pottery was made of a buff clay, containing small particles of white grit, but never any straw. Pots were built up in a coil technique on a flat base, but frequently finished with paddle and anvil as is clear from the thinness of their walls. The pottery was invariably burnished, and burnishing marks are common. The pottery is well fired and quite hard and even the earliest products (from Level VIII) show a developed technique and excellent quality. We quite evidently have not yet reached the beginnings of pottery making.
On the other hand, numerous shapes, all comparatively simple, appear to betray prototypes in different materials : stone, wood, leather or basketry. Oval bowls with basket handles (not illustrated) are almost certainly copied from baskets, many oval bowls look like hollowed-out
6 AS. XI, I96i, p. 167, Fig. 4 1-3. S AS. XI, i961, p. I64 f.
8 AS. XI, I961, p. 62 f., p. 69, Figs. 24-27 (passim).
EXCAVATIONS AT QATAL HUYOK 55
pebbles (Fig. 9:13, 16), and the flat dishes (Fig. 9 : 1, 5, 6, 7) look like wood or stone. Actually, stone dishes (like Fig. 9: 7) have been found and the bowls on four feet (Fig. 9 : 8-Io) occur also in white or veined marble. The same can be said of shapes shown in Fig. 9 : 4, 12 and 5, and the tray on four feet (Fig. 9 : 3) as well as square and lozenge-shaped vessels found are almost certainly copied from wooden prototypes. The bowl (illustrated in Fig. 9:21) has a rectangular base, again reminiscent of wood or stone, and one could even argue that the hole-mouth pot, the most common of all our shapes-and probably almost the only obvious pottery shape-was derived from stone, for such vessels occur in pre- ceramic Jarmo,9 but this could be the other way round. However that may be, there can be little doubt that the Early Neolithic potters at Qatal Hiiyiik, for all their technical proficiency, borrowed many shapes from other materials and this perhaps suggests that we are approaching the transition from an aceramic to a ceramic neolithic. I personally like to imagine that the difficulties of providing stone vessels for a population of a city like 'atal Hiiyiik, which must have run into the thousands, in the middle of a stoneless alluvial plain, may have contributed considerably to experimenting with a new and locally available material, clay. Factors such as these may be to some extent responsible for the discovery of pottery at such an early date on the Anatolian plateau, but not elsewhere.
OTHER INDUSTRIES AND CRAFTS
The chipped stone industry at natal Hiiyiik is one of the most characteristic features of the culture and is dealt with in a specialist report by Mr. Perry Bialor (pp. 67-I10o).
The ground stone industry is equally-developed, though less spec- tacular. Again all the raw materials had to be imported ; volcanic stone for the larger and coarser tools such as mortars, pounders and saddle querns (P1. IVc) ; various limestones for polishers (P1. VIb), figurines, beads, marbles, bowls and dishes; blue limestone and breccia for mace- heads (P1. VIa) ; alabaster and white marble for figurines, bowls and pendants; copper ore for beads, fossil shell for rings, beads and bracelets. Fully polished axes and adzes (the latter predominate and are smaller in size) used for the cutting of trees and in carpentry were made of harder rocks, and a soft stone like chlorite was fashioned into cosmetic palettes. House A III, 2, produced a large number of stone tools as well as raw material and might have been a stoneworker's shop. The quality of the stone objects is, on the whole, very high, and it is clear that (atal Hiiyiik must have engaged in a widespread trade with neighbouring settlements in the hill zone to acquire all these raw materials. Besides stone they also brought shells from the Mediterranean (whelks, cockles, dentalium), red ochre (which now comes from the Bozdag), copper ore from an unknown source (Bozkir ?), etc.
Animal bone was widely used for the preparation of leather (awls),
s Sonia Cole, The Neolithic Revolution, Brit. Mus. (Nat. Hist.), Pl. XIIIa.
56 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
for pressure flaking (punches) ; for weaving needles, spoons, spatulae (P1. VIe), modelling tools, tubes, beads, cosmetic sticks (P1. VId), scrapers and a number of other tools the use of which is not known. Occasionally animal heads decorate the finer spatulae and other bone carvings (P1. VIc) are not unknown. The absence of worked antler is still surprising, but it occurs on the later western mound. Shoulder blades were used as shovels near the hearth.
Baked clay was further used for figurines human and animal, loom- weights, stampseals and horned potstands of a type that remains familiar in Anatolia till the end of the Bronze Age.10 Spindle-whorls and sling- stones were made of unbaked clay.
Red and green paint was found in lumps or ready for use in the shells of freshwater mussels. Impressions of mats and coiled baskets have been found. Spindle-whorls, loomweights and weaving needles, as well as the white loincloths worn by men on the wall-paintings and the earliest geometric wall-paintings themselves, attest the art of weaving.
The so-called stampseals (P1. VIIc) decorated with highly elaborate pseudo-maeander patterns, spirals, etc., could have been used to stamp cloth as well as produce stored in sacks. No impression of such stamp- seals has ever been found on clay, but the fact that no two are alike and that they always occur singly in a house supports the idea that they were used to indicate ownership.
ECONOMY
Pending specialists' reports on the carbonized cereals, etc., and the animal bones found in the settlements of Qatal Huiyiik, the following notes may give some idea of the Early Neolithic economy.
Agriculture was practised, as is clear from the numerous mortars, querns (P1. IVc), ovens and deposits of carbonized wheat (in Levels III, IV, VI), field peas (in IV) and seeds (in VI). This is hardly surprising since Dr. H. Helbaek's study of an ash deposit from Level V of the Aceramic settlement of Hacilar has established agriculture at a date early in the seventh millennium.11
Hunting was evidently important, as is shown not only by the numerous arrow and javelin heads and the frescoes, but by the remains of the following animals: wild cattle, wild ass, red deer, leopard, wild pig, wild sheep, fallow deer, etc. Among the animal bones are the remains of several birds, including a stork (?), and the feet of birds are shown on a fragment of wall-painting.
Professor Charles Reed's preliminary examination of the bone material from gatal Hiiyik 12 drew attention to the preponderance of cattle over sheep and goat, to the probability of domestication of these three species, as well as to the possibility that these people had a domesticated dog.
10 AS. V, 1955, P1. IVb " spitholders ".
11 Unpublished. Personal communication dated 5th March, 1962. 12 During a visit to Istanbul in January, 1962. We are much indebted to Professor
Reed for the information.
PLATE III
(a) View of neolithic mound of Qatal HUiyiik and excavation, from the Early Chalcolithic mound across the old river bed.
(b) Plaster reliefs on north wall of a building in Level VII.
(a) House E.VI.I with shaft, low doorway, platform, shelves and plaster panels.
(b) Kitchen, with plaster shelves, grinding platform and querns. House E.VI.2.
(c) House E.VI.3, with red painted panel above platform. S
PLATE V
(a) Remains of human skeletons below platform of a denuded house in Level IV.
(b) Objects of personal adornment, Level III (stone pendants, fragments of marble bracelet, beads of shell and fossil shells from which such beads, etc., were made).
(c) Horn cores of bos primigenius in small plastered room, Level VI.
PLATE VI
.I..
(a) Two polishers (for bone tools) from Levels III and i VI (bottom).
.. .. ............. :A"M?
(c) Bone tool carved in the form of a stork's head. House A.III.4.
on te eat wal otheLentvofelnIIShire.sceneth.of fragm.n .xm t .5m
x:i
" i
.....itM
... ",,", '':: ""•• .i•i::.,:...0
s~:u
,, j, - ,,
i•:o 6•,::,•!•!ii•:•i •
-E,•
?: ?
E? 8~; ~~x*.lsi,~eaiar
'L,• ?ti
.sz:
• ?
:'':: '":':i"
N 4;-s..
N•.. ..•:i ... . ...... ...",..
45j. M~il.
!ii•+ i~ii~i ~..... ..... ..
......... %,;•-; .. ? :. .. : • .
..... . ........ . :i: . . , .: •
. . ?. . . :' ::i ..• :.: . ...
AM) The earles t of the te ins n above :itual lrd N N ane.
on heeat allofth LvelII Srie. enthoAftaer
t prliin Ir coie by. A.6 L.Stcd
is
,iX,
2 . ...
-Mp
.. . ..........ik::!t~!'..
.3
'R"
1:: .2 :Ms is % ". X .... ... - .... .. s
..4-XRO
(b) The main (left-hand) fragmen of the dancing scene, with thre layers ofpainting on the eat wall o the Levl III Shine. Lenth of frgment c.i m. ; h. o 65 m
(b~ ~ ~ ~ ~~() The secon andrpinigs th irdai fragment s on the east wall. h w iue n e im n e midlero ad hemaninth bttm eftcone rpAfete pre liarypest by A. L tcde
-.; HHi4:: .: N (b h w atrpitns ntemi famn fth atwl. h w iursadteanmli h
middle row and the man in the bottom left comer represent the latest phase.~e~-~~'~ :i:`ipil' :iiili~I!i~~~ii'.::: iiii::i:i~r
.............il iii!1 riiiii~~:: ? ?? i
RPM?
ii ........
HA N . .......
(E)Th scod ad hid ragens n he % Q-wll m14 rlm~ar oisb . .Sokae
V m. .. .... ..... xc ... ...... ..... ..... C . ... .. .... zM . ...... . M
US'S :Ss.:: . .... . NX. : ....... .....
..... . ... ..
4 W4i ... . .. .... ..
?~~irq .r........ . .. .i * Maci EN St::X n~z SO MIX- SM. O.Y
4:'N :: "N' ;" ;;M ..... .... . . ... :X:?
im ::H 'M::-~
(b-c Twodetils romDeerHun paitin in ntehambr o Levl II -:24e
PLATE XVII
(a) Detail from the deer hunt. Doe with fawn.
(b) Detail from the deer hunt. The wounded stag.
PLA TE X VIII
One of the leopard dancers ; cf. Pl. XIVc, lower register.
EXCAVATIONS AT QATAL HUYtK 57
The fauna furthermore suggests that at least part of the Konya plain was covered with forest during the Early Neolithic period. The shells of land snails or the carbonized wood fragments have not yet been submitted to analysis.
RELIGION
Burial customs, indicative of a belief in an afterlife, have already been examined, and practices of hunting magic, performed on crude clay figurines of wild animals, were mentioned above. The preservation of the horns of wild cattle, set up in rooms in Level VI, or embedded in plaster so as to form a portable horned altar, found near the hearth in a house in Level IV, or its equivalent in which part of a tibia of an aurochs was set in a plaster base ornamented with stripes of red paint in Level V, all suggest a possible bull cult. To this we may add the wall- painting of a 6 ft. bull in the " Shrine " of building-level III and possibly the reliefs in a similar building in Level VII, described above.
A belief in a goddess of fertility and abundance is clearly demonstrated by figurines (Pls. VIII, IX) modelled in clay, baked and sometimes painted, or carved in soft stone (limestone, marble and alabaster), ancestors of the remarkable series found in Late Neolithic Hacilar in 1960.13 Though much less varied, they are not inferior to the later ones and of about the same size, not on the whole exceeding 15 cm. in height. The goddess is shown standing or seated, but the position of the legs (P1. VIIIc) is different from that found at Hacilar. Holes in the back of the head (P1. IX) show that something in a different material was attached; either hair or a cap or bonnet. Male figures have not been found. Unbaked clay figures, rather coarsely modelled and with a hole for a peg-like head of wood, such as occurred at Hacilar in Level VI,14 are also found here, and in the lower levels there are several examples of stylized figurines (P1. VIIa). Animal figurines, conspicuously absent at Hacilar, occur rather frequently and their disappearance at the later site may perhaps be attributed to the decline of hunting in the Hacilar economy. Most if not all the animals portrayed at (atal Hiiyiik would appear to be wild ones.
WALL-PAINTINGS (Pls. X-XVIII)
The most spectacular contribution made by (atal Hiiyiik to Near Eastern archaeology, as well as to art history, is its wall-paintings, the earliest yet found on man-made walls. These were found in two buildings in Levels III and IV, which we regard as shrines, and in two private houses of Level VI.
The cream plaster of the walls is used as a background for a decoration
13 AS. XI, I961, pp. 46-61 ; Figs. 5-23 and Pls. VII-XIII. 14 AS. XI, 1961, p. 47, Pl. VId.
E
58 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
which is most often executed in more than one colour, but sometimes only in red (Level III). The paints and plaster are being analysed by the Courtauld Institute in London, and until a report is available it is probably better not to guess at the nature of the colours, the use of an adhesive, etc. In Level VI we find red, orange red, white, buff and creamy yellow; in Level IV red, white and black and in Level III several reds, pink, mauve, black, white and a lemon yellow. Painting was done with a brush in a flat wash without previously drawing outlines, and then filling in.
I
j I ii
:i
P?
r- :i
:
I f' r
o_
FIG. Io. Perspective drawing of House E VI, I, indicating position of the wall-paintings.
It is common to find three, but not more, successive layers of painting separated by white plaster, and all paintings, even the non-figurative ones, were subsequently covered and hidden under white plaster for reasons unknown. It is suspected that some ritual is involved here, but we cannot be sure. In any case it is perfectly clear that these paintings served a definite purpose and were not just painted for artistic reasons alone.
The cleaning of these wall-paintings was a painstaking operation as their state of preservation left much to be desired, and is entirely due to the skill of Mr. Bialor and my wife, who was also solely responsible for their preservation, lifting and transport to the Archaeological Museum at
EXCAVATIONS AT QATAL HtYtK 59
Ankara. The earliest wall-paintings discovered in November were cleaned by Miss Stockdale and myself, but as it was impossible to detach them from vitrified walls they were covered up after recording.
Wall-paintings from Level VI
These paintings, covering three panels (Fig. Io) in a private house, were discovered after a fall of plaster in late November and represent the earliest paintings known at Qatal Hiiyiik. They show geometric designs in polychrome of great intricacy and from this it is perfectly clear that wall- painting was fully developed in Level VI. The panels are placed on either side of the open doorway at the bottom of the shaft which gave access to the building, one (P1. X) to the left of the doorway and the other (P1. XI) above the platform. The third and worst-preserved one was found in a panel between bench and south wall, and fortunately was the least interesting. The first shows a pattern of horizontal zigzag bands inter- rupted by vertical columns and the apexes of the zigzags bear a floral pattern. Painted over them at a slightly later phase were two arms with outstretched hands, such as we find both in the Early Chalcolithic pottery of Hacilar 15 and in present-day painting round the doorways of houses of the Konya Plain as an apotropaic sign against the " Evil Eye ". The changes in colour and the variations in the vertical bands are all extremely reminiscent of textiles.
The same can be said to an even greater degree of the second and larger painting, which looks like an Anatolian kilim. Here not less than three phases could be recognized of which the last is represented by the fragment on the left. Of the earliest only some parallel bands directly to the right of it belong ; the remaining major portion of the wall-painting represents the middle phase. There is some evidence that these paintings originally extended above the rib which now marks their upper limit but whatever was there originally was destroyed when the wall was replastered after a fire. The main pattern is of great complexity, the execution careful but bold. The " floral " patterns may represent human hands with four fingers, the thumb being drawn in as a rectangle-another favourite gesture against the " Evil Eye ". From these earliest paintings it is clear that we have not reached the beginning of this art.
The Level IV Shrine (Building E, IV, I, on plan, Fig. 4)
No figurative paintings have yet been found in Level V, but a badly destroyed building in Level IV contained a number of paintings along its east wall and the adjacent north-eastern corner. As these were covered by less than 6 inches of topsoil and were further honeycombed by roots and burrows of ground squirrels and jerboas that inhabit the mound, their
15 AS. VIII, 1958, p. 137, Fig. 4:6; Fig. 5 : 24; and in the Late Neolithic in relief in AS. XI, I96i, p. 68, Fig. 27: 16.
6o ANATOLIAN STUDIES
preservation was virtually impossible, but they were fully recorded on the spot. As in Level VI the wall-paintings were found hidden beneath a thick coat of white plaster which in this building was very tenacious and difficult to remove. Part of the painting on the north wall had fallen forward on to the floor. There is evidence that the other walls also were once painted in red and white, but only small specks of paint had survived, when the cover of white plaster fell to the floor. The destruction of the wall-paintings of this building through the ravages of time is much to be lamented for there is evidence that its walls bore numerous human figures both male and female, some of which must have reached a height of about I foot judging by the surviving fragments. Males are shown in red, whereas women are painted white, a convention found also in Egypt some three thousand years later. Whereas the males are tall and slender, the women are fat and plump (P1. XIIIa, b) and almost identical with the figurines. The resemblance of the small painted figure in a leopard-skin dress, red necklace and anklets (P1. XIIIc), found to the right of the plastered pilaster with geometric ornament, to a battered seated figurine from House 4 in the same building level is most striking, as it is painted in exactly the same way (P1. VIIIb). The geometric patterns on the pilaster are painted in black and when white plaster covered the wall paintings, this part was painted plain red, of which some large fragments survive.
The decoration of the main east wall above the platforms-on either side of the pilaster-is too fragmentary to merit description here and all one can see are splodges of white and red paint as well as part of a male figure armed with a throwing stick. Those on the eastern half of the north wall are a little better preserved and four fragmentary male figures dressed in an animal skin with tail and white loincloth, which reaches down either to the knee or to the ankles, are shown proceeding towards a most enigmatic polychrome scene on the left. A man's head and torso are shown with an arm outstretched towards what may have been a head of a horned animal. The scene behind him defies interpretation (bear or bird trapped in net ?-P1. XIIa).
The scenes in the south-eastern corner are partly destroyed by deep pits of much later date, but the following scenes or fragments can be recognized: (a) a white steatopygous figure with long head and raised arms (Pl. XIIIa, b) ; (b) a group of several figures of different sizes (Pl. XIIb). The latter shows a small figure in white on the left, then some traces of something unrecognizable; then what is almost certainly a loincloth of leopard skin with tail on the left on some traces of white, all that remains of a large female figure. At the right the torso and part of the arms of a man with white belt and below it one or probably two human heads seen en face (P1. XIIc), but without any traces of the body. The male head, in red, black and white, shows a black bearded man with open mouth painted red, a red forehead and slit (or closed) eyes. One has a distinct impression that this is the head of a dead man.
A fragment of wall-painting on the south wall shows legs of a small and a large figure painted in red and therefore probably male.
? e ? 6rc W CA P CATA L HUYUK i BUILDING LEVEL III TAXliii4iiiiii::; ~C
box 44 U NIT; -4n~iiiil::%~T :7 ? ~~irrijiiiii lii.~~~:
V:::iii:::::: 1iii:: 9
FIG. I Pespectve dawingof th Shrne inbuildng-leel II wit indiatio of te postionsof te wal-painings
H 0
H
O
e..3
C:
c,
62 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
The Shrine in Building-level III (A, III, I, on plan, Fig. 3 and Figs. I I, 12) The richest discovery of wall-paintings was made in this shrine where
every intact wall (except the south one) was covered with paintings. The back wall of an antechamber bore a panel with a deer hunt; in the main chamber the north wall showed an enormous aurochs bull and a second hunting scene which continued on the west wall, whereas on the east wall there are the remains of three stags and an exceedingly lively scene of dancers. Their position is indicated on the perspective drawing (Fig. i1). There is no geometric ornament except horizontal parallel red stripes about I inch thick and I inch apart on the plaster of the brick pillar, apparently the standard decoration of doorways which also occurs in Levels VI, V and IV.
The deer hunt panel is one of the few paintings executed solely in monochrome red without the addition of other pigments. In its present state it is truncated by a later rebuilding of the west wall of the ante- chamber which cut the wall with the painting and covered the new narrow room with thick layers of white plaster, completely hiding the paintings.
The scene shows a group of five men attacking a herd of red deer (Cervus elaphus) consisting of three stags and two does with their fawns, with bow and arrow, throwing sticks and lassoe (P1. XVI). Some of the males wear an animal skin with tail, but others appear to be naked. This scene was twice repainted, without obvious alterations, over an intervening coat of white plaster.
The style is naturalistic and lively, but there is some stylization in the rendering of the animals. All four legs are shown and the antlers are shown in twisted perspective. The human figures vary in size and the large figure on the left is evidently the leader of the hunt. Heads and noses are always clearly marked, but eyes are never indicated.
Embedded in the rebuilt west wall of the antechamber was a fragment showing the webbed feet of two wading birds, possibly storks, and in a hollow below the floor in front of it lay some bird bones.
The central part of the north wall of the main chamber shows the enormous picture of a wild bull (Bos primigenius), over 6 feet long, which dominates the room (P1. XVa). It is painted in red and surrounded by a group of men, including at least two figures who are painted half red, half white. There are traces of over-painting, but they are not very clear. The figures are somewhat fragmentary and the drawing shows much less care than that of the other wall-paintings in the room. Most figures wear an animal skin with tail around the waist, and they are armed with bows and throwing sticks. It is not clear whether this is a hunting scene or a scene of veneration and both are equally possible.
To the left of the bull and continuing on to the west wall another scene is painted in which a large animal of undeterminable species (P1. XIVa) is chased by a group of men moving at some speed towards the left. Among these is one wearing a white loincloth and immediately below it another headless " harlequin " is shown, painted half white, half red, dressed in a spotted leopard skin (black on pink) and brandishing a club. In front
Ho us E,
IN L VE E L 0,.
I *I I
ANTE
ROOM-,1 L4- MAIN ROO M Sr1TORE Ro 00 LIVING ROOM F
S aI
PAINTED .SHRIIJ E IN LEVEL M
Eo•E oF EXCAVAtON
UFetv FLoca ARn. S
3...............
M.T P...NT.D WA.L
WA .Level ." FLup4eo10,
I C-D 16I-LCK
O P PLARWA OLL WALL
_AS__A-
.
-BENFLC
o,..
FIG. 2I. Section through the Shrine of Level III and adjacent buildings of Level II.
t~j
H
0- 0 0 >Z
>~
>3
clt
64 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
of these two hunters there are the remains of what looks like a lattice pattern which extended much further down than the drawing indicates and which may be interpreted as a fence or stockade.
This scene evidently continued up to the destroyed doorway in the west wall, but the last metre or so of the wall and with it the head of the animal were destroyed by Hellenistic pits which have also created great havoc with the scenes on the east wall (Fig. 12).
At the extreme right of the east wall is a large, but fragmentary stag of which only the body, the hind legs and part of the antler survives. Somewhat further toward the left there is the magnificent head of another (P1. XVc, right) and a third once stood between the two large fragments of the scene of dancing hunters (ibid., left). These two fragments show several layers of painting; two on the right-hand fragment (P1. XVc) and three on the left (P1. XIVb). The third and latest painting, represented only on the largest fragment (measuring about I m. by 70 cm.) is in mono- chrome red and shows a number of rather lifeless figures, one of which holds two bows, and a small animal. In style they are not unlike the figures that surround the bull but the association of these two wall- paintings cannot be proved (P1. XVb, on left). The two earlier paintings are in polychrome and the second one (P1. XVb) shows a number of rather large figures running to the right, where the stags are. They are dressed in a headgear of leopard skin and skins of the same animal are tied round their waists. In their hands they carry bows and throwing sticks. At the broken edge at the right end of the large fragment is an object which may be a bag.
The earliest scene is also the one that is best preserved (P1. XIVc). Not less than thirteen figures (there were more originally) of armed hunters are shown in three registers of which the middle contains three larger figures. One of these is a headless " harlequin " painted half white, half red ; the second figure wears a white loincloth in addition to the leopard skin and the third is shown all white but for a leopard skin on its shoulder. The latter figure appears to be brandishing a stick or wand at two smaller and naked figures in the top row who are performing acrobatics.
In the bottom row one of the two figures facing to the right-all others face left-appears to be a musician beating a drum.
In the top row the third figure from the left is shown holding a small animal and the next figure holds both a bow and an arrow. The other figures are armed with a bow and throwing stick or with two bows.
All figures are attired in skins of leopards worn stiffly round the waist and in addition they wear caps of leopard skin on the head. Many wear pendants round the neck and several of these flat stone pendants were found in this building.
The dancing scene is remarkably lively ; the drawing superb, perspec- tive is observed and motion well expressed. What is the meaning of this scene? It would appear that we have here a ritual hunting dance in which the hunters are actually disguised as leopards. As the leopard was evidently the most feared and dangerous animal in this forested region
EXCAVATIONS AT QATAL HOYtYK 65
during the neolithic period as well as man's rival in the hunt for wild cattle, deer, etc., man may well have sought to acquire ritually the power of his feared rival by disguise and one would expect that such a dance would be considered necessary to ensure the success of a new hunting season. It looks as if some such rite took place in this building where it was " recorded " on the wall. It is known that the bear hunters of the Upper Palaeolithic had similar rites and I personally think that the explanation offered above is reasonable and compatible with what is known about early hunting cults.
What is equally clear is that all these wall paintings served a definite purpose. They were not painted for decorative purposes alone-art rarely is dissociated from religion-and this could not be clearer than from the fact that these paintings were subsequently hidden, i.e. either covered with white plaster and overpainted or hidden entirely. Not less than twenty coats of white plaster cover the three superimposed paintings just discussed and every painted surface at Qatal Huiyuik was whitewashed over, whether it bore figural ornament or not. Why this is so we do not know, but one has a feeling that all paintings had a magic potency which eventually had to be preserved or hidden, after it had served its purpose.
The discoveries of these Early Neolithic wall-paintings at 9atal Huiyuik is of more than ordinary interest for it concerns the archaeologist as much as it does the art historian or the student of early religions. There are many things we do not understand and perhaps never shall, but it is hoped that many questions will be answered when better preserved buildings are found in lower levels. One of the tasks of future seasons of excavation will be to elucidate the beginnings of this remarkable art, not only the wall-paintings, but the plastic art as well, and relate it to that of the aceramic red floors or the Mesolithic rock paintings at Beldibi, if not to that of even earlier periods, about which to this day virtually nothing is known in Anatolia. That the Anatolian plateau played an important role in early man's culture history in the neolithic and early chalcolithic periods (seventh and sixth millennia B.C.), that is during the dawn of civilization, needs, we hope, no further demonstration.
This first preliminary report, necessarily brief, has dealt with the results of only forty days' work with a modest average labour force of twenty-five men. It is far too early to generalize or draw conclusions, but I cannot help feeling that we are here at this enormous neolithic site on the threshold of revealing what in all fairness may well be called a neolithic civilization, which flourished during the seventh and the beginning of the sixth millennium B.c.
[We are most grateful to the Editor of Archaeology for the gift of the colour blocks reproduced on Plates XVII-XVIII, which have already been printed in that journal (Vol. I5, No. I).-EDITOR.]
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYUK
By PERRY A. BIALOR
INTRODUCTION
THE ANALYSIS OF the chipped stone industry of Qatal Hiiyiik East presented here is based on a collection of 1,377 pieces, of which only 366 are waste flakes. The collection represents the complete assemblage of chipped stone recovered during six weeks' excavation ( 7th May to 29th June, 1961) by Mr. James Mellaart at which the author assisted. All stone was saved. The area excavated covers approximately two-thirds of an acre, in which nearly forty houses from the various levels were uncovered. The consider- able number of chipped stone implements which we collected from the surface of the mound during our first two days at the site (the presence of which along with an Early Neolithic pottery was initially responsible for Mr. Mellaart's special interest in the site) is not presented here. Except for the pleasure of presenting some beautiful examples of pressure flaked projectile points it would not alter the facts as garnered from the excavated material.
The material used is almost exclusively obsidian; there is only a slight use of buff chert, and that mainly for large side scrapers. The obsidian is usually jet black, only slightly transparent on the edges; a few pieces have rather large specks of pumice inclusions and a handful are of a grey somewhat streaky obsidian. One unworked flake of black obsidian mottled with red, a marble-like effect, may come from an East Anatolian source.
The nearest source of obsidian is at Hasan Dag to the north-east of Qatal Hiiyuiik. The mountain is seen on the edge of the Konya Plain from the site. At the time of the occupation of the site Hasan Dag was still an active volcano, and its position on the horizon was therefore clearly marked (and may even have been the focus of some form of reverence). There are no natural barriers between Qatal Hiiyiik and its source of obsidian. Hasan DaB, however, is only one of the sources of this material in the Aksaray region, any one of which could and must have supplied the Neolithic peoples with the raw material for their chipped stone tools. The appearance of obsidian from the Aksaray region--or possibly from around Lake Van (see map, Fig. I), in Cilicia, Syria, Palestine, Mesopotamia and even Cyprus attests to a very active import-export trade in which the people of Qatal Huiyiik must have played an important role. Qatal Huiyiik is by far the largest Neolithic site in the Konya Plain (see p. 42 of preceding report).
In general, the Qatal chipped stone industry is homogeneous; from the bottom (VIII) to the top (II) of the excavated levels there is no break in the tradition and no significant shifts in the proportions of tools relative to each other, size of tools, or techniques of manufacture employed. Whatever differences may exist between the earliest and latest levels are not yet clear ; the possibilities " suggested " by the data will be reinforced or dispelled by the coming years' excavations.
KEY TO SITES
I. atal HuyUik 2. Kerhane 3. Nigde 4. Ilhcapmar 5. ukurkent 6. Beylehir C 7. Hacilar 8. Mersin 9. Tarsus
Io. Elvanh Huiyik I I. Maltepe 12. Tell Judeideh 13. Tell Dhahab
FIG. I, Neolithic sites, sources of obsidian and distribution of lithic industries.
co
0
CI
t-1 Ci)
O
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYOK 69
Tentatively, we may note a slight shift from wider blades (VIII to IV) to slightly narrower ones (III and II). There is a slightly greater propor- tion of single-faced tanged points in earlier levels and more complete bifacial retouch of projectile points in later levels. The daggers from the cache in Level III are noticeably smaller than those from the cache in Level II, but one of the longest daggers (or lanceheads) comes from. Level VIII.
The industry is characterized by the presence of numerous tanged arrow- and lanceheads, not very numerous awls, and some drills (there are, of course, many bone awls also), scrapers of various kinds, some of which are rather well-shaped round or ovoid scrapers, laurel-leaf daggers, the typical parallel-sided blades, a couple of heavily retouched fabricators,
TYPES OF TOOL II III IV V VI VIII TOTAL
Projectile points 28 35 17 18 23 11 132
Scrapers 22 28 9 21 4 7 91
Piercers 7 11 0 10 1 0 29
Burins 0 1 0 0 0 0 1
Daggers 12 12 1 0 0 1 26
Points on heavy long blades 0 5 5 1 1 0 12
Fabricators 0 1 (1) 1 0 0 3
Sickle blades 1 2 5 2 4 2 16
Other implements 0 0 1 2 0 1 4
Blades 152 275 99 114 10 42 692
Flakes 75 151 29 44 13 24 336
Cores and core fragments 4 9 2 4 1 2 22
Core tablets 2 8 0 1 1 1 13
TOTAL 303 538 169 218 58 91 1377
TABLE A. General synopsis.
some heavy pointed blades, several specialized implements of problematic usage, and rather scanty waste flakes. Numerous small fully-polished adzes and a few small axeheads in greenstone, several in a dark diabase, and one larger one in diorite or limestone are present, but will not receive detailed attention here. Equally significant is what is lacking; this includes burins (a few questionable examples), chipped axes, adzes, picks, and hoes, microliths and geometrics in any size, barbed or notched arrow- heads and sickle blades in any significant amount (only a few have been provisionally identified, although the author admits to an inability to clearly identify sickle blades of obsidian when silica sheen, so omnipresent on flint and chert, is missing).
PROJECTILE POINTS Arrowheads and lanceheads are subsumed under this classification.
Most arrowheads are clear by their form and size, but they grade in size
70 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
into quite long, heavy examples with no apparent differences in form from the smaller ones. When the form itself changes sufficiently, i.e. great length relative to width or great width of a large point relative to length, we can feel more certain that they were not free-flying projectile points. On the whole, therefore, it seems advisable to retain the term " projectile point " rather than be forced into making more arbitrary differentiations than are strictly necessary. We use a separate classification for " Points on Long Heavy Blades ", not knowing their function, but believing that they may form a functional type along with some of the larger and heavier projectile
Tanged Unt ang ed
Shouoluble- Base- _ f dered \ pointed A rounded Other
points, which we have at times felt free to call " lanceheads " under the main classification of" projectile point ".
There are two main varieties of projectile point, tanged and untanged, implying quite different modes of hafting-and possibly different animals hunted (this may become clearer when the faunal evidence is examined). The tanged points grade in form from long lozenge points (" willow-leaf") with the greatest width in the middle or even towards the tip end, through those with clear tang, long or short, but without prominent shoulders, to those with clear shoulders, but no swept-back barbs (a feature not appearing at gatal, but which is characteristic of the "Tahunian" industry in Palestine). It is not clear whether a side-shouldered variant appears at Qatal Huiyiik, though the technique of indenting the side at one end of an otherwise leaf-like blade in several instances would seem to indicate so.
The untanged points are of two varieties, a double-pointed one and one with basal-rounding; both of these types vary from flat, wide points to rodlike points. When untanged, fragments may be mistaken for fabricators
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYOK 71
and drills respectively, but even more important is that some fabricator and drill fragments may have been classified as fragmentary projectile points. They do not form a large class, however. Several " miscellaneous" projectile points fit neither of the principal types outlined above.
Of the 132 projectile points 128 are of obsidian. Chert played only a very minor role in the whole Qatal lithic industry. The projectile points are clearly the focus of considerable efforts. The amount of pressure flaking, sometimes quite neat and almost fluted which covers the surface of many points attests to the skill (and might we add " taste " ?) of the artisans of chipped stone, comparable in its way to that displayed in the carvings and paintings which were also found.
Projectile points were found in most houses throughout the excavated area, sometimes in considerable quantities. House 3 in Level II had nine (mostly fragments), House 4 in Level III had eleven (of which nine are whole and two fragments) and House 6 in Level VI had ten (of which six are whole, two almost complete and two fragments). The latter two houses superficially resemble arsenals.
Throughout the period of occupation the use of the sling-shot is attested, along with the bow and arrow and lance. Elliptical and biconical sling pellets of unbaked clay and also of polished stone were found, occasionally, as in House I, Level II, in caches.
Hunting must have played an extremely important part in the life of the Neolithic people of Qatal Hiiyiik. Nearly the whole chipped stone industry, the projectile points and lances in the hunt itself, daggers and knife blades in butchering and the scrapers and borers in the preparation of pelts and skins might be accounted for in pursuit of this activity alone.
SCRAPERS
There is a variety of well-made fully retouched scrapers as well as partially retouched used flakes. No significant differences are noted between the earlier and later ones. Although the specific shape and amount of preparation of a few individual scrapers as with the end scraper of Level VI (Fig. 4: 14), the ovoid scraper of Level III (Fig. 8:5), the large cleaver-scraper of Level III (Fig. 8 : 4) and the even larger plane-scraper of Level V (Fig. 5: 25) may occur only once, this is probably due to the still rather limited sample. Good representative implements seem to fall naturally into the following classifications : (i) round, semi-round, ungui- form and ovoid scrapers on flakes (Fig. 5 :12 ; Fig. I O: I I ; Fig. 5 :13), (2) steep and canted scrapers, (3) side scrapers, single or double (Fig. Io :7), (4) end scrapers on blades, bladelike flakes, and in one case men- tioned above (Fig. 7 : 14) on a specially prepared long flake; this might also include a variety of typical blade with round or diagonal end retouch (Fig. 8 : 8, 9), (5) side and end scrapers, with continuous edge retouch (Fig. 4: i3), this includes a variety in which the sides are retouched nor- mally, on the upper face, the scraping angle usually being 550, and the end is step flaked probably from use (Fig. 5 : 14), (6) flakes with step flaking on ends, and a catch-all, (7) fragmentary scrapers.
72 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Very characteristic of the industry appear to be the considerable number of round and semi-round scrapers, some rather large (Fig. 6 :14, and Fig. 5 : 2), the large double-side scrapers of chert (Fig. 8: 1, 2) and the side and end scrapers with step flaking on the bulbar face of the end (Fig. Io: 15, and Fig. 5 : 14). PIERCERS
Little need be said about this classification. They are present, though not particularly numerous. The awls are for the most part made on typical blades by steep retouch from both sides. Though they do not occur in every level, it is probably merely due to an accident of sampling. Some " probable " drills with considerably more retouch occur and those of Level V (Fig. 5: 16, 19, 23) ought specially to be noted ; they were probably hafted.
There is also a rather flourishing bone industry producing a variety of tools amongst which are numerous partially and fully polished bone awls.
SICKLE BLADES
There are few obvious sickle blades; none of flint or chert with the characteristic silica sheen and none specially shaped so as to indicate their special use. What remains are the many obsidian blade fragments with various degrees of wear. Some of these no doubt served the function of sickle blades. For that reason some obsidian blades with heavy irregular wear on both edges, also those somewhat wider and thicker typical blades whose chipped edges also seemed to fall into this category, in one case with end blunting (Fig. 4 : I ) have been designated sickle blades. Nevertheless they are not very numerous. Although grain and vetch (not yet analysed) are attested in a granary (Level III) and from the floor (Levels IV and VI), where it was probably stored in sacks, and ovens and querns are standard household installations, only a few sickle blades-of any kind-have as yet been found.
It is just possible that the sickle blades were stored elsewhere on the site, perhaps even in a communal storeroom, which we will find in other seasons. It is a possibility, but somewhat unlikely. Such social organization is unknown at other sites in the Near East and Balkans where sickle blades are found scattered amongst the individual houses of the settlement. The importance of hunting in the economy of Catal Hiiyiik might partially explain the scarcity of blades which could have served as sickle blades, but could hardly account for it completely in such a densely populated town site.
We therefore await further evidence, either of our own mistake in classification or of a large group of sickle blades themselves, which have not been noticeably abundant in the forty houses already excavated.
DAGGERS
There are a group of large retouched blades, the most symmetrical and finely bifacially retouched being " laurel leaf" blades. The degree of retouch shaping and finishing varies considerably from one to the other even within the same cache. Two caches of these blades from Level II,
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HOYUK 73
House I (twelve blades), and from Level II, House 2 (eleven blades), indicate clearly the varying degrees of retouch within the same group.
The dagger from Level VIII (Fig. 2 : 16) is the earliest and the largest one found ; those from Level III cache are on the whole much smaller than those from Level II cache, but no generalization regarding change can be drawn from it as the earliest blade from Level VIII is by far the largest.
The finest blades are completely bifacially retouched, are symmetrical in plan and in section, with edges trimmed by further retouch when necessary (Fig. 9 :2). A fuller description is given below (pp. 95, 98).
BLADES
These are the typical two-edged parallel-sided blade with trapezoidal or occasionally triangular cross-section. Shorter, less well made examples whose sides are not parallel also frequently occur. Two blade features are present in all levels of the excavated area. One is the modal width, which is between Io and 15 mm., but closer to the 15 mm. boundary, as the second greatest frequency (measured in 5 mm. units) is between 15 and 20 mm. and these do not number much less than the first group. The second feature is the clear predominance of bulbar end fragments over tip end fragments-when presumably there should be approximately an equal number of each. The blades must have been snapped and the tip ends discarded ; another explanation is that the tip ends of blades, being more fragile, broke readily on first use of the blade and were left where they fell in some working area other than near the houses.
Of the total of 657 blades and blade fragments, only thirty-six are complete examples; 142 are retouched and forty are retouched and notched with one or more notches.
FLAKES
There is a relative scarcity of waste flakes in proportion to blades and other finished implements. Waste flakes are more numerous than utilized flakes, but rarely by very much more.
Total Waste Retouched Levels Blades flakes flakes or used flakes
II. . . 152 75 57 18
III . . 275 167 151 i6
IV . . 99 39 29 to
V. . . I4 52 44 8
VI . . 10o 17 13 4
VIII . . 7 25 24 I
Total . 657 375 318 57
TABLE C. Synopsis of blades and flakes.
74 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
CORES
There is little evidence for the chipped stone industry actually being produced on the site, but only two-thirds of an acre of the 32 acre site, and that only of the outermost skin of the mound, was opened in the first season, and we must patiently avoid drawing far-reaching conclusions. The cores we do have, few as they are, do indicate a blade-industry on the site or nearby.
One cache of four blade cores from House 7, Level V (Fig. 4 : 1-4), and one small core from Level VIII (Fig. 2 :15) are the only complete core remnants recovered. Otherwise, there are smaller fragments of small cores. Core renewal tablets are numerous by comparison ; some include portions of the side blade scars, others are mere flat slices. A number of " large flat round flakes " have the typical flat retouch scars seen on the prepared striking platforms of the cores and tablets and are probably only thinner examples of tablets.
The striking platform is perpendicular to the blade scars, giving a 9go angle ideally; the tip end is pointed; the platform is prepared by flat broad retouch ; blades are struck from all around the perimeter. No " lames de degagement " have been found nor any other indication of the surface preparation of the cores.
LEVEL VIII PROJECTILE POINTS
Out of eleven projectile points recovered from Level VIII, two are clearly lanceheads by their size and shape. Five tanged arrowheads were found together in a pit ; three of them are planoconvex with retouch on the bulbar face, but very little on the upper face, with the exception of the tang which is always more fully retouched. They measure 0o69 x S023 (Fig. 2 :5),
"063 X o02I (Fig. 2 :2) and -
066 (tang broken) x 021I. Another tanged point, more like an irregular diamond as the tang is wide at the shoulder and tapers to a point, is bifacially retouched (Fig. 2 :3 ; ?052 X I018) and the fifth one from the pit is retouched on the upper face, but not on the bulbar face, except for the tang which is carefully retouched ; the pressure flaking of the latter point is very flat ; the profile is somewhat sinuous (Fig. 2 : I ; -072 X -oI8). The three larger projectile points with prominent blade ridge seem rather heavy to be free-flying points. Two other fragmentary tanged points are bifacially retouched.
One point with one end missing (Fig. 2 :4) may have been double- pointed, possibly basal rounded (more likely the former to judge from a similar point in Level III (Fig. 7 :15)), whereas another point with base missing was probably basal rounded. Very fine parallel bifacial retouch is applied on both of them.
There are two fragments of lanceheads, although they are possibly parts of a single point despite the lack ofgoodjuncture. A single implement of this double-pointed shape might as easily be considered a " dagger " except for the greater thinness and the more marked sharpened ends.
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYQK 75
!=? : .:
yI i
S53
7
1) .. ,
I\'\ 16
FIG. 2. Level VIII.
76 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Retouch is bifacial, except on the flattest portions of the blade (Fig. 2 : 14; hypothetical size of the original implement - 143 X 041 X
007oo).
SCRAPERS
There are seven scrapers of which one unguiform scraper with con- tinuous edge retouch is of chert. This scraper has one almost straight edge with a steep angled scraper ; the rest of the flake is fully rounded by edge retouch and, due to the thinness of the flake, has a much lower scraping angle (450) (Fig. 2 : 6; -045 x -036 x -oo6). Another round scraper also has part of its preserved edge rounded and part straight with scraping angles of 600o and 550 respectively (Fig. 2:7; '045 x
"033 x o04) ;
part of the scraper is missing giving a discontinuous appearance to the scraping edge. Three side scrapers, two of chert, are somewhat larger. One chert blade is complete with obliquely retouched edges and step flaking on the bulbar and upper faces of the end indicating further heavy use (-062 X .025 x 00oo8). Another chert blade, somewhat broken, shows the same features more clearly (Fig. 2:8; -o64X -o33x .007) ; the rather battered flaking of the bulbar face under the straight end of the blade thins that edge and gives the blade a low scraping angle when it is held with the battered surface of the end as the plane surface ; the scraping angle of the side is 55'. The obsidian side scraper has one obliquely retouched edge and one steeply retouched or backed edge.
Two other implements show step flaking, both are on fragments with side scraping angles of
550. Some scrapers are therefore fortuitous in shape, while others show partial shaping, but a tradition of fully formed specialized scrapers is also present.
DAGGERS (OR LANCEHEADS) The largest, and one of the finest, laurel-leaf blades was found in our
earliest level. Therefore it would be rash to draw any conclusions from the fact that the blades from the cache in Level III are all smaller than those from the cache in Level II. The blade is bifacially worked, with complete all-over flat retouch of the upper face and partial flat retouch of the bulbar face ; the profile has a slightly sinuous curve, though in plan the blade has a beautiful symmetry. The tip end is sharp, the side edges with finer retouch than the face, and the bulbar end somewhat blunted (Fig. 2 :16;
.I6 x -04 x
-oI3). SICKLE BLADES
Two blade fragments, and possibly others, are probably sickle blades. One is a wide blade segment of flint, altered by fire, with heavy retouch and use on both edges. The retouch is on alternate opposite faces, one of which has a very narrow margin of silica sheen (Fig. 2 :II;
.04 x .026 x .007). The other blade is of a streaky grey obsidian, snapped at both ends, with heavy use chipping of both edges on the bulbar face (the usual sharp angular arrises left between flaking scars has been worn
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HOYJ K 77
smooth from use). A feature of possible significance is the invasive flat retouch which occurs on both edges immediately adjacent to one broken end
('04 x 1oi6 x 0oo6). Other typical blade segments may have served
as sickle blades.
BLADES
There are forty-two blades and fragments, of which three are whole- the longest being -052, the shortest only 00oo9. The modal width is from Io to 15 mm. Bulbar ends (twenty-four) are twice as numerous as the combination of mid-segments (four) and tip ends (nine) and almost three times as numerous as the tip ends alone. Five blades are retouched or show heavy use (Fig. 2: 12, I3).
FLAKES
Twenty-four waste flakes and one retouched chert flake were recovered. There is one round flat flake with flat retouch on the upper face, which is probably a core-trimming flake, and two flakes with a stepped flaking on the bulbar face. One other crescentic flake is possibly a partial core renewal flake.
CORES AND CORE FRAGMENTS
One small pyramidal blade core remnant with blade facets all around the circumference, an irregularly facetted platform, and pointed tip end, is the only complete core other than the one cache of four cores from Level V that was found in the excavation (Fig. 2 : 15 ; 0o41 x -026 x -022). Also a small blade core fragment and one core tablet from a small core were found. Considerably longer and wider blades, however, were in use (Fig. 2 : 13)-
OTHER IMPLEMENTS
There is one spatula-shaped completely bifacially flaked implement of problematic use. It is not a projectile point ; there is no scraping edge nor piercing point. It may, however, have served as a lancehead despite the rounded point, which is at least sharply edged. The implement is broadly flaked as with the daggers and some of the lanceheads (Fig. 2 io o; .o9I x .027
x -oi) (cf. Mersin, Fig. 29, XXIV, bottom left, which though also bifacially retouched and problematic is not parallel-sided as is the one described above).
LEVEL VI
PROJECTILE POINTS
There are eighteen tanged points-seven are fully bifacially retouched, nine have partial face retouch on one or both faces, one is retouched only on the bulbar face and one only on the upper face. Two projectile points are pointed at both ends and two are basal rounded. The latter four are all bifacially retouched.
78 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
A particularly excellent bit of craftsmanship is a double-pointed " willow-leaf" from House I where eight other projectile points and one lancehead were found together. Very neat, almost parallel bifacial retouch and a beautiful symmetry of proportion is unexcelled in the whole assemblage (Fig. 3 : I ; I15 X 02 X oo009). Another double-pointed implement of broader leaf shape has good flat retouch on both faces (Fig. 3:13; -o68 x
.02 x -oo8).
The basal-rounded points are somewhat wider than the usual points. The bifacial retouch is broad, but fairly neat; the edges are sharp with the base rounded in one plane only (Fig. 3:7;
"027 width x -oi). The
other basal-rounded point is a fragment from a small group of " mixed Level V and VI ".
Five of the tanged points with cruder workmanship and only partially retouched so as to leave all or most of the central blade rib are of con- siderable length and thickness, average ca. - 1o5 x -022 X -oI in size (Fig. 3 : 8, 9, o, i i) and are probably lanceheads. One somewhat shorter such point is one of the few with very marked shoulders (Fig. 3 :15; *076 x -029 x oi). A particularly fine example of the bifacially re- touched tanged point came from House 3 (Fig. 3 2 ;
.079 x o021).
SCRAPERS There are five scrapers. One long wide blade of flint, much altered
by intense fire, is continuously retouched on the upper face, creating side and end scraping edges with working angles of 45? and 55? respectively ; the thickness of the working edges varies from
.o66 to -oI. One edge is
a long convexly curving side scraper, the opposite edge is steep retouched or backed in part and then obliquely retouched closer to the rounded end scraper; the bulbar face of the bulbar end is slightly thinned by retouch (Fig. 3:13; io6 x -033 x .or).
There are two side scrapers; one on a thick bladelike flake is only a fragment (Fig. 3: 15 ; -055 wide x -oi) with a scraper angle of 500 ; another on a wide thin flake with even retouch the full thickness of the flake, also only a fragment, with a scraper angle of 500. A single large flake has one stepped retouch edge.
One unique implement from a small group of " mixed Level V and VI " context is completely retouched on both faces, although it is plano- convex in section with broader even oblique retouch of the rounded wider end ; it is an end scraper with a tapering tail or " tang ", however unless it served some function other than the designation as an end scraper implies, the extensive body retouch of the implement is inexplicable (Fig. 3:I4 ;
"056 X
.026 x -oII, with 600 scraping angle of end).
PIERCERS
There is only a single piercer from this level and that is missing its point. It is a typical blade with continuous edge retouch; the blade, though broken at both ends, curves toward a retouched point at one end (Fig. 3:9).
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYijK 79
. . :
? r
` --_ i
6
IIS
-'-- Fl.....
. Level-V.
ii~1
z I.
Fzo. 3- Level VIr.
80 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
I,, N
_ i
,I,'
9 o.
--''I iioI
g5l ))
q ! '
r3
FrI. 4. Levels VI and V.
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYtTK 81
SICKLE BLADES
Four blade segments probably served as sickle blades; the two longer blades (-066 x
?021 X -oo6 and -066 x o017 x
"004) are bulbar
ends of long blades with heavy irregular wear on both edges; the two smaller ones (Fig. 3:II ; -046 x 02I X 00oo6 and Fig. 3 : 12; 042 X
? oi6 x oo005) are also heavily chipped from use on both edges; the former, however, has almost steep retouch on the upper face of the preserved end. This implement, whether it ever served as a sickle blade or not, must at any rate have been used as a piercer or graver ; the point where the steeply retouched end meets the side retouch has been finely retouched on the bulbar face as well, emphasizing its use as a fairly sharp point.
POINTED LONG BLADES
There is a class of long heavy blades with retouched points which resemble lanceheads or even a kind of narrow dagger. Of the two complete examples, one lacks context, the other comes from House I, Level VI (Fig. 4: 16). The bulbar end has been shaped into a vague tang by flat oblique retouch of what are already steeply inclined blade facets; the point end and ca. - o6 of the sides contiguous to the point have neat oblique retouch on the upper face. The blade has a slightly curving profile ('14 x '028 x I012). The type is comparable to an implement from Level XXVII at Mersin (Fig. 5, XXVII, third from the left, top).
BLADES
There were very few blades from this level, only ten, none whole. Of these six are bulbar ends and four mid-segments. The modal width is from 10 to 15 mm. None are retouched on the edges, although one has a rounded retouched end.
FLAKES
Only thirteen waste flakes and four retouched flakes, of which one is backed on two edges, were found.
CORES AND CORE FRAGMENTS
Only one very fragmentary core remnant like a flake, and one core tablet with roughly prepared surface, were found. The chipped stone industry, aside from projectile points, was not particularly rewarding in the excavated area of this level, however.
OTHER IMPLEMENTS
One long heavy blade with unaltered bulbar end (-009 thick) and very heavy invasive retouch along one half the length of one side adjacent to the tip end might have served as a piercer (tip missing) or as a concave scraper or shaver. The implement could have been comfortably held in the hand for half its length after which point the heavy retouch begins. The heaviest and invasive retouch is on the left-hand side, indicating right- handed use towards the left; the slighter use chipping of the right-hand G
82 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
edge which begins further up the blade indicates a certain amount of back-handed use as well. With a point or nose scraper it could have served admirably as a multiple-function carpenter's tool ( 121 X '033 X 013).
LEVEL V PROJECTILE POINTS
There are eighteen projectile points, six complete, the rest only frag- ments, found in this level. Two extraordinarily fine long examples come from House I. One " willow-leaf", missing its tip, has neat bifacial retouch (Fig. 5: I ; -08 x -oI8; cf. Fig. 3 :1, of Level VI), and a very fine pressure flaked example which is only partially retouched on both faces. The central blade ridge is left unaltered except on the tang, which is thoroughly retouched, as is usual with all tanged projectile points (Fig. 5:5; - o9 x -oI8 x -oI).
The other projectile points are not particularly finely retouched; restricted edge retouch is more common than facial retouch, and it is usually partial even then. A narrow projectile point with a long tang made on a not very regular blade clearly shows this (Fig. 5 : 7 ; -07 X oI14 X -oo6). Thirteen of the eighteen points are tanged and three other fragments may belong to tanged implements as well. There is a single point with wide shoulders (Fig. 5 : 9; o67 x -o09 x -oI) with only slight interrupted retouch on the edge of the upper face ; the blade ridge is preserved the full length of the point, and it is remarkably symmetrical even without subsequent retouch. Full upper face retouch with partial bulbar face retouch is more usual than complete bifacial retouch (Fig. 5 : 2) in this level.
SCRAPERS
There are twenty scrapers, of which eleven occur in House 7 and four in House 3, the others being distributed amongst the other houses of this level. Only two are of chert. Of the six round or semi-round scrapers one is a well-shaped wide ovoid, whose edges are completely retouched on the upper face, with the usual 550 scraping angle (Fig. 5 : i2 ; -07 x
.053 x o012). Part of the original irregular surface of the obsidian is
still present on the upper face. The other semi-round scrapers include a roughly shaped flake (550 scraping angle), a thick flake with a rather steeply retouched convex scraping end (.053 x
?048 x 01oI7, 70o scraping
angle) and a disc with retouch on both faces and a heavily used battered edge (-043 wide).
From House 7 come two large discoidal flakes, both broken, but retouch has been applied around the whole preserved perimeter; the retouch is oblique and neat, but the scraping angle is steeper on the ends (7o00) than on the sides (650) (.o8 x 0.41 (ca. half of the original width) x
.oi6 and -o056 x o048 (a small section of one end is missing) X .oi3). There are five side scrapers, mostly fragments of flakes or wide
irregular blades, with one edge obliquely retouched, scraping angle from 350 to 550. One flake also has step flaking on one end.
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYtK 83
One very large obsidian flake has a diagonal straight edge with continuous use chipping which carries around one sharp angle along about one-third of a side. This was the largest tool and the largest piece of obsidian found and is a well-formed " plane ", which must have been grasped in both hands (Fig. 5:25; "I6
X ?09
x -oI7). Three flake fragments, of which two are of chert, with nibbled end retouch probably served as end scrapers. A single blade segment has neat oblique retouch end rounding ('02 x *oo6). Two long narrow thick blades are heavily steep-retouched on the sides; one is of a grainy brown flint with an obliquely retouched nosed end (Fig. 5 :6; '073 x -o16 x -oo8, working edge about -oI wide) ; the other is a long high-backed obsidian blade with irregular flat retouch of both faces, creating a finger- hold depression about midway along its length; the end is nosed into a very narrow scraper-like " point " (Fig. 5:I5;
- IO6
x -oI4 X 013). It is a unique implement in this assemblage and is included here amongst
the scrapers because of some slight oblique retouch of the narrow nosed end, which is not a true " point " ; however, it is sturdy, with a slightly curving profile, and if it did not serve a specialized use as a nosed scraper, may have served some use as yet unguessed. I have found no parallel for it in the comparative literature.
One unguiform canted steep end scraper with obliquely retouched sides (Fig. 5 : 13; 042 x -043 x o014, the scraping angle of end 850 and of sides 60o), and one double side scraper with step flaked end (Fig. 5 :14; -o6I x -04 x - o I, scraping angles 60o and 60o) are well-shaped tools ; the latter is rectangular and the step flaking on the straight end is rather heavy (this feature has been noted on a considerable number of side scrapers ; it occurs regularly on the bulbar face of the end from some use to which these scrapers were put rather than from intentional retouch). A single flake with step flaked upper and bulbar faces on one wide edge completes the inventory.
(See "Fabricator" below for an end scraper on a dual-purpose implement.)
PIERCERS
There are ten piercers, all made on blades. Only the more specialized points are well made ; otherwise little care is expended on them. There is one drill made by completely retouching the upper face of a high-backed blade and the bulbar face of the point end (Fig. 5:16;
"067 x -oI2
x .oI) ; on another drill the sides are blunted by steep retouch; the end opposite the long tip is narrowed to a tang for hafting (Fig. 5 : 23;
?05 X .o02 x .oo5). Two awls are double-ended dual-purpose imple-
ments, one awl end and the opposite end blunted by retouch. One is also flat retouched on the upper face about one-third of its length from the point (Fig. 5: 19;
"o6 x 01o3 x
"005) with slight retouch under the
point, probably serving as a drill, while its opposite end is steep retouched on the sides to an obtuse point, possibly an awl, possibly merely for hafting. The other implement (Fig. 5 : 20; "o67
x -ol5 x o005) has an abrupt
84 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
) '
2
,10 .
F . 5. Level V.
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYUK 85
point and is much the same as the dual-purpose awl from Level III (Fig. 8 : 13). There is also a single long thick blade with retouch on the bulbar face near the tip end (Fig. 5 : 17). The rest are an assortment of typical blades with retouched edges and pointed ends, except for a single sturdy awl on a short blade segment with steep retouch on the sides of a long somewhat blunted point (Fig. 5: 18;
.03 X -or2 X -0035); at
the base of the awl are two opposed notches for hafting the small blade.
FABRICATOR
There is a single long lozenge of grey-brown flint made on a thick blade by rough irregular oblique to steep retouch of the sides and ends ; one end is more pointed than the other and could be a fabricator point ; the opposite end is definitely obliquely retouched to an end scraper; all retouch is on the upper face (Fig. 5:24; -053 x -or8 x -oo8). This implement is at least of dual purpose.
SICKLE BLADES
Two blades with considerable uneven retouch of both edges may be sickle blades. One is a bulbar, one a tip end; the only resemblance between the two and possibly a sickle blade classification is the size (ca. o056 x -o018) and the considerable wear chipping of the edges. One blade, missing a small part of the tip end, is completely nibbled along one straight edge, the opposite edge has one open notch and some rougher chipping, subsequently somewhat rounded. The other blade has a partially blunted curving back and considerable retouch or use flaking of the upper face of the opposite concave edge. This piece is of a streaky grey obsidian with considerable large pumice inclusions.
POINTED HEAVY LONG BLADES
There is one bulbar end of the type of blade with retouched point seen in Fig. 4: I6, and found in Levels VI through III. The edges have been slightly blunted. The blade has a constricted bulbar end and widens considerably towards the middle (Fig. 5:22; -027 width X -or thickness).
BLADES
There are a total of 114 blades and blade fragments, of which nine are complete examples. The longest blade is -13 (Fig. 9: Io), the shortest is -06. More than one-third of the blades (forty-four) are re- touched or show heavy wear ; of these ten are notched. There are forty- two bulbar ends, fifty-three mid-segments and eleven tip ends ; the bulbar ends are four times as numerous as the tip ends. The modal width is from Io to 15 mm., with from 15 to 20 mm. being next more numerous. The bulbar ends of some long parallel-sided blades, ca. -or wide and -00oo2 thick, were found in various houses. House 7 yielded the highest proportion of blades for the level.
86 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
FLAKES
There are forty-four waste flakes and eight flakes with retouch or heavy use on one or more edges.
CORES AND CORE FRAGMENTS
House 7 yielded four large blade cores with blade facets all around the circumference (Fig. 4 : 1-4). The striking platforms are flattened and prepared by large irregular flaking; the angle of the platform to the blade scars is 90o in two and only slightly off the perpendicular in the two other cases (85' and 8o0). All cores are long cylindrical with pointed ends, producing neat parallel-sided long blades with pointed or some- what shovel-ended tips. The measurements are:
? 118 x
"035 (Fig. 4 : I),
?122 X o032 (Fig. 4:2), -Io8 x '033 (Fig. 4:3) and o107 x -037 (Fig.
4 :4). Half of a blade core tablet from another house and a complete ovoid tablet from House 7 ('o052 '039 x -oo8), which was struck across the wide side, were also found.
OTHER IMPLEMENTS
Two thick blades with the bulbar ends for base have been trimmed to narrow stems by retouch of the upper and bulbar faces at the opposite end (Fig. 4:5; -067 x '026 x -009, and Fig. 4:1o; -'047 x -021 X " 007). As both are damaged at this end it is possible that they were both originally pointed, serving as drills; the slightly twisted retouch in the larger and better preserved example seems to indicate such use. The smaller one expands slightly at the " break ", however, and is somewhat more difficult to visualize as a drill. The latter resembles the illustration of an implement from Level XXIV at Mersin (Fig. 29, bottom right).
LEVEL IV PROJECTILE POINTS
There are fifteen projectile points, found in only five of the twelve houses uncovered. Six of these come from the " Painted Room " or House I ; two of the latter are long " tanged points " like trihedral rods with fully retouched upper faces (Fig. 6 : 4; '092 x -oi5 x -oI3, and Fig. 6:8; '077 x o04 x oo008). A small body fragment of another " trihedral rod " with bifacial retouch is probably also to be considered of the same type. Therefore, fourteen of the fifteen points of this level are tanged. Only one is basal-rounded, retouched incompletely on both faces. The retouch on the bulbar face is flat and mainly restricted to the bulbar end (Fig. 6:Io; -059 X
.oI5 x
"oi). The point though short is long
and narrow in proportion and may even be a drill. Complete bifacial retouch is common to nine points and is particularly
fine in the complete point from House 4 (Fig. 6 : I ; 088 x oi 8 x oi). This point, except for its short tang, is very much like the " willow-leaf" points. Two shorter examples with somewhat irregular complete bifacial retouch are almost like small versions of leaf-shaped points as their tangs
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYOK 87
4 2.
[3
. -o
41
51
20 17
88 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
are only slightly differentiated from the bodies (Fig. 6:7; .05 -o015 x oo009, and -066 x -oi6 x -oI, not illustrated).
There is an atypical point, rather assymetrical and only slightly worked with a modified natural tang (Fig. 6: 9; -071 X '023 x
"oo8). A single
wide shouldered point is completely bifacially retouched (Fig. 6 : I ).
SCRAPERS
There are nine scrapers of various kinds of which one is of a dark chert. One semi-round scraper on a broken wide blade-like flake is remarkable for its size in comparison with other scrapers ; it is *059 wide X '012 thick, with a scraping angle of 6o0 (Fig. 6: 1I4) and has a normal triangular blade cross-section. Retouch extends only partly round the sides, but is concentrated on the wide curving end.
A short thick blade of chert is a double side scraper, the retouch restricted to the edge is denticulated by neat retouch along part of one side (Fig. 6 : I6 ; o66 x -033 x - oi). The other scrapers are unremark- able. One is on the end of a thick flake (650 scraping angle). Two fragmentary scrapers, one a side and end scraper on a thick blade (Fig. 6:15; '033 wide x -007, with 500o scraping angle on end and 550 on sides) and one side scraper with backing on opposite edge on a blade (65' scraping angle). There are four very fragmentary scrapers, one on a flat flake with angles from 550 to 650.
SICKLE BLADES
Several blades ca. -036 to -047 in length and -oi8 in width with considerable use chipping of both edges could have served as sickle blades. One longer bulbar end blade with quite invasive oblique to flat retouch along part of one edge may also have been a sickle blade, although the wear on the blade is not the same as those above.
POINTS ON THICK LONG BLADES
There are two such blades missing the tip end, with some flat oblique retouch, especially on the left-hand edge toward the point. One of the blades is virtually complete (Fig. 6 : 21; o097 x '025 x - o3). The other blade is somewhat less regular and is of obsidian with pumice inclusions. Three tip ends with retouch limited to the upper face were also found. All these blades have thick prismatic sections, even the tip end, when present, being rather thick.
FABRICATOR
In House 4 a fabricator of polished stone was found ; it is a conical rod (-104 x '02), one end considerably more pointed than the other. This "implement" may be a stone phallus, but the author resists the more arcane for the more prosaic interpretation in lieu of a clear context suggesting the former.
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HOYOK 89
DAGGER (OR LANCEHEAD) One laurel-leaf dagger with complete retouch of the upper face and
broad continuous retouch of the bulbar face edge, leaving only the middle of the blade unretouched, is of the same type as those found in the caches of Levels III and II. The edges on the upper face have been refined with some small retouch over the broader flaking (Fig. 6 : 20; 10 o7 x "032
x orI).
BLADES
There is. a total of ninety-nine blades and blade fragments, out of which five are complete (Fig. 6: 12, 17, 18). The longest complete example is
?124 (Fig. 6 : 12), the shortest only *044; the modal width
of all blades is between i o and 15 mm. Bulbar ends (forty-two) are four times more numerous than tip ends (ten). There are somewhat more mid-segments (fifty-three). Retouched blades constitute slightly more than 20 per cent of the total, of which only four are clearly notched blades. House I (the Painted room) is the only instance of more tip fragments than bulbar end fragments being found in a house (fourteen : nine).
FLAKES
Twenty-nine waste flakes and ten with some retouch, including two retouched or used flakes of chert were found. Included are two large flat flakes, one flake with stepped retouch on the underside and a single flake with even oblique retouch on one edge, probably a fragment of some indeterminable tool.
CORE AND CORE FRAGMENTS
Only 2 sm. core fragments from House I were recovered.
OTHER IMPLEMENTS
One thick blade with oblique to steep retouch on the upper face continuously along both sides, tip, and base is of problematic usage (Fig. 6:19 ; 096 x
"023 x -oo8). The tip end is given a blunted point which
is quite sturdy; the rounded end, presumably the basal end, is neatly rounded laterally with some slight retouch of upper face as well as edges. The blade has a marked curving profile which allows the implement to sit comfortably in the palm of the hand with the blunt point projecting and pointing downward and it would probably serve admirably as an implement to apply pressure (fabricator ?). The side retouch serves to blunt the edges for safe handling.
LEVEL III PROJECTILE POINTS
There are thirty-three projectile points, of which two are of chert, from this level. Twelve of these are from a " general " context, i.e. not associated with a particular excavated house. Two houses, however, provided the bulk of the projectile points-House 4 (eleven) and House I
90 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
(seven). (House 4 proved to be a rich one in many respects, providing a necklace of fish vertebrae beads, a number of well-made pots, a red- painted bench, and a burial under another sleeping platform with the head separated and placed about a foot away from the rest of the body.) Eight of the eleven points were tanged, one double-pointed, and two basal-rounded (Fig. 7: 15, I I, I2). Extraordinarily fine parallel flaking is shown in many and in the various categories of projectile point.
Twenty-seven projectile points are tanged (including three " prob- able " mid-section fragments with bifacial retouch), three are pointed at both ends and three are basal-rounded. The tanged points vary consider- ably in size and degree of retouch. The largest is I103 x -028 x -o02 (Fig. 7 : 21) and is no doubt a lancehead, in view of its size and weight ; the next largest is
.o83 X -o2 x o012 with tang about two-fifths the over-
all length (Fig. 7: 2); the tang, however, is only slightly distinguished from the body of the point which is more like the " willow-leaf" variety already noted; it is remarkable for its fine even retouch (cf. Fig. 6: i, of Level IV) and the smallest is -035 x '024 (Fig. 7:14), squat with a very small almost vestigial tang and an almost rounded point. One tanged " projectile point " seems to lack a true point, the tip being a bit thick and retouched diagonally (Fig. 7: 16; -068 x -oi6 x -00oo6) ; although it has a curving profile, the bulbar face is fully facially retouched, whereas the upper face is only partially retouched ; its edges are almost backed and it becomes doubtful that this " tanged point ", tanged though it is, ever served as a projectile point. One point, leaving part of the blade facet of the bulbar face unaltered while the upper face is completely retouched, is of buff chert (Fig. 7 : 4; -057 x o015 x -009) ; another somewhat cruder one of chert with retouch of the edges of the upper face is almost double-pointed, except for the wide notching at one end of one side which creates the tang (Fig. 7: 10 ; -o6 x o017). Of the three basal-rounded examples included here, two are possibly drills; the smaller of these two is completely bifacially retouched, the larger, fully retouched on the upper face and only partially on the bulbar face (Fig. 7:12; -o7I x -o04 x -009). The third basal-rounded point has very fine parallel pressure flaking of the upper face and is neatly trimmed on the tip and base of the bulbar face (Fig. 7: I ; -065 x
oI7 x 00oo7). This kind of tip and base trimming of the bulbar face, the finely fluted retouch, is also seen on one of the double-pointed lentoid points (Fig. ?7:15; .o44 x -oI5 x .oo6) from the same house (House 4); the double-pointed one not illustrated, lacking a small part of one end, is completely bifacially retouched and diamond-shaped.
There are two tanged-and-shouldered points and the tip fragment of probably a third. The complete one with almost complete even bifacial retouch has a tang about one-third its length (Fig. 7:19; -054 X oi18 x -oo6); its fine parallel flaking, nearly fluted, is comparable to the basal-rounded and double-pointed examples also from House 4. The " master " of House 4 apparently possessed considerable skill or else was a trying connoisseur of only the finest workmanship.
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUY'OK 91
5
..
n16
.-.
M\ tR
- .\ 19)C\-
FIG 7.Lee II
92 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
7. S
to
5. 25
i i
/9 2 o 2 25 t
FIG. 8. Level III.
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HOYtK 93
SCRAPERS
Twenty-seven scrapers, including some well-shaped specialized examples, were found. Of these seven are of chert, used for large side, side-and-end, and one end scraper. One small steep ovoid scraper with a pointed off-centre nose and obliquely retouched all around the perimeter is an especially fine example (Fig. 8 :5; 048 x -031 X
"oI2, scraper
angles 600 on end and 80' on one side). The seven side scrapers include several long flat wide blades of buff chert with retouch on both sides and on one the end as well (Fig. 8: 1). The largest, with completely retouched sides and a thickly bulging bulbar end, is i o8 x -046 x -oo6. (.oi5 thickness of bulbar end) with a 500 scraping angle ; another double side scraper is somewhat smaller and wider (Fig. 8: 2; -084 x
"044 x oo008
with only a 400 working angle). Two more are questionable. Three side-and-end scrapers appear, one somewhat questionable and fragmentary. One, however, is on a rectangular flake of chert with clearly retouched sides and end on already steeply inclined blade facets (Fig. 8: 6 ; .053 x o027 x
"014 with 500 scraping angle). There are eleven step flaked
fragments and some other fragments with somewhat oblique retouch on the upper face.
One large ovoid flake is of more than ordinary interest (Fig. 8 :4;
?093 x -05 x .009); it is continuously obliquely retouched on the upper
face along the long sides and one end ; one edge is straight, the opposite one is curved; it is the latter edge which is thinned and tapered by a broad retouch of the bulbar face which includes the retouched end as well. Thus is created a " cleaver " edge or a scraper edge with the bulbar face flake scars held as the plane of contact with the surface ; the large flake fits comfortably into the right hand under -the thumb and the ball of the thumb and is held in place by the fingers; a leftward motion is employed in use.
PIERCERS
There are eleven awls, all made on blades. Four of them are merely slightly retouched near the tip of rather short pointed blades (Fig. 8 : 15), whereas five others which are made on somewhat wider, thin typical blades (ca. -015 wide) have continuous steep edge retouch of both edges on either the upper or as in two cases on the bulbar face (Fig. 8: 17, 18); the point is rather abrupt and obtuse to judge from the single example with preserved tip (Fig. 8: i4). This type of abrupt wide point is seen on a dual-purpose implement with one awl end and the opposite end with abrupt retouch for some other use; the sides of this blade are continuously retouched and notched (Fig. 8:i3; o07 x -o014). The remaining piercer is made on a thick long blade with curving profile and is retouched near the tip of the bulbar face (Fig. 8:12;
?125 X
"o17 x oi). There is no specialization of awl types nor
for that matter an abundance of the existing types. Level III and Level V have eleven and ten piercers respectively and fewer were found in the other levels.
94 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
&K
I z 3 /1//
i ~II
I0
F . 9-
/lI /I
I ciI
II
5 6 7 8
ilj' 9
11G. 9. Lev-elIII.
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HtYOK 95
BURIN
The nearest approach to a recognizable typical burin is a single burin on a retouched truncated small blade segment ; it is still possible that the single blow scar may be accidental, especially as no other burins of this type (or any other type) were recognized in the assemblage. The working angle is 1300 (Fig. 8 : I1).
POINTS ON LONG THICK BLADES
One point, two body fragments, and one basal fragment of this rather strange class of blade come from Level III. The fragments are small, only the thickness, the indications that they probably came from a long flake or bladelike flake, the steep sides of the fragment and the oblique and step chipping of the sides suggest the type of implement they came from. One other fragment -05 x
.02 with rough steep retouch on one end and
a break on the other, with flaking of parts of both faces and invasive irregular retouch of both sides may be the tang of such an implement, although the few complete examples we have do not have tangs; the piece by itself has no apparent function and is not complete but may very well have served as a blunted finger-hold or for hafting.
DAGGERS (LAUREL-LEAF BLADES)
A cache of eleven blades and one projectile point was found in the storeroom of House 2. Of these four are symmetrical and completely bifacially retouched ; a fifth is almost completely bifacially retouched, but is thinned for about one-third of its length at one end. With one exception the other blades are plano-convex, two being completely retouched on the upper face, three being partially retouched on the upper face, and one with no retouch of the upper face whatsoever, but completely retouched on the bulbar face. The retouch is in rather broad flake scars which often extend toward the centre of the blade, though irregularly; only occasionally was it necessary to apply further pressure flaking originating away from the edge of the blade. The longest blade is I123, but most of them are considerably smaller, ca.
.095, the smallest being no more than
?072. This contrasts with the later cache from Level II in which none
are smaller than I0o, the longest one being ? 153, with several others not much smaller. The retouch is neat but however irregular the flaking the blades are all well shaped, some being beautifully symmetrical and probably implying some manner of preliminary shaping before final flaking.
A detailed description of the cache follows (Fig. 9) :
I. .o072 x 026 X ?oI3 Piano-convex, complete bifacial retouch, smallest laurel-
leaf blade found (I). 2. Io x -034 x oI14 Biconvex, complete bifacial retouch, symmetrical, green-
ish-grey obsidian (2). 3.
"I05 x
"035 x *oI3 Biconvex, complete bifacial retouch with some secondary
chipping of edges, particularly along one edge from use, symmetrical (3).
4. " o3 x
'034 x *orII Biconvex, complete bifacial retouch, particularly flat-
invasive from the right-hand edge on both faces (4).
96 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
5. -123 X '033 X o014 Plano-convex, almost complete bifacial retouch, ca. one- third of one end considerably thinner (.oo8 th.) (5)-
6. "099
X -031 x o013 Piano-convex, complete retouch of upper face, bulbar face retouched on ends with slight use chipping along both edges (6).
7. *092 X .028 X .oi2 Piano-convex, complete retouch of upper face, ca. one- third of one end thinner (.oo8 th.), bulbar face retouched on thinner end (7).
8. 097 x -028 x -or14 Piano-convex, incomplete retouch on upper face, leaving part of one blade facet, bulbar face almost completely retouched, two-fifths of one end thinner (-oo8 th.) (8).
9. 09 x -027 X oo009 Piano-convex, both ends retouched including two-thirds of upper face, bulbar face retouched at pointed end only (i o).
10. -o88 x 0o28 x *012 Piano-convex, point and edges retouched on upper face, bulbar face retouched at bulbar end and along one edge from end to tip (9).
SI. -o88 x "034
x -ox Complete blade ridge and facets of upper face preserved as is part of original unfacetted striking platform of blade, bulbar face almost complete retouched (i i).
The single projectile point found with the cache is a bifacially retouched tanged point (its tip end missing) ; its tang is long and pointed and only slightly restricted from the body of the point (Fig. 9 8; : o61 x -oi6
S- 008). There is a single dagger, found in House I, of the same general type
as those in the cache described above (Fig. 7: 2o; Io2 x 038 x - oI).
However, retouch is restricted to one edge of the upper face and on the base of the bulbar face.
FABRICATOR
The only well-made specialized fabricator comes from this level, although it was found in Trench A and is not associated with any par- ticular house (Fig. 8: Io; -053 x o Ii x -009). It is rodlike, though with the side edges from which the flaking originated still present and the ends rounded; the retouch is somewhat broad and uneven and covers the whole surface of the implement. The rounded ends are more like blunted points. It is of obsidian and is the only one of its type found so far.
SICKLE BLADES
Of the many narrow parallel-sided blades there are none with chipping indicating heavy use. Only two somewhat wider and heavier blade segments (.037 x o021 x
"007 and o04I x
"023 x -005) have the kind
of heavy wear one associates with sickle blades; both have wear on both edges, which has been somewhat smoothed over.
BLADES
There is a total of 275 blades and blade fragments, out of which eleven are complete examples (Fig. 8 : 23). The longest complete example is -09, the shortest
.045; the modal width of all blades is
between Io and 15 mm. Bulbar ends (108) are considerably more
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYUK 97
numerous than mid-segments (thirty-four) and tip ends (twenty-two). The predominance of bulbar ends over tip ends is a feature found in all levels, but the very high percentage of bulbar ends even to mid-segments and to the total is unique to this level. Slightly more than 25 per cent of the blades are retouched or chipped by heavy use; of these eleven are also notched. Houses I and 4 between them contain almost all the blades that are not in the " general " context, which includes everything not found associated with a house.
FLAKES
There are 151 waste flakes, of which two pieces are chert. Most of these come from the " general " classification, only a scattered few, as in the other levels, from the rooms themselves. Sixteen flakes are retouched or show considerable use-chipping; of these four are chert. There are six large round flat flakes, three flakes with step retouch on the underface and one flake with oblique retouch on one edge.
CORES AND CORE FRAGMENTS
Aside from a flake core fragment and a fragment of a blade-like core, the fragmentary tip end of a cylindrical blade core with narrow pointed end was found. Also uncovered were six small bits of blade cores and eight blade core tablets, three complete with parts of the blade facets. The tablets are roughly prepared, and except for one, indicate a roughly 900 angle to the side as the constant platform angle, as we have already noted for Level V. They vary in size (Fig. 8:20;
.032 X
.028, and
Fig. 8: 19; .038 x -022 and
.04 x o048 and -04 x '05 which are
not illustrated). The blow which removed the tablet is along the wider edge of the core and when part of the side of the core was removed by accident along with the tablet it occurs on the further side from the edge which received the blow.
LEVEL II PROJECTILE POINTS
There are twenty-seven projectile points and fragments, of which two tanged points are of buff chert ; both are large and probably even lance- heads (Fig. Io:7, 0o76 x
"026 x -o13, and 8, 0o83 x
"03 x
"oo8). The retouch of the former one is restricted to the bulbar face on the half toward the tip end; the tang was made by a rough notch on one side toward the bulbar end (note similar technique employed, Fig. 7:Io). The latter point is nearly a double-pointed diamond shape and is con- sidered tanged only by virtue of its having one pointed end less regular and slightly narrower than the other, presumably point, end ; the narrower end is also retouched on bulbar face as are almost all tangs.
Eighteen are tanged without shoulders; of these five are retouched (two have bifacial retouch restricted to the edges and the tang) and one is retouched only on the bulbar face. Both tanged-and-shouldered points are bifacially retouched, one finely and completely (Fig. Io:6; H
98 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
-059 X o022), the other only partial on the bulbar face. There is a single
fragment of what is probably a basal-rounded point. One large triangular point with a considerably heavier base than tip
end has a rough flat bifacial retouch and is certainly not an arrowhead (Fig. o0:9; -o67 x -032 x o011).
SCRAPERS
Out of twenty-two scrapers, ten are mere fragments with indicative retouch. Ten are of chert. There is one evenly obliquely retouched semi- round scraper (Fig. o: II ; -05I x -04 x -oi with a Go0 scraping angle) ; two other examples are fragmentary, but one also has a scraping angle of 60o. A steep scraper on an irregular chert flake (-062 x .053 x
"024 with 75' scraping angle) is rather steep for gatal scrapers.
There is a unique double end(-and-side ?) scraper on a blade re- touched continuously on the edges so its final shape is an elongated oval (Fig. 10 : 12; o056 x -o9 x oo004) ; it is one of the few with such a high degree of shaping to a specialized form.
There is one end scraper on a blade (Fig. 10 : 13 ; o0I9 wide x -005 with 65' scraping angle) and two typical blades with end retouch, one
rounded at the edge of an already thin spatulate tip on a blade with marked curving profile (Fig. Io : 14) and another ended diagonally with almost steep retouch (Fig. Io : 16). There are three end-and-side scrapers with continuous retouch, of which two are chert. Side scrapers include four double side scrapers, three of chert ; all have 550 scraping angles. The largest one is illustrated (Fig. 10 :17 ;
.072 x
.042 x -orI);
another is somewhat smaller, o055 x -035 x .oo8. Three other side scrapers are of chert and one is on a wide thick blade-like flake which is now fragmentary.
PIERCERS
There are seven piercers, none of good workmanship, four of which are rather questionable. The questionable ones include three with broken tips, two of which may have had the tip rounded by retouch (Fig. Io : 19) and the third may even be the mid-section of a projectile point (Fig. Io: 18) made on a long narrow blade ; the fourth questionable example is made on a short blade and its tip is blunt with only slight retouch. The three clearer examples include one blade with nibble retouch on both edges near the tip, which created a not very acute angled point (ca. 500) ; the other two points are also rather wide and are on short wide blades, one, being broken, may be on a flake. One of the " possible " piercers illustrated is a thick narrow triangular sectioned blade with very fine parallel pressure flaking of part of the bulbar surface.
DAGGERS (LAUREL-LEAF BLADES)
A cache of twelve laurel-leaf blades and two projectile points was found on the lower floor of the storeroom of House I (Level II). They formed a neat pile and may therefore have been contained by a string or
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYJK 99
. . .
I
?
Li
S8 ,9 20 21
FIo. IO. Level II.
100 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
cloth bag which has since disappeared and left no trace. The whole cache has been illustrated (Figs. 11 and 12). A second cache, already mentioned, was found in the storeroom of House 2 in Level III. The Level II group are on the whole larger, though no less finely retouched in the better examples.
Bifacial retouch is complete on none. While five have complete or nearly complete upper face retouch, none are fully retouched on the bulbar face. Retouch on the bulbar face is usually minimal, being restricted to the two pointed ends and often to one cutting edge; two blades are not retouched on the bulbar face at all, and three implements with cruder workmanship have only the ends retouched on one or both edges of the upper and the bulbar faces, although one of these has no retouch of bulbar face whatsoever.
Following is a more detailed description (Figs. i and I2) I. I4 x -031 x -oI2 Complete upper face retouch, partial bulbar face retouch
(Fig. II : i). 2. -123 x -032 x .012 Almost complete upper face retouch, retouch of ends only
on bulbar face (Fig. I :3). 3. .I22 X '036 x o014 Complete upper face retouch; retouch of ends and one
edge on bulbar face, one end to ca. two-fifths of length, greenish-grey obsidian (Fig. I : 4).
4. .I o8 x .035 x -oi2 Almost complete retouch of upper face, particularly regular along steeper edge, retouch of one end and one edge opposite to upper face edge (Fig. I1 :6).
5. -128 x '034 x -o01 Slight upper face retouch of ends only, bulbar face
retouched only partially on one edge (Fig. 2 : I). 6. -138 x '03 x -orI Upper face retouch leaves three-fifths of blade ridge and
part of facet faces, bulbar face retouch on ends, one end slightly rounded for hafting (Fig. II : 7).
7. - 153 x '031 x - o5 Almost complete upper face retouch, one side steep backed, retouch of one end and half of side from that end on bulbar face (Fig. I2 : 3).
8. -123 X -035 X -oI2 One side of upper face retouched, the other preserves the original blade facet from ridge to edge, the bulbar face is more fully retouched, but especially on ends and the edge which is not retouched on the opposite face, the profile is S-curved (Fig. I :9).
9. - 26 X '033 Upper face retouched on both ends with retouch con- tinuing from top end down half of both side edges, bulbar face retouched on both ends and partially on one edge from bulbar end, sinuous outline (Fig. I I : 4).
I o. "I24 x '03 x -oi6 Cruder work (probably abandoned because of flaw in obsidian), only ends, especially bulbar end, retouched on upper face, both ends and one edge retouched on bulbar face (Fig. 12 : 2).
II. '140 X '03i x .oI3 Cruder work, both ends and part of one edge retouched, retouch of bulbar face only at thinned bulbar end (Fig. 12:5).
12. 'Io9 x .026 x o'05 Cruder work, part of both ends of upper face retouched on one edge, one-third of one end and tip retouched on bulbar face (Fig. II :5)-
The two projectile points are bifacially retouched tanged arrowheads (Fig. iI:2; -057x
"024 x or andFig. II:8; .055 X
.ol7 x oI);
the latter is irregular due to a flaw in the obsidian along the central axis
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYtK IoI
2 2
! ,i
,
i-CSXl, t
.3
S/ I
(
''(
F)c.I) Lee I
/ .4-
,li!
)
7 9\
~~~~~IIG If Level IL.?rII ~ I
0zo2 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
/ii
L!
(L (
~,~,~,~F~,. za. Level II.
?z
'"""--3
2)
*rc jz Lve)
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HtUYK 103
of the implement; its edges are sinuous. The other projectile point is bifacially retouched, but only on the edges, though the flaking is broad and invasive, and fully on the tang ; one edge is an unbroken curve, the other is broadly notched to create the tang.
SICKLE BLADES
Some sickle blades are probable, but only one blade segment stands out for its heavy irregular wear on both edges which has subsequently been somewhat smoothed over (.045 x o019 x -oo6).
BLADES
There is a total of 152 blades and blade fragments, out of which only eight are complete examples (Fig. 10 : 20, 21, 22). The longest complete one is -082, the shortest -032 ; the modal width of all blades, in this as in all the other levels, is between Io and 15 mm. Another feature common to all the levels is a high predominance of the bulbar end fragments (sixty) over the tip end fragments (thirteen). Slightly more than 25 per cent of the blades have been used and show wear chipping retouch, of which fifteen are also notched. House I contained slightly less than half of the blades from this level.
FLAKES
There are fifty-seven unretouched flakes and eighteen flakes with retouch or heavy use, which include five pieces of chert. Of the retouched flakes four are large round flat flakes, one flake is step retouched on the bulbar face, and one has an oblique retouch on one edge.
CORES AND CORE FRAGMENTS
Four fragments of irregular blade or flakelike blade cores, of which three come from the court area, were found. Two blade core tablets with the usual rough preparation, one of which is *05 x -04 in diameter, indicate a somewhat larger remnant core than those that are preserved (see Fig. 4:1-4, and Fig. 2:13).
COMPARISONS
The existence of this Neolithic chipped stone industry in the Konya Plain was first noted by Professor Kurt Bittel (Bittel, 1942) and later more fully reported by Mr. James Mellaart in his article on Ihlcapmar (1958- but written in I953) in which its relations to Cilicia and Beygehir and the newly discovered site of (atal H. were called attention to. A surface collection of eighty-nine implements and 215 chips or flakes, which included essentially all the elements more fully revealed in this report based on the excavated material from natal Huiyuik East (gatal Huiyuik West is essen- tially Early Chalcolithic with a debased stone industry) provided, for the first time, a representative collection of this industry on the Anatolian plateau. This well-developed Neolithic chipped stone industry was already known in outline through the pioneering excavations ofJohn Garstang at
104 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Mersin (Garstang, I953) and from the interim reports of Miles Burkitt published before World War II. At that time attention was drawn to the fields of obsidian from the Aksaray region as the main source of the obsidian used in the Cilician Plain and further south beyond the Amanus range in the Amuq Plain (ibid., p. 15).
From more or less the same time range we can now compare the Qatal industry to those from the cave of Beldibi in the mountains behind Antalya, Ilicapinar on the north end of the Konya Plain, Mersin in the Cilician Plain, Tell Judeideh in the Amuq Plain, Tabbat al-Hammam, Jericho and Seyl Aqlat further south, and further afield and even more for the contrast rather than similarities they provide, Khirokitia in Cyprus and Jarmo and Hassuna in northern Mesopotamia.
Not far to the West of Antalya is the cave of Kum Buca"l near the village of Beldibi, more or less the same vicinity as the cave of Kara'in which has already yielded a sequence from Mousterian to historical times
(K6kten, 1958). The " Beldibian " from Kum Buca~i, Level B, is a pottery neolithic occurrence with a Mesolithic type stone culture (Bostanci, 1959) ; the pottery, however, is the most " primitive " yet found in Anatolia. Microlithic elements, such as microburins and lunates, ridge-backed sickle blades, tranchets, trapezes and a chipped axe or pick are found (op. cit., P1. V). None of these implements and techniques are features of the Catal industry, where there is no trace of the Late Palaeolithic-Mesolithic tradition still so clear at Beldibi. The tanged points of Kum Buca~i "B " (P1. V, 12) are extremely crude with no pressure flaking and have no relation to the well-shaped ones from Qatal Hiiyiik. Kum Bucai1 " C "
is clearly a Mesolithic industry with many lunates and a wide variety of burins, which the author compares to the Natufian of Level B at el-Wad, and does not concern us here.
The evidence from Mersin in the Cilician Plain is not as fully presented as one would wish due to the unfortunate destruction of most of the expedition's records during World War II (Garstang, 1953) ; therefore close comparisons cannot be made, but the general impression is that the industries from Catal and Mersin are very similar, if not two phases of the same industry. Obsidian is used for most of the tools, though a considerable quantity of chert is also present ; the source of the obsidian used at Mersin has been identified by optical analysis as coming from the Aksaray region, if we can interpret "a clear affinity" as meaning that (op. cit., p. i5). The " weapons " (lances and dagger) from Mersin (Fig. 5) are the finest worked implements from the site and resemble those from gatal. The fine bifacially retouched laurel-leaf blades from natal are not to be found in the published material from Mersin, however, nor are the variety of scrapers, including side scrapers with end step flaking that seem to form a specially used class. It is difficult to draw final conclusions from the Mersin publication, however. One marked contrast between the sites is the complete lack of chert sickle blades at ?atal and the more liberal use of chert at Mersin, not only for sickle blades but for projectile points as vwell. The polished stone celts mentioned are in general like the fully
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HtJYUK 105
polished ones from gatal; however, the former have their edges rounded, whereas most of those from the latter are small greenstone adzes, the sides are flat, the edges still fairly marked, and the faces asymmetrical. The lithic industry from the Proto-Chalcolithic level (XXIV) includes some elements (Fig. 29, bottom row, extreme left and extreme right) which though they appear at gatal are generalized and problematic, and two tanged points (Figs. 25 and 28). The rest of the Early Chalcolithic (Fig. 29), lacking the finer projectile element, looks rather impoverished, and should be compared with the lithic industry from Qatal Huyiik West, which has as yet been merely tested. One should not forget that gatal Hiiyiik is considerably larger than Mersin and represents an Early Neo- lithic town in which a more developed industry would be expected. In this respect the variety of retouched points and the pressure flaked daggers and lanceheads do not disappoint us.
The " phase A-B " lithic industry of Tell Judeideh in the Amuq Plain is the rough chronological equivalent of Qatal Hiiyiik (Braidwood and Braidwood, 1959). Obsidian is only 25 per cent of the total, or a ratio of slightly more than three to one of chert to obsidian (1,3Io pieces of chert : 422 pieces of obsidian) in the A-B range, although the same type of implements are made from both materials. These include javelins, gravers, sickle blades, borers, scrapers, end scrapers, fabricators, blades (most not used), small flakes and cores. Only very superficially does the Judeideh A-B range lithic industry resemble that of gatal Hiiyiik, whereas a more careful examination reveals considerable differences. The cores (op. cit., Fig. 30, 9) have an angle of 450 of the striking platform to the blade scars (a few are said to be 900) and blades have been removed from only half the perimeter of the core; the cores at gatal (Fig. 10o: 1-4) have an angle of 900 and are always struck around the whole perimeter. The javelin heads (Braidwood, op. cit., Fig. 30, 1-3, and Fig. 6o, I-3) have an expanded basal end, which is completely lacking in the Qatal examples; also the tanged point classification at gatal includes a wide variety of arrowheads and lances not found at Judeideh. Short narrow sickle blades of chert may have their parallels in obsidian at gatal ; however, they are abundant in the Amuq and barely present at the latter. The gravers (ibid., Fig. 30o, 8, and Fig. 59, 13, 14) have not been found at gatal as yet.
The dissimilarities are more striking than the similarities and it is therefore incomprehensible to the author that one finds " The flint and obsidian industry of the lower levels of Mersin Hiuyiik, in Cilicia, belongs to the same culture " (ibid., p. 529) written by Mrs. Crowfoot Payne and supported by the Braidwoods. The so-called " Syro-Cilician " culture area I believe to be overdrawn, despite the superficial similarities of the " dark- faced burnished wares ". A more considered view is found in the Tabbat al-Hammam publication next to be considered, " Whereas Tabbat al- Hammam appears to be part of a ceramic family with Mersin and Tarsus, it is not clear that there are as strong relationships in the stone industries." (Hole, 1959, P. 177.)
io6 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
The site of Tabbat al-Hammam is on the coast of Syria about 45 km. north of Tripolis. The lithic industry from the basal level is roughly contemporary with " Byblos 'A', Ras Shamra V, Amuq A, Basal Tarsus and the 'lower neolithic' of Mersin " according to Hole (ibid., p. 150), and therefore roughly contemporary with the Early Neolithic of Qatal Huiyiik. There are only 322 pieces, a rather inadequate sample for adequate comparisons. Obsidian plays a very minor role, all of the projectile points except one being made of flint (ibid., p. I6o). The tanged points are not completely retouched, retouch being restricted to the edges, and incom- pletely at that ; the points are rather irregular (Fig. 5, 1-7) and except for the fact of the presence of tanged points, in detail they bear little resemblance to those from (atal Hiiyiik. The number of burins, poor as they are, at Tabbat al-Hammam cannot be matched at Qatal. Chipped celts (ibid., Fig. 6 ; 6, 9, and Fig. 7 ; I, 2) do not occur at Qatal, where all are fully or nearly fully polished and in hard stones, nor would the biface (Fig. 7; 3) be at home at Qatal. Chert sickle blades link Tabbat al- Hammam to almost all the sites in the Near East, but not to (atal Hiiyiik.
Further south are the sites of Tell es-Sultan (Jericho) in the Jordan valley of Jordanian Palestine and Seyl Aqlat in the Wadi Beidha in the Transjordan. The occupational sequence at Jericho begins with a " Natufian " occurrence and seems to continue uninterruptedly through the Pre-pottery Neolithic A period (Kenyon, 96o0, p. 13). Following a break a new tradition is introduced with a changeover from round houses to well-built rectangular houses and with a " Tahunian " type of lithic industry (ibid., p. i5). The earlier industry of " Natufian " tradition with notched arrowheads, burins, chipped picks, chisels and adzes (Kirkbride, I96o passim) will not concern us; it is the industry from Pre-pottery Neolithic B which would be roughly contemporary with 9atal Hiiyik. This industry includes numerous arrowheads of various classes (pronounced shoulders and barbs, notched, leaf-shaped and single-shouldered), sickle blades, burins, trihedral rods, relatively few scrapers (ibid., p. 30). " Obsidian was used but not in such large quantities as in the preceding phase although the implements were better worked and larger " (ibid., p. 30). Whatever contacts, direct or indirect, may have been estab- lished between the pre-" Pre-pottery Neolithic B " period at Jericho and the regions to the north, and more particularly the obsidian fields of Aksaray on the Anatolian plateau, the diminution of obsidian in the Pre-pottery Neolithic B period would indicate they were less well estab- lished, if the reason for maintaining such contacts were principally to obtain obsidian for tool-making.
Only the tanged unbarbed projectile points are in any way similar to those of GQatal Hiiytik and those are in the minority amongst the notched, single-shouldered and barbed points ; these points moreover are very little altered from their original blade condition (ibid., P1. XIII, A). This industry, with parallels noted at el-Khiam and Abu Gosh (ibid., p. 3'), is as clearly outside the area of a common tradition with that of the Konya and Cilician Plains, as is that preceding it at Jericho.
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYtK 10o7
Seyl Aqlat, 200 km. further south, as would be expected, has a chipped stone industry which is similar, if not identical to that of Pre-pottery Neolithic B and bears no more relation to that of Qatal than does Jericho (Kirkbride, I960). Only the briefest report of the surface artifacts from the site is presented in an interim report, but only in the most general of ways does it relate to any sites north of Jericho. Although it would be of interest, no mention is made as to whether any obsidian was found on the site or not ; presumably therefore none was found and all the implements were made of flint brought to the site from the limestone plateau (ibid., p. 136).
The lithic industry from Khirokitia on the south coast of Cyprus, which " differs markedly from that found at Erimi " (Stekelis, in Dikaios, 1953, p. 409), and apparently with no known antecedents or con- temporaries according to Stekelis, need not long concern us. Arrowheads are said to be " rare and round ", although my examination of the illustrations (Fig. I Io, I and 3) fails to reveal arrowheads. Tanged flakes are characteristic and scrapers, gravers, sickle blades and a flake-axe including the usual elements appear. Some obsidian blades (ibid., p. 412) were found, indicating contact with Anatolia, probably through Mersin.
With the sites of Jarmo in the foothills of the Zagros and Hassuna just west of the Tigris south of Mosul we have a sequence from a pre- pottery Neolithic village to an early pottery Neolithic culture. Tell Shimshara is said to have a sequence with Jarmo-like followed by Hassunan materials to bridge the stratigraphic gap (Braidwood et al., I960, p. 162). Jarmo (ibid.) has a blade-tool industry which shows little change; microliths predominate over larger tools (ibid., p. 44). Many of the tools are made of obsidian, though the chipped obsidian is almost entirely microlithic (p. 45 and P1. I8, B), side blow blade-flakes, triangles and trapezes, as well as the usual scrapers, borers, etc., appear. It is quite apparent that in no way does this assemblage resemble that of Qatal Hiiytik. This Kurdish-North Mesopotamian flint and obsidian chipping tradition, without arrowheads, and chipped adzes and axes, in other ways resembles the Palestinian tradition, and at any rate is quite distinct from anything on the Anatolian plateau.
A somewhat later, debased and less varied version of the same industry is seen at Hassuna (Lloyd and Safar, I945), although despite the apparent continuity of the ceramic and architectural traditions, the lithic industry does show considerable differences (Braidwood et al., 196o, p. I61) ; flake- blades and flakes predominate although blades, as can be clearly seen from the illustrations (Lloyd and Safar, Figs. 22, 23, 24, 26), are still significantly present. In Level Ia (Fig. 22) there are two exotic tanged points with bifacial retouch that look very Anatolian, and the Braidwoods would see them derived from " Syro-Cilicia " (R. and L. Braidwood, I953, p. 304). As I have already commented, I do not find the Syrian chipped stone industry particularly similar to Cilicia. Unless this type of tanged point was found at Judeidah and is not illustrated but is the private knowledge of the excavators, the present author would prefer to see them
io8 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
derived directly or indirectly from the Anatolian plateau, where at least one of the two main known obsidian sources is located. It is true, that deriving these two arrowheads from Anatolia presents some difficulties of interpretation. If we accept the C14 dates, then 5600 ? 250 for Matarrah VI, 4, which just precedes or is equivalent to basal Hassuna and 5687 ? 96 B.c. for the Late Neolithic at Hacilar in the Burdur Plain on the Anatolian plateau, to which the Qatal Hiiyiik culture is clearly ancestral, are roughly equivalent in time. We do not know anything about the Late Neolithic in the Konya Plain (one hopes it will be found at the base of gatal Hiiyiik West to bridge the gap between the Early Neolithic plain ware culture of Qatal Hiiytik East and the Early Chalcolithic painted ware culture of Qatal Hiiyiik West). However, except for one small body fragment of a bifacially retouched projectile point, no projectile points have been found at Hacilar. By Early Chalcolithic times in the Konya Plain (to judge from the surface collection from Qatal Hiiytik West) the projectile point was no longer in use.
We should now consider the extent of the lithic industry identified at natal Hiiyiik East. Near the north end of a small salt lake, the Acituz Golii, ca. Ioo km. north of Qatal Hiiytik is the small site of Ilicapinar where a surface collection of obsidian implements shows many of the same elements outlined for Qatal Hiiytik. Present are the bifacially retouched tanged projectile points in some quantity (Mellaart, 1958, pp. 85, 86, 87) and small polished celts of greenstone. No cores were found, though blades, used and unused, are present. Mellaart speculates, " salt trade seems to have been the key of their economy, supplemented by hunting and a little agriculture " (ibid., 83).
In the Konya Plain toward its east end is Nigde from where one bifacially retouched obsidian tanged point and a blade with retouched edges and incipient tang has been reported (K6kten, 1958). Immediately west of the Konya Plain around the lake of Beygehir Mellaart reports " leaf-shaped arrowheads, pressure flaked on both sides " from Qukurkent and Beygehir Hiiytik C. These tanged points are quite small (Figs. 42, 43, 44) and, though one is very neatly completely bifacially retouched (Fig. 42), are outside the minimal size range of the Qatal projectile points. The author would thus tentatively consider them part of a distinct facies of the Qatal lithic industry, or perhaps when more is known about the former sites, they will prove to be variants of a tradition of which gatal is a member, albeit an important one. However, only these three points were found during the survey of these mounds (Mellaart, 1961), whereas the survey collection of 9atal Hiiyiik even after Mr. Mellaart's earlier collection from the surface of the site includes ca. forty points.
We have already noted the essential identity of the lithic industry of basal Mersin with that at Qatal (p. Io4). This observation can be extended to some other sites in the Cilician Plain as well. At Tarsus (Goldman, 1956) there is a greater use of obsidian than of chert during the Neolithic ; in the Early Bronze age due to the great number of sickle blades chert predominates. " With one or two possible exceptions, flint does not appear
THE CHIPPED STONE INDUSTRY OF QATAL HUYt'K Io9
until Early Bronze I and is used only for sickle blades " (ibid., vol. I, p. 255). Although numerous obsidian flakes were found in the Neolithic levels, the retouched projectile points were found unstratified or stratified in non-Neolithic levels, but the excavator assigns them, on the basis of their " similarity in shape and technique to the Mersin early group " to the Neolithic period (ibid., p. 256, 257, and Figs. 409, 413, in Vol. II). The many flakes and flake cores in proportion to finished tools and blades noted at Tarsus differentiates it from Qatal, where waste flakes are in all levels relatively rare. On the coastal road just west of Mersin the Mersin- type obsidian industry has been noted (Mellaart, 1958, p. 91) at Elvanh Hiiyiik.
In the Calycadnos valley (Gdk Su), which must have been the principal, if not the only, natural passage between Qatal Hiiyuik in the Konya Plain and the western end of the Cilician Plain (the " Cilician Gates " just north of Mersin connect with the eastern end of the Konya Plain) Mellaart notes the same pottery and obsidian industry at Maltepe (Mellaart, 1958, p. 91).
We see therefore that this particular Neolithic lithic industry, much of whose character is a direct result of its concentration on the use of obsidian, is to be found spread out in the Konya Plain-Nigde (eastern end), Ilicaplnar (northern end) and Qatal Hiiyiik and Kerhane just to the north of it (toward the western end). Around Lake Beygehir, the region just west of the Konya Plain, there is possibly a facies of the same or a similar industry, although the evidence is very slender ; still further west in the Burdur Plain is the fragment of a single tanged point at Hacilar (II) which is probably " out of context " since the Hacilar lithic industry (being analysed by the author) is a very much debased late Neolithic blade industry with hardly any other types. To the south, connected by the Calycadnos valley, and possibly the Cilician Gates (although this presum- ably shorter route to the Aksaray obsidian source may have been closed for one or another of historico-social reasons rather than through natural agencies), is the Cilician Plain, the principal site being Mersin.
Of all the sites mentioned, including Mersin and Jericho, gatal Hiiytik is by far the largest (covering 32 acres, 500 m. in greatest diameter) and the first season's excavations have shown that it was densely settled, and since there is no reason to believe that the Anatolian peasant was any less fertile then than he is to-day, densely populated as well. Its economy was based on hunting and agriculture, but it is impossible to determine at the moment to what extent the latter overshadowed the former in importance. The great number of projectile points, the animal bones which include wild forms of very large cattle and a variety of equid, both of which were probably objects of the hunt, and even more spectacularly the murals from the shrine of Level III in which the hunting of stags and does, and the capture (or possibly the veneration) ofa magnificent bull is dramatically depicted leave no doubt as to the importance of hunting and to the rituals connected with it (see " Dancers' mural"). The major importance of such a large site with an obviously sophisticated culture which has time
1io ANATOLIAN STUDIES
and craftsmen sufficient to produce the murals, sculpture and other features (see prior paper), might conceivably have drawn part of its economic sustenance from the control, due to its relative proximity, of the obsidian trade at its source which we have noted must have been of considerable extent during the Neolithic period.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BITTEL, KURT (1942). Archdologischer Anzeiger, p. 87 ff., Figs. 4-5. BOSTANCI, ENVER (i959). Researches on the Mediterranean Coast of Anatolia, a new
Palaeolithic site at Beldibi near Antalya, preliminary report, Anatolia IV, 1 29-177.
BRAIDWOOD, ROBERT, and L. S. BRAIDWOOD (i960). Excavations in the Plain of Antioch, Vol. I. Oriental Institute, Chicago (seen in galley proofs only).
BRAIDWOOD, ROBERT, and BRUCE HOWE, et al. (I960). Prehistoric Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan. Oriental Institute, Chicago.
GARSTANG, JOHN (I953). Prehistoric Mersin, excavations at Yiimiik Tepe. Clarendon Press, Oxford.
GOLDMAN, HETTY (I956). Excavations at Giizlii Kiile, Tarsus ; from the Neolithic through the Bronze Age, 2 vols. Princeton University Press, Princeton.
HOLE, FRANK (1959). A Reanalysis of Basal Tabbat al-Hammam, Syria. Syria XXXVI, fasc. 3-4, 149-183-
KIRKBRIDE, DIANA (1960). A Brief Report on the Pre-Pottery Flint Cultures of Jericho. Palestine Exploration Quarterly, July-December, I14-9, Pls. XIII-XV.
KIRKBRIDE, DIANA (I960). The Excavation of a Neolithic Village at Seyl Aqlat, Beidha, near Petra. Palestine Exploration Quarterly, July-December, 136-145, Pls. XXV- XXIX.
K6KTEN, KILIq (959). Tiirk Arkeoloji Dergisi, VIII-2 (1958), io-i6, Pls. X-XVII. LLOYD, SETON and SAFAR (I945). Tell Hassuna. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, IV, 4,
255-289, 38 figs., XXI pls. MELLAART, JAMES (1958). The Neolithic Obsidian Industry of Ilicapinar and its
Relations. Istanbuler Mitteilungen 8, 82-92. MELLAART, JAMES (196 I). Early Cultures of the South Anatolian Plateau. Anatolian
Studies XI (seen in galley proof). STEKELIS (1953). The Flint Implements from Khirokitia, in Dikaios, P., Excavations at
Khirokitia. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
THE LATE BRONZE AGE MONUMENTS OF EFLATUN PINAR AND FASILLAR NEAR BEYSEHIR
By JAMES MELLAART
THE PURPOSE OF this short article is to draw attention to a number of features presented by these well known monuments near Beygehir which are in need of further clarification, and to offer yet another suggestion about its original appearance.
During the last decade, a number of articles from the pen of Professors H. G. Giiterbock, K. Bittel, R. Naumann and E. Laroche 1 have been devoted to the sanctuary of Eflatun Pinar and it might be thought that there is little to add. That this is not so, I trust this article will show. These remarks are the result of three visits to these monuments in 1952, 1955 and 1957-
The Fasillar statue (7'40 m. in height) lies in the Roman stadium of a classical site above the village of that name. Its rough condition suggests, as Guterbock has already pointed out,2 that it may have been unfinished and locally quarried, roughed out for transport and for some reason left there. The material is trachyte, which occurs locally. Guiterbock comments on the lack of" Hittite " sherds at Fasillar.3 One can go further ; there is no site there earlier than the Classical one. The nearest Late Bronze Age sites are Karahisar, Evregi and Kizilviran Huiyuiks. The latter site is the largest, but it is difficult to see why anyone should want to quarry a statue at Fasillar, 50 km. away, if the statue was meant to be erected at this site, which is surrounded by trachyte rocks within a few kilometres.
The Fasillar statue is unique in being the only surviving example of a monumental statue found in Late Bronze Age Anatolia. What we know of statues in the Hittite texts 4 points to small statuettes made of precious metal. Here we have a monolithic giant of a god, sculptured almost in the round.
There is, as far as I am aware, no evidence for the erection of monumental stone statues in Anatolian L.B.A. temples, and the only monumental art of this period found-in the form of sculptured rock fagades-appears to be associated with a spring-cult: Sipylus,5 Karabel, Sirkeli, Hemite and Eflatun Pinar. This suggests that the Fasillar statue also may well have been meant to adorn a spring sanctuary. There is no important spring at or near Fasillar, but perhaps the most typical example of such a spring sanctuary is Eflatun Pmnar, c. 20 km. north of Bey~ehir
1 H. G. Guterbock, "Alte und neue hethitische Denkmailer ", in Halil Edhem Hattra Kitabz, I, 1947, p. 59 ff-
K. Bittel, Bibliotheca Orientalis, 10o, 1953, PP. 2-5- R. Naumann, Architektur Kleinasiens, I955, p. I87 f., 382. E. Laroche, Anatolia, III, 1958, p. 43 ff-
2 H. G. Gtiterbock, op. cit., p. 63. 3 ibid., p. 62. 4 Brandenstein, Hethitische Glitter nach Bildbeschreibungen, 1943, passim. 6 H. G. Giiterbock, AS. VI, 1956, p. 53 f., P1. III.
112 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
(and c. 40 km. from Fasillar). Here a very strong spring, or rather series of springs, produces a small stream, which after 4-5 km. flows into the Lake of Beygehir. About a hundred yards west of the spring and south of the river, there lies immediately west of yet another spring a fair-sized village mound, roughly circular in shape with a diameter of c. Ioo m. and a height of about 0o or more metres. The presence of this mound appears to have escaped all previous explorers 6 and Naumann makes a somewhat premature comparison with the present desertion.' The mound fully compensates one for the lack of sherds in and around the spring- sanctuary. The pottery covers the Late Chalcolithic, E.B.2 and 3, Middle and Late Bronze, Iron Age and Classical periods. There can be little doubt that this was the settlement to which the sanctuary belonged.
' . ",,,,,,,... I R' ."' .. . 4/,d"- ,,"% ,\
dod., ,/ 1.
-i--- ~fRAci r POO
5t'-I, E-A" L.00"
%%Ioff' if
"~"'"'~ ~ RUINEDb VILLAGE j 4 ,EY
L 'G - .
A r
',,,'-< .__ ....,.,•,,"," ,"- ,.,':. •_. .../r
FIc. I. Sketch-map showing position of the sanctuary and mound at Eflatun Pmar.
The pottery found at the site, extending from the Late Chalcolithic to the L.B.A., is not Central Anatolian in type. Just as the E.B.2 wares include Kusura Bowls, so the second millennium wares (often misnamed " Hittite ") show again far closer relations to the S.W. Anatolian culture province-now well-known from Beycesultan-than they do to the pottery of Hattic and Hittite Central Anatolia. Geographically and to a certain extent culturally this region almost certainly falls within the political boundaries of the Arzawa Kingdoms (so also now E. Laroche),8 who spoke Luvian. There is therefore no reason whatsoever to assume-as if it were a fact-that these two monuments were the work of Hittite kings, who least of all had cult obligations to the gods of their most persistent rival, Arzawa.
6 First noticed in 1952, by the writer. 7 e.g. Naumann, op. cit., p. i88. 8 Laroche, op. cit., p. 46.
MONUMENTS OF EFLATUN PINAR AND FASILLAR I13
On stylistic grounds alone, the term " Hittite " is perhaps justified, but the monuments of Mt. Sipylus and Karabel near Izmir in Western Anatolia are of the same style, though according to the Karabel inscrip- tions, certainly not the work of known Hittite kings. In this respect I venture to agree with Professors Giiterbock and Bossert who consider these monuments to be of a religious nature and not victory monuments of Tuthaliya IV, as Professors Bittel and Naumann think.
One must therefore face the following facts: either there is but one style for monumental sculpture in L.B.A. Anatolia, hitherto called " Hittite " (" Anatolian " would be more suitable) or these monuments outside Hittite territory proper were built by Hittite craftsmen or influenced by them. The fact that with the exception of Yazllhkaya, all the larger and most monumental sculptures of this kind are found in areas where the Hittite kings had no or only faint political control, does not favour the latter theory. And, it should be admitted, it would be unrealistic to assume that only the Hittites were able to honour their gods !
K. Bittel's interpretation of the Eflatun Plnar monument along Central Anatolian religious lines, Hattic rather than Hittite,9 should be amended in view of some recent articles by J. Macqueen,10 E. Laroche 11 and H. G. Giiterbock.12 K. Bittel's interpretation does not produce any cogent argument for including Eflatun Plnar within the region where Hittite-and before it, Hattic--cult was practised. E. Laroche also points out that there is no evidence for Hattic cult outside the area of Hatti and Pala 13 and archaeologically the area falls within the West Anatolian cult and cultural sphere. H. Otten has shown that the non-Indo-European language (or languages) that influenced Luvian vocabulary is quite different from Hattic,14 and this is confirmed by archaeology, as far as material remains and burial customs are concerned. A strong survival of pre-Indo- European religion in Central Anatolia is matched by one in western regions. Apart from the evidence from Beycesultan,15 we have the spring sanctuaries of Mt. Sipylus and Karabel and the religious idea behind the " water from the earth " is bound up with the beginnings of agriculture long before the arrival of the Indo-European mountain/weathergods (" water from the sky"), in the late third (E.B.3) or early second millennia B.C.
K. Bittel has shown that the two figures below the pair of winged sun-discs represent a god on the left and a goddess on the right, both seated. Although terribly weathered there are traces of the god's right arm having been uplifted.
Behind the sculptured fagade of the monument, which we agree with Bittel and Giiterbock can only have been the base of a platform, there being no room for a chamber or even passage as the native rock rises
9 Bittel, op. cit., p. 4. 10 AS. IX, 1959, p. 178 f.
11 Laroche, op. cit., pp. 44-6. 12 See note Io.
13 Laroche, op. cit., p. 45- 14 H. Otten, Zur Grammatikalischen und Lexikalischen Bestimmung des Luvischen, pp. I - 11. 15 AS. VIII, 1958, pp. 104-I I I. I
114 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
about 4 feet behind it-and also behind the line of the now incomplete side walls, there lies a huge block, broken in its fall backwards.16 Locally known as the Aslanta?, " the stone of the lion," this block of trachyte has not been paid the attention it deserves. Given the right light, a striding feline in high relief can be seen supporting a throne-like block. It is almost impossible to photograph in its present position. The upper part of this block is also worked and some depressions suggest that originally another block (or blocks) was (or were) placed on top. No traces of this or of the right-hand feline now survive, having no doubt long since been removed and broken up by peasants in search of building stone.
The half a dozen hovels which crown the hill overlooking the sanctuary from the south are entirely built of stone, probably all taken from the neighbouring rock (limestone) or from the ruins of the monument (trachyte). Another large block of trachyte lies near the path above the pool and probably comes from the same place.
In our opinion the " aslanta? " can hardly be anything else than the lower part of a monumental statue showing an enthroned deity supported by two felines, which a comparison with the lions of the Fasillar statue leads me to believe are leopards rather than lions. The position of the block is such that it would appear to have fallen backward from its original position on the eastern part, certainly not the middle of the platform. Its weight is such that it is unlikely to have been moved and its fall could have occurred during an earthquake. How far back it originally stood- if it was ever erected-one can no longer say.
Now it is interesting to note that (a) its position on the eastern half of the terrace agrees in position with the seated goddess carved in high relief on the fagade below, and (b) that such an asymmetrical arrangement, coupled with the representation of a male deity on the fagade, would seem impossible. This almost certainly implies the existence of a corresponding statue of a male figure, no trace of which now survives.
A seated female figure immediately recalls the great statue carved in the rock on Mt. Sipylus and leopards are associated with a goddess not only in the Hittite sanctuary at Yazilikaya, but also on Minoan seals from Crete. Leopards are still common in the Southern, especially South-western Taurus Mountains. If the " aslanta? " was then the battered lower frag- ment of a seated goddess supported by two leopards, the upper part of which was lost (or unfinished) then we may perhaps offer as a suggestion to explain the absence of the corresponding male figure that it was never finished or never transported to Eflatun Plnar.
The presence of the (presumably) unfinished statue of a male deity with raised arm (Tarhundas, the Weather God ?), as in the figure on the Eflatun Pmnar facade, but supported by a lesser (Mountain?) god and two lions at Fasillar seems to be too much of a coincidence to ignore. Either it was quarried there, unfinished and abandoned or, much more likely, it was brought by the local population of the classical site above
16 H. G. Giiterbock, op. cit., Fig. 6.
MONUMENTS OF EFLATUN PINAR AND FASILLAR 115
Fasillar from Eflatun Pinar to adorn their stadium, just as an Egyptian obelisk and the Delphi tripod were carried off to ornament the hippodrome at Constantinople.
In any case, we believe that the sanctuary at Eflatun Pinar, whether finished or not, was meant to have two monumental statues standing on
FIG. 2. Tentative reconstruction of the spring sanctuary at Eflatun Pinar. (Drawing by Miss C. Goff.)
the terrace supported by the sculptured fagade which itself bore in high relief the representations of the same pair of gods. Whether the monument was planned as such or whether the addition of the one pair of gods, either as sculptures on the facade or as statues above it, was secondary, it is evidently impossible to tell.
What the sanctuary itself was like is difficult to determine from its present state. To the right of the facade there certainly was another structure, probably a built-up basin containing the main springs. The
116 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
rock which rises abruptly behind facade and basin bears no obvious traces of any building having ever been built upon it. Not a single cutting can be observed and sherds are not found. There is no evidence for a single building and there is so little earth around the monument that digging would be virtually impossible. At best one might find traces of a temenos wall round the facade, but even this is doubtful.
It would seem that the spring-sanctuary of Eflatun Plnar was in fact little more than an open-air cult-place. As here there was no great over- hanging rock to carve, a sculptured facade was built up in masonry rising out of the sacred pool in front. In the absence of a rock facade, statues were erected and it is this absence of a great rock such as characterizes all the other spring sanctuaries that necessitated such a novel procedure.
Access to the sanctuary, which faces south, evidently was from the neighbouring mound along the southern side of the stream and past the pool which, with H. G. Guiterbock and E. Laroche, we consider original. K. Bittel has recently argued on religious grounds, which we cannot support, that this pool was not original." When one compares it with the other west Anatolian spring-sanctuaries, especially that of Mt. Sipylus 18
(and cf. the springs of Marsyas at Dinar and that of Eumenia near I?lkh, givril) one is inevitably drawn to conclude that it is exactly the presence of a pool in front of a big spring which is the origin of a spring-cult at the site.
The pool is the result of (or enlarged by) a narrow transverse ridge of limestone rock which acted as a natural dam. A man-made dam, constructed of two rows of orthostats with rubble filling, follows its line and increased the volume of water in the pool to some 30 by 35 m. Two modern breaches serve as an outlet, but these are not original. A huge block of trachyte, worked the same way as the rest of the monument, shows three slots,19 and though at the present it lies on dry land, its huge weight argues against it having been moved far, if at all. H. G. Giiterbock thinks that it might have served as a sluice for the dam, and one cannot think of any more likely use for it. The main pool was not paved and the present row of stepping stones is modern to enable worshippers to tie their rags to the holy fig trees that grow in front of the faCade. It is interesting to note how the old fertility cult still survives in most spring sanctuaries in Anatolia. A single block of stone with a little more than a half circle in relief, lying on the foundations of the basin, is not in situ, and as our measurements showed, cannot have been the upper part of the upper winged disc that crowns the facade. Perhaps it was part of the " halo " of the statue of the seated goddess. There is no evidence to suggest that the height of the facade was ever greater than it is now.
Naumann and Bittel think that the dam is a later addition, and used
17 K. Bittel, op. cit., p. 4 ; Naumann, op. cit., p. i88. 18 See note 5- 19 Giiterbock, op. cit., Fig. 5-
MONUMENTS OF EFLATUN PINAR AND FASILLAR 117
for irrigation purposes.20 No dam is needed to irrigate the few fields round the old mound, or the present village. Water from the many springs is more than enough to cultivate this very narrow valley, along which there are no further sites, either ancient or modern. No irrigation water is needed on the hills around, for the rainfall is quite sufficient to ensure a good yearly crop of wheat and barley. The lower end of the valley consists of swampy meadows. Nothing suggests that the pool is later than the monument and that the gods were not meant to rise out of the waters of the pool symbolizing its importance as the source of all life, not in their later Indo-European transformation as weather-god and sun-goddess, but in their primary pre-Indo-European one as stream and underworld god and fertility goddess.
One more point remains to be discussed. Who built this monument and when? On the evidence of the superb masonry-the best found anywhere in L.B.A. Anatolia, R. Naumann assigned the monument to the late thirteenth century B.C.21 In this he is probably right and the unfinished appearance of the monument may perhaps be due to the unsettled conditions which prevailed in the latter half of that century during the reigns of Tuthaliyas IV and his son Arnuwandas. Although Tuthaliyas IV appears to have reorganized the cults of the Hittite State and many monuments, great and small, bear witness to his religious zeal, there is, as we have said before, no reason to assume that the Eflatun Pinar monument was built by a Hittite king. Moreover, nearly all of Tuthaliyas IV's extant monuments are inscribed with that monarch's name (Yazillh- kaya, Karakuyu, Emirghazi) whereas Eflatun Pmar bears no inscription.
The spring-sanctuary of Eflatun Pmar is obviously the main (or one of the main) shrines of the Beygehir-Seydi?ehir region, whatever state or province one wishes to locate here. As the result of an archaeological survey of this region, one can say that its capital probably lay at Tolca Hiiyiik, on the north-eastern shore of the Lake of Beygehir. Two other cities lay near it, one at Kireli, 5 km. to the east, the other on Kuladasi in the lake, some Io km. further south. As the weather was stormy, the latter site could not be reached. The main second millennium sites in the Beygehir region lay then at the northern end of the lake and all other sites with occupation of this period in the region (Eflatun Pmar H., Beypehir Hiiyiik C, Burun H., Beygehir H., Karahisar, etc.) were village sites.
It is in this region that we would seek the Arzawa state of Kuwaliya (a part of the kingdom of Mira-Kuwaliya) or at least its centre. It may have been one of its last kings that erected the shrine of Eflatun Pmnar.
20 Naumann, op. cit., p. I88, quotes E. Forrer's article in MDOG. 65, 1927, p. 42, about an alleged irrigation system along the Qarsamba Qay in the Konya Plain. While resurveying that area in 1958 it was established that the whole area with irrigation ditches was devoid of prehistoric settlement. The only sites found here, and they are quite numerous, are of Roman date. It can therefore be reasonably inferred that the irrigation system with which they are associated is not of earlier date.
21 Naumann, op. cit., p. 70.
ST. JOHN'S CHURCH, EPHESUS
By H. PLOMMER
I. THE DESIGN OF JUSTINIAN'S CHURCH
THE DESIGN OF Justinian's domed cruciform Basilica of .St. John on the hill of Ayasoluk, long an interesting, has now become an urgent question. Partly uncovered and published by Sotiriou in 1922,1 it was excavated more extensively by the Austrians and at last described and restored by H. Hoermann and edited by Josef Keil, with the aid of a grant from Dumbarton Oaks, in one of the most lavish Austrian volumes on Ephesus to be published to date.2 The seeming exhaustiveness and accuracy of this book have tempted certain syndicates to rebuild the church for the use of pilgrims to Ephesus, even though, when uncovered, it stood to a general height of merely I o or 12 feet, about one-sixth of its original height, and even though Keil had set a wiser precedent for its treatment. " Auf grdssere Wiederherstellungsarbeiten wurde, abgesehen von der Aufstellung einer Siiule, verzichtet, weil solche Wiederaufstellungen erfahrungsgemass den Anreiz zu schadigenden Umstiirzen erwecken " (FE. p. I6).
The Austrian volume, despite some inadequacies in the choice of photographs (for instance, of the composite walls in the transepts) and a regrettably small scale, for which Keil's preface apologizes, in many of its elevations, must surely be treated with respect by the modern " rebuilders ". Unluckily, they have already departed from it, even where its evidence is clear and incontrovertible, notably for the marble floor of the Bema (" St. John's Mausoleum ") in the Crossing. In its second and final form, this square bema, undoubtedly a work of the sixth century, was retained by two steps, the upper of red stone, and had an exquisite patterned floor of cut marble, simpler and obviously earlier than the opus Alexandrinum of " Cosmatesque " style at Nicaea and Rome.3 From the placing of the portion found in situ by Sotiriou and shown by him in AD. Figs. 29, 35 and 36 (compare p. I I of his introduction to FE.), I think it likely that the red stone step was returned as a border along the east side of the bema. All this intricate beauty has vanished from the cheap bema just erected (P1. XIX a).
Now this church is very important, both for its unique ritual arrange- ments and for its acknowledged resemblance to the Church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople-" most resembling and in every way rivalling the Temple of the Apostles in the Royal City ", as Procopius has it (On the Buildings, p. 3I o). Even after Hoermann's book, its remains still require careful preservation, painstaking investigation and skilful, trained
1 In Archaiologikon Deltion for 1921-22, pp. 89-226 ; henceforward referred to as AD. 2 Forschungen in Ephesus IV, 3 : Die Johanneskirche (I951). Henceforward referred to
as FE. 3 The lettering, too, on the " templum " that it supported (AD. p. I55, Fig. 33) is
close to that in the sixth-century Codex Purpureus of Rossano (A. Grabar, Byzantine Painting, Skira, pp. 162-3).
120 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
O0 0 oa ooa a 0 0 0 0 0 ta
(o oN o o a :
0 0
f f
oo9 a 0
11 0 --
0 lot
A d]
~I, ?l
o a o a
-UI a a U1 -o a a rr) -o
~ --~ ~I0
2
no?: ~l~F
iOiiU~ E[ 1L1 1B It~L~X I3
FIG. I. St. John's, Ephesus.
No. I. The Mausoleum and earliest Basilica, after Hoermann. No. 2. The sixth-century church, after Hoermann. No. 3. Elevation and perspective view, after Hoermann. No. 4. My elevation and perspective.
ST. JOHN'S CHURCH, EPHESUS 121
interpretation. As historical documents, they are by no means exhausted ; and they must not be destroyed.
First of all, one wonders whether Hoermann, proceeding on the very flimsy evidence that he recovered, has rightly restored either the first Mausoleum put up for St. John or the cruciform basilica built around it before Justinian's time. I know myself of no late Classical mausoleum like Hoermann's, its corners rendered useless by great detached columns (FE. Fig. 59) ; and he himself cites as his only parallel a room, presumably secular, in the Persian palace of Sarvistan. Nor does he seem to have considered all Sotiriou's evidence for the furnishings-the fragment of a " Sidamara Sarcophagus " (AD. Fig. 34 : I am tempted by the form of its guilloche to put it before the period of Sidamara-it resembles more closely the sarcophagus in Salonika, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellinique 1939, P1. 64) and a marble slab with bird and grape-cluster (AD. Fig. 44), possibly the oldest fragment we have of St. John's tomb-enclosure. Then, in reconstructing the cruciform basilica around the mausoleum (see my Fig. I, No. I), Hoermann ignores the blind, heavy crossing this would make, contrasting so unfavourably with, e.g., the very open crossings of Kalat Seman, of Salona and of the Church of the Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs at Gerasa (Gerasa-New Haven, 1938-pp. 191 ff.). St. Demetrius at Salonika does have a crossing rather cut off from the transepts, though not from the nave. But, complex and much discussed church that it is, it had in the fifth century a plan wildly different from its supposed con- temporary at Ephesus-no projecting eastern chancel, for instance: and some at least of the piers in its main arcade could have been inserted during Middle Byzantine times to bring it aesthetically up to date. Considering the tenuous evidence on the ground at Ayasoluk (chiefly the supposed inside corners of the foundations for two crossing-piers; see FE. Plate 71), need we really believe at all in Hoermann's plan for " die vorjustinianische Kirche "? The building closest to it in general effect would be the barbaric Saxon church at Breamore in Hampshire.
In Justinian's church, the most striking feature even to-day is the massive apse attached to the eastern piers of the crossing (FE. Plate 66- Hoermann's general plan : cf. my Fig. I, No. 2-from Hoermann). It is double, with an encircling passage between its two walls (Fig. 2, No. 3- from FE.), taken by the excavators to have been tunnel-vaulted. This recalls in little the auditoria of local theatres, such as Teos. So people have placed above it a rising semicircle of seats, the so-called " Syn- thronon "; and Hoermann (p. 173) reminds us that the " Synthronon" round the apse of Torcello has a similar encircling passage, with the niches also found at Ephesus. Can this synthronon, adjoining and perhaps touching 4 the bema on the east, have really formed part of Justinian's first plan ? The similar, perhaps derivative church of Katapoliani on Paros has its seating in the proper place, the eastern apse (Jewell and Hasluck's
4 The evidence here is not so clear as the excavators would have it-compare my Fig. 2, No. 2 ; and the " rebuilding " (" Anastylosis ") may destroy the rest at any time. K
122 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
plan, repeated as AD. Fig. 77). The visible bricks of this synthronon at Ephesus are much smaller than those of the crossing-piers, which its walls fit so clumsily. Moreover, as Heisenberg saw when reviewing Sotiriou for BZ. 1926, such an erection, in the centre of the church, makes the eastern limb and its apse a superfluous annexe (" fiberfliissiges Anhangsel ", p. 144). Gurlitt was surely right to attach a synthronon to the crossing in the Holy Apostles at Constantinople (see AD. p. 204). But there the eastern limb could conveniently hold neither Holy Table nor seats, being a vestibule to the Mausoleum of Constantine. Sotiriou saw the difficulty, and supposed (AD. p. 161) that, while the crossing of Ephesus was used for great occasions, the eastern limb was devoted to ordinary daily Communion. But Heisenberg pointed out (loc. cit.) that there is nothing in the rites of the time to suggest any such dichotomy. The excellent J. G. Davies (Early Christian Church Architecture-SCM 1952-P- 96) refers to churches, many of them in Syria, where small synthrona in the middle of the nave have faced the more or less distant eastern apse and its Holy Table. " It is evident that where this plan was adopted there would be no synthronus (sic) in the apse, and the first part of the Eucharist would take place in the midst of the nave, the clergy proceeding to the altar for the remainder of the service after the dismissal of the Catechumens." This plan is artistic and reasonable, and reminds us of medieval Spanish cathedrals. But it is not that of Ephesus, where the synthronon makes nonsense of the cruciform plan by facing the wrong way and blocking access to the east end.
Now the Ephesian synthronon has been altered and enlarged at least once (FE. pp. I7I ff.). The visible bricks of its east wall are all of the small sort used otherwise only for the western limb and for the strengthening masses added at certain points to the inner faces of the aisle walls of chancel and transepts. Hoermann's plans (FE. Plates 66 and 68) on the whole mark these accretions adequately. But perhaps he did not draw all the consequences that he should. They could show that our church, like S. Sophia, passed through two phases.
Just west of the crossing there is a decisive break in the aisle walls, noticed by Hoermann on p. 51. The courses to its west are much thinner. Two of bricks and two of mortar together take up 15 inches, equal to two brick courses and one of mortar in the work to eastward (in both structures the mortar-courses are thicker than the bricks). Similar small bricks are found, however, in the masses added to the transept- and choir-aisles, which do not bond in to the earlier walls even at ground-course level. Hoermann, who again notes these facts (FE. p. 69), nowhere properly illustrates them, and dismisses them as unimportant-" Trotzdem kann ich auch dieser Trennungsfrage keine weitere baugeschichtliche Bedeutung beimessen ".
However, in the nave the change of construction accompanies a change of design. The different spacing of the columns is obvious-four to a bay, instead of the three further east. I think this was under the influence of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople ; for I do not agree with
ST. JOHN'S CHURCH, EPHESUS 123
(?)JVSTINIAN'
BEMA
ANASTYLOSIS
o s 10 FET
o 1o o 30 0 F0 EET
FlI. 2. St. John's, Ephesus.
No. x. The Church without the " Synthronon ". No. 2. North-east corner of the crossing in November 1960. No. 3. Crossing, " Synthronon " and " Mausoleum ", after Hoermann.
124 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Sotiriou that this had only two columns to a bay.5 More obviously, the smaller subsidiary piers inserted close to the large piers at either end of the nave (see Fig. I, No. 2) appear to imitate the effect of the quadruple piers of the Holy Apostles, later reproduced at Venice and P6rigueux. The earlier, eastern piers of St. John had been solid and isolated. This imitation meant squashing the domes of the nave into ellipses, noticeably shorter from east to west. Similarly, I think that the inner masses added to the aisles around the crossing probably mark some modification of the vaults. The central domes, obviously, could not be encumbered with enlarged piers. But the architect presumably feared that they had inadequate lateral abutment. We know that at S. Sophia the first dome was not properly buttressed. As Emerson and van Nice observed (AJA. '943, p. 404), all agree that it reached too far out, and that its thrusts had to be brought down more vertically. Possibly, the eastern parts of St. John's, too, were giving similar trouble, and had to be remodelled at some moment before the nave was complete.
St. John's probably took over thirty-five years to build. Heisenberg (BZ. 1926, p. 143) cited an inscription of A.D. 535-6, which seems to show the beginning of Justinian's interest in it; and Sotiriou (AD. p. 167 and Fig. 40) published an inscription from the south door of the narthex (now published as FE. p. 274, No. 2), which almost certainly applies to the building and not to one of the numerous inscribed tombs, and which dates it to the six thousand and eightieth year of Creation. If, as is again not quite certain, the Empire already observed the Era of the Paschal Chronicle (our MS. of which dates only from the reign of Phocas), the narthex was finished in A.D. 572. The building of the nave was perhaps interrupted; and the design was perhaps revised, the Synthronon enlarged, or even created, to bring the church more into line with the Holy Apostles.6 Someone might argue that the church was begun much earlier, before 535, and that only the nave was given by Justinian and Theodora ; for only on its columns are their monograms to be found. It might then be the oldest of all these famous churches. But I don't think the capitals
1 Nikolaos of Mesara (cited in AD. p. 214) says the Holy Apostles had about seventy columns. Sotiriou gives its ground floor twenty-four columns in the arcades (six in each limb) and twenty-four wall-columns, and the tribune (triforium) only twenty-four columns, in the arcades alone. So he gets his total of seventy-two columns. But this arrangement is not so easy and obvious as Sotiriou seems to think (at Ephesus there were fewer columns against the walls than in the arcades) ; and S. Sophia, which had wall-columns in both storeys, makes against him. Nikolaos, too, could have been referring to the columns directly visible from the main body of the church. (N.B. In Fig. I, 2 I have inadvertently omitted three columns from the North Transept at Ephesus.)
6 If only one could maintain that the eastern dome collapsed, and the Synthronon's foundations were merely a makeshift, late Byzantine apse ! One could then have a sixth-century church like Fig. 2, No. I. But this seems impossible. Sotiriou found no encircling seats round the eastern apse, although, indeed, his low marble dado seems to have stopped short of the actual apse (AD. p. io8, Fig. 22) ; and the eastern limb seems to have remained intact down to the later twelfth century, according to the writers cited by Sotiriou (AD. p. 122). At the same time, the join of bema and synthronon, already nearly obliterated by the " rebuilders ", was, I think, not quite accurately recorded by Sotiriou and Hoermann (compare my Fig. 2, Nos. 2 and 3).
(b) St. John's, Ephesus : west wall of north transept, internal face.
PLATE XX
(a) St. John's, Ephesus. Classical fragment.
(b) St. John's, Ephesus. Classical fragment, now lying upside down : detail of carved front. Photograph by Miss Catherine Fisher.
ST. JOHN'S CHURCH, EPHESUS 125
outweigh the evidence of the inscriptions. When all seems so undecided, how mischievous to destroy the evidence of the structure !
I come to Hoermann's elevations. Study of St. John's, St. Mark's and St. Front at PWrigueux will show that all three are made up of almost equal bays, some 40 feet square. Surely, then, the Holy Apostles, the pattern for St. Mark's, will also have been on this scale; and we can then legitimately argue from St. Mark's to St. John's.
Now everyone knows that the tribune at St. Mark's has been nearly suppressed. But the space available for it is about half the height of the main arcade; and in S. Sophia it is about three-fifths. At Ephesus, as Hoermann says (pp. 137-140), the columns of the tribune were three- quarters the height of those below ; and he consequently makes the whole tribune three-quarters the height of the main arcade.
We here face a dilemma. The immemorial Classical proportion of the two storeys is 3 : 5, observed at Paestum, the Pantheon and S. Sophia. We can understand why the space is stunted at Venice. But it is hard to restore at Ephesus a tribune as low as the others. I confess that, even if I give it more columns, in the Byzantine manner, and therefore smaller arches (see my Fig. I, No. 4), I still cannot bring it down to the time- honoured size. Hoermann gets nearer, but does not succeed.
There is, however, another important Classical and Byzantine propor- tion, more easily obtainable at St. John's. In the Pantheon, the dome equals the supporting walls in height. Similarly, at St. Mark's, the vertical distance from the foot of the pendentive to the crown of the cupola equals the height of the wall below (at S. Sophia it is even greater). My tentative elevation gives Ephesus, too, this proportion. In it, too, as in St. Mark's and S. Sophia, the blank brick spaces between the arcades and the strings are cut out. Moreover, their omission necessarily cuts out the awkward and perhaps unprecedented double-shelled vault which Hoermann is compelled to give the aisles of his ground floor. While, then, his restoration seems slightly closer to the time-honoured proportion of tribune and main arcade, in the other respects I prefer my own. Compare Fig. I, Nos. 3 and 4-
Turning to the articulation of the storeys, I find that, in Hoermann's view (FE. p. i03) two continuous horizontal strings divided the body of the church, one, averaging 35 cm. (about 14 inches), above the tribune, the other, only 24 cm. (about 91 inches), above the main arcade. So thin, this, although the string which he places below the vault of the apse, not so high as the main arcade, was a full I8 inches thick (43 cm.-FE. pp. I 14-5). Hoermann's drawings show that these strings took many different forms. One of the thicker, for instance (FE. Fig. 18, No. I I), has a large egg-and-tongue, of the sort for which Sotiriou (AD. p. 147) saw an analogy in SS. Sergius and Bacchus, and which I am tempted to parallel from S. Sophia (see, e.g. the wall-piers of its narthex). Other, equally thick strings have very different profiles (e.g. FE. Fig. I8, Nos. 5 and 7), so that Hoermann is tempted to assign the egg-and-tongue to an earlier building. I think myself that some of these moulded strings surmounted one
126 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
another-after all, the Classical Entablature was not yet forgotten. The thinner string with a soffit of unbedded dentils (FE. Fig. 17, No. i) must surely have crowned an ovolo moulding of some sort. Without the ovolo, it would surely look barbarous in Byzantine eyes (compare Byzantine doorways, and also the dado-crown in the apse of San Vitale) ; and at St. John's we surely have the cornice of an entablature constructed on traditional Ephesian lines. In the Gymnasium of Vedius, four centuries earlier, the joint is found at the same place.
Even if one string marked the joint of wall and vault, we cannot be sure how many encircled the church below, or at what levels. (Here, I admit, my own elevation is mere guesswork.) Why, for instance, should Hoermann place the heaviest moulding of the apse immediately below the semidome ? At San Vitale and at Parenzo (Diehl, Manuel, Fig. 105) it separated the marble dado from the windows above. Again, were there no mouldings level with the imposts of the columns ? At San Vitale (0. Wulff, Die Byzantinische Kunst-Berlin I914, Fig. 319) the string at this level was perhaps the most prominent of all. More fruitful for our query, it is prominent at St. Mark's, too. Nor are the piers of St. John's anywhere preserved to the full height of the columns, as is clear from Hoermann, P1. 67. The highest pier is now rather under 5 m.-say, a little under 15 feet. But the columns were as high (FE. Fig. 40 and Fig. 69). The remains seem to permit the string that we should expect. The " rebuilding", however, is probably destroying their value as evidence.
Finally, Hoermann's flying buttresses. His section (Plate 69) makes them lofty and flat-topped, and not at first sight like any known buttresses of the period. Did not the Byzantines follow the tradition of, e.g. the Basilica of Maxentius (D. S. Robertson, Greek and Roman Architecture, Fig. iix) and set their buttresses rather lower, or adjust the slope of their extrados to the pressure from the haunches of the pendentives ? The abut- ment system of SS. Sergius and Bacchus (Van Millingen, Byzantine Churches in Constantinople, Figs. 21, 26 and 29) seems to show that they did. I question both the aesthetics and the firmness of Hoermann's buttresses. Perhaps the first architect of this church envisaged no flying-buttresses. Piers about 14 feet thick, measured on the cross-axis of the church (FE. Plate 68), should perhaps have been enough to contain domes less than 40 feet across. I am not sure. After all, I have argued that in the second stage the outer walls were strengthened to take the thrusts of the main domes. Of this I am sure, that to a skilful architect the remains of our church would yield far more information than they have so far supplied. But if the " rebuilder " gets a hand on them, we can then truly say of St. John's, as Hollar said of Old St. Paul's, " Etiam periere ruinae ".
II. A CLASSICAL FRAGMENT AT PRESENT NEAR THE CROSSING
Notoriously, Justinian's builders purloined the stones of any classical building to hand. They even laid under contribution the Temple of Apollo at Klaros-which, incidentally, seems to show that seafaring barges
ST. JOHN'S CHURCH, EPHESUS 127
could bring their cargoes of stone even as late as the sixth century to a point not too far from Ayasoluk. The inscription, No. 62 of Keil's collec- tion in FE. of inscribed stones recovered from the church, contains a list of boys' choirs from Klaros. But there was still much to pillage from the Temple of Artemis, just below our hill. Keil says of another inscription, No. 27, dating from Marcus Aurelius' time, that it alludes to the building of a " Pantheon " in the precinct of Artemis. For L. Faenius Faustus,
SS 0o 45 60 75 qo CMS.
A A A
(St.EL.4 Bas" cmW - N.E. Pi .f C.s o )
H.P. Nov.'61
FIG. 3. St. John's, Ephesus. Classical fragment.
the official it records, was one of Artemis' " Acrobatae ". The famous archaic law-code, No. 25, could also come very well from the Artemision.
Fragments of architecture are harder, of course, to place. I have little doubt, however, that the marble roof-tile found and published by Sotiriou (AD. p. I50, Fig. 23) is from the Temple of Artemis, probably the fourth-century building. Though damaged when thrown into this church, it still shows some of its old beauty. Moreover, it is still 79 cm. (over 30 inches) long. This is, of course, near the extreme dimensions for a marble roof-tile. Those of the Parthenon, according to Orlandos, were only 77-5 cm. long ; and, as Orlandos well shows in Hesperia Supplement 8, its builders would not make larger tiles, even though the module of the cornice required them. Curtius and Adler published no tile from Olympia bigger than 72 by 61.- cm., and very properly assigned these largest tiles to the Temple of Zeus (see Olympia, Die Baudenkmaeler-Berlin 1896, Plates 16 and 96). Sotiriou's tile, then, should come from a very special temple-surely the Temple of Artemis.
Another fragment, of very beautiful workmanship, lying in 1961 just north of the " Synthronon " (see Fig. 3 and P1. XX), could claim to be
128 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
at any rate contemporary with the fourth-century Temple. So far as I know, it has never been published, at any rate in FE. or in a readily accessible journal. That I can publish it now I owe to the kindness and keen observation of Miss Catherine Fisher, who took some photographs for me and who corrected my grosser errors of measurement. As always happens with these things, I appreciated the stone only in my last hour at Ephesus, and only a day or two before I left Turkey ; and, of course, it came on to rain.
The quality of workmanship is high. The variation in the number and treatment of leaves in alternate palmettes, the still more unusual displacement of the normal palmette-and-lotus frieze by one all of palmettes, the " heart " or " strawberry " used to turn the corner in the carved ovolo-band, the chaste use of the acanthus, all must show, I think, that we have here a classical Greek design. We see a beautiful use of restrained ornament, different at once from jejune Hellenistic work and also from most Roman work at Ephesus, where the florid designs rioted in many more motifs. Our stone could come, I suppose, from some Augustan building. But I should far rather assign it to the fourth century B.c. and the milieu of the Temple of Artemis.
The stone has obviously been cut down along the bed and the right- hand side, and I think, too, along the left-hand side. But presumably it has lost little at the bottom ; for the dowel-hole is even now about an inch deep. Assuming, too, that all the various bands on the stone turned the corner at the right-hand side, it has lost about 18 cm. But supposing it was part of a lintel enclosed, as at Sardis, between the normal consoles (brackets supporting the hood of an Ionic lintel), then its upper fascia would not have been returned down the sides; so that it has lost only about 9 cm. (say, 31 inches). The portion, of unknown size, lost at the left would help to solve the puzzle of the last half-palmette and the last tongue below it. Why were they only blocked out, and never finished ?
We seem to have here the corner not of a ceiling-coffer (the plane of the mouldings would be too horizontal for a classical coffer, and the eggs and darts would face the wrong way), but of the frame for an opening. The obvious parallel seems to be the corner of the architrave-crown on the great east door of Sardis (H. C. Butler, Sardis-New York, 1925- Atlas, Plate 3). It resembles our stone in general design 7 ; but the mouldings project further, and their total vertical height is about 8 inches, compared with the 25 cm. (nearly I o inches) originally required for the two carved mouldings on our stone. So the scale of our fragment could warrant an enormous cella-door. This may be the correct conclusion.
But why the unfinished half-palmette at the left-hand edge ? It might have had something at rest against it. Now Mrs. Trell, in her study
7 Note that at Sardis, as on our stone, the palmettes point outwards, whereas on the North Door of the Erechtheum (Paton and Stevens, The Erechtheum, Plates 25 and 37) they point inwards. It is interesting to see so great a variation, which involves a dispute in architectural logic. The Athenians are surely more correct. But one can see why the lonians wished their beautiful palmettes to be seen the right way up.
ST. JOHN'S CHURCH, EPHESUS 129
" The Temple of Artemis at Ephesus ", in Numismatic Notes and Monographs, No. Io7 (New York, 1945), inferred from the pictures of its fa?ade on various coins that its front pediment had three large and visible doors. Like Lethaby, I long wondered whether it could have sculptures in front of them. But perhaps I was wrong. Perhaps our stone is from one of these tympanum-doors and was partly obscured by sculpture at its present left-hand edge. This can only be a guess. But meanwhile I see in our stone, I hope with reason, a small but worthy fragment of the most famous of all ancient temples.
At Ephesus one sees the dawn and the sunset of the Grand Classical Style. Greek architects had nowhere fully discovered their own construc- tive powers and the wonderful qualities of marble before they began their great archaic temples of Ephesus and Samos; while the breadth and serenity of Classical art touched the Byzantine Empire for the very last time in the Indian summer of Justinian. In our own civilization, which, for all its technical proficiency, has no conception of architectural grandeur, it is both poignant and salutary to consider these things, and to refresh our spirits with the thousand years of Classical Ephesus. CAMBRIDGE, 1962.
APPENDIX Professor J. M. C. Toynbee, who has very kindly read this paper, would
tentatively explain the position of the Synthronon as follows. She doubts whether there was any synthronon by the crossing of the earlier
church; and I must say that to me, too, the evidence for it in FE. P1. 71 seems very tenuous-no clearer, indeed, than in Hoermann's photographs. She also suspects that, at the outset, the sixth century church was meant to have its synthronon in the eastern apse. But by Justinian's time (see the full discussion in Toynbee and Ward Perkins, The Shrine of St. Peter-Longmans, I946-pp. 214 ff.), the High Altar of a church tended to surmount the " confessio " containing the chief relics. This was evidently true of St. John's. So, after a few years, the clergy found the apse too distant from the altar, and deserted it for a new synthronon beside the crossing. After that, the eastern limb would be virtually cut off from the main church, and used as a " schola " or a " synod house ". She compares the fourth building phase of the Council Church (FE. IV, I-Vienna, 1932- pp. 63 ff.), where the older east end was similarly cut off.
L
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS
By DAVID WINFIELD and JUNE WAINWRIGHT 1
THE BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES of the Pontus have received little more than a passing glance from either travellers or archaeologists. With the excep- tion of the town of Trebizond, the monuments of which have now been subject to study in some detail,2 and the monastery of Sumela which has always attracted the attention of travellers, the only published works on the subject are the article by Professor Talbot Rice 3 containing the results of his survey journey in 1929, and the book which he wrote in co-operation with Millet.4 The " Studia Pontica " of Cumont and Anderson 5 is con- cerned primarily with classical antiquities although Cumont in his section makes frequent reference to medieval antiquities ; and the " Church of Trebizond " by the last Metropolitan of the town, Chrysanthos,6 is con- cerned more with history than with descriptions of the monuments. The not inconsiderable body of travellers to Trebizond and eastern Turkey went there, for the most part, by sea and followed one or other of the branches of the caravan road running south-eastwards to Erzurum, and on into Persia and Central Asia. It may, however, be of use to bring these accounts up to date in so far as we have followed in the footsteps of earlier travellers.
For the coast westwards from Trebizond, the best single account is still that of Hamilton, although Ritter is able to add several details from other travellers. Both of them record the church of Saint Michael at Akcaabat,7 and it has also been briefly described by Professor Talbot Rice,8 and more fully by Mrs. Ballance who gives a plan and section of it together with a photograph.9 Chrysanthos 10 mentions it, giving its dedication as to the Archistrategoi, of whom St. Michael was the patron, but he follows the description given by Professor Talbot Rice. The latter also mentions a church westwards of Saint Michael, but this had just been pulled down when we visited the site in 196 ; and of the church which he saw above
1 Mr. Winfield has been responsible for the text of the article and Mrs. Wainwright for the drawings. The author wishes to thank the Austrian Cultural Institute for providing him with a grant while writing the article in Vienna and Professor Demus and the librarians of the Kunsthistorisches Institut of Vienna University for their kindness in allowing him the use of their library.
2 S. Ballance, " The Byzantine churches of Trebizond," Anatolian Studies Vol. X (196o), pp. 141-175, is the most recent and comprehensive study of the churches.
3 D. Talbot Rice, " Notice of some religious buildings in the city and vilayet of Trebizond," Byzantion, Tome V, 1929-30, pp. 47-81.
4 G. Millet and D. Talbot Rice, Byzantine Painting at Trebizond (London, 1936). 5 F. Cumont and J. Anderson, Studia Pontica (Bruxelles, I9o06), Tome II. 6 XpiOOavOos, 'H
tKKAitja TpaTrEroOv-ros (Athens, 1933). 7 W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor (London, 1842), Vol. I, Ch. XV, pp. 246-7;
C. Ritter, Vergleichende Erdkunde des Halbinsellandes Klein Asien (Berlin, 1858) Vol. I, p. 8 13 8 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., pp. 66-68. 9 S. Ballance, loc. cit., pp. 164-6, P1. XXIb, Figs. 17, I8. 10 Chrysanthos, op. cit., p. 503.
132 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
the power station near Visera,'1 only parts of the north and south wall remain, with no traces of painting. At Akgakale the ruins of the castle still stand and they were noted by Hamilton and Fallmerayer, but of the monastery of Saint Phocas which was founded by Alexios III according to Panaretos,12 the chronicler of Trebizond, there seems to be no trace.
B L A C K S E A
o' Scalt i:-,000,000 ' less0 o 50 i00
"ilontrwso
o s 0 o00 ISo
r ? ?_r.r
,..
1AF '• 0s3
SAMASYA KUrrL ispi
TOKAT -IF-INKP.RISA
FIG. I. General map of area.
Bordier,13 Hamilton,14 Fallmerayer 15 and Ritter 16 mention the castle at G6rele, the ancient Coralla, and Fallmerayer also notes a chapel in it, but we were able to find no trace of this, unless all four are referring to a castle some kilometres east of the present Gorele on the cape. If the castle and chapel were on the site of the modern G6rele, it is quite possible that the foundations have been built over since the town has been con- siderably extended in recent years. Hamilton 17 and Fallmerayer 18
mention the eastern castle at Tirebolu, the ancient Tripolis, and Tourne- fort '9 has an engraving of it, but only Fallmerayer notes the chapel within it, although he unfortunately gives no description except to say that a goatherd had made it his dwelling place. The chapel has now entirely
11 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., p. 68 and Pl. 22. 12 Lebeau, Histoire du Bas Empire, ed. Saint Martin and Brosset (Paris, 1836), Tome XX, p. 496, Panaretos, Section XXX. 13 J. Bordier, Relation d'un voyage en Orient, published by Chrysanthos, 'ApXETov rrtv-rov, 6, I935, p. x16. 14 W. Hamilton, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 252. 15 J. P. Fallmerayer, Kiistenfahrt nach Kerasunt. Reprinted in Byzanz und das Abendland
(Wien, 1943), p. 249. 1" C. Ritter, op. cit., p. 818. 17 W. Hamilton, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 255-7. "8 J. P. Fallmerayer, op. cit., p. 248. 1' P. de Tournefort, Relation d'un voyage du Levant (Amsterdam, 1718) Vol. II, p. 98.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 133
disappeared and only the memory of it lingers on with the guardian of the shipping light which stands within the castle, who was able to point out to us where it stood. Chrysanthos 20 states that it was dedicated to the Theotocos. Schultze 21 mentions a chapel of Saint John but gives no details of it, and I have been able to find no other mention of this. He may, perhaps, be referring to a church on Kilise Burunu 2 or 3 km. west of Tirebolu, which is mentioned but without name by Brosset.22 The ruins of this still stand.
All the travellers who have written of Giresun, the ancient Pharnacia, note the great fortress on the rock peninsula which dominates the town, but only Hamilton 23 and Schultze 24 are specific about churches in the town, of which there were two, and one of them had paintings in it. Both of these have now gone; nor is there any sign of the cave chapel men- tioned by Schultze. Hamilton 25 also notes the ruins of the monastery which still stand on Cape Jasonium, now Jason Burunu. These are of recent date, but probably mark an old site since Panaretos 26 mentions celebrating a fate there with Alexios III in 1357. Brosset 27 refers to remains of a large church and of a castle, quoting Father Minas Bejesh- kian,28 who is also used as a source by Ritter. There is a German translation of this book by Kiepert, which I have been unable to obtain, but it appears that it may contain further useful information about the churches of the region. In the bay west of Cape Jasonium Hamilton 29 describes seeing an octagonal church, which was also noted by Hommaire de Hell 30 who gives an illustration of it. This stood on the west bank of the mouth of the Pouleman Qayi, now the Qalislar Qayl. The site of the church was pointed out to us in a nut grove by a villager, and nothing now remains to mark the place except the knowledge of a church, some unevenness in the ground and one smooth rectangular block of stone more than a metre long. At Fatsa there are the remains of a church which will be described below with references to the travellers who mention it, and at "tnye, the ancient Oinaion, Brosset, quoting Bejeshkian,3' notes a round church of
20 Chrysanthos, op. cit., p. 506. 21 V. Schultze, Altchristliche Stadte und Landschaften. Kleinasien (Gutersloh, 1922),
Vol. II, p. i85. 22 Lebeau, op. cit., p. 492, note 2. 23 W. Hamilton, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 263-5- 24 V. Schultze, op. cit., Vol. II, p. I84- 25 W. Hamilton, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 269. 28 Lebeau, op. cit., Tome XX, p. 494, Panaretos, Section XXI. 27 Lebeau, op. cit., p. 494. 28 Reverend Father Minas Bejeshkian, History of Pontus (Venice, 1816) ; in Armenian. 29 W. Hamilton, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 270. The building with niches which is half
excavated in the hillside still stands close by the site in much the same condition as he described it.
30 Hommaire de Hell, Voyage en Turquie et en Perse (1846) Tome IV, p. 393, P1. 22.
I follow here the reference in Ramsay and Bell, The Thousand and One Churches (London, 1909) p. 433, since de Hell has not been available for use. Ramsay and Bell refer to the church as being between Trebizond and Giresun whereas it is in fact about oo kilometres west of Giresun.
31 Lebeau, op. cit., Tome XX, p. 486, note 3.
134 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Saint Nicholas to the west of the town. Ritter 32 mentions the same church, saying that it was Byzantine and was last restored in 1629, and he also mentions a newer church dedicated to the Mother of God. Both of these churches have now disappeared. Hamilton,33 Brosset and Ritter mention the castle about 5 km. inland from tInye on the Niksar road, and Hamilton and Ritter mention the Hellenistic tomb cut into the castle rock, which was later turned into a Byzantine chapel with paintings. I have been unable to get into this chapel as yet, since it needs a very long ladder to reach the entrance.
There seems to be little record of ancient churches along the coast eastwards from Trebizond, nor do any exist that I know of, except for a church at Ardepen which will be described below. Chrysanthos 34men- tions only the ruins of the church of Saint Phocas Diaplos near Kimina or Hots. From his placing of it on the map, this must be the church by the sea at Kahve. When I saw it in 1958 it had a rectangular nave and a two-storey narthex. The apse had been pulled down and a straight wall built in its place. It has now been further repaired and modified and forms a part of the Turkish petrol depot for the vilayet. Brosset,35 following Bejeshkian, mentions a large Armenian church at Rize and chapels at Atina, and Ritter,36 following the same writer, mentions an old church of St. Basil at Siirmene, but all of these have now disappeared.
Southwards from Trebizond, Ritter 37 mentions the water source Ayazma associated with a chapel of St. George and with the name of the prophet Elias. The cave from which the water springs is itself roughly carved out into the shape of a chapel with an apse, and a few fragments of painted plaster still cling to the walls. There is a nineteenth-century church above the cave to the east which has now been converted into a mosque and there are the ruins of a small rectangular chapel with round apse about - km. further south up the valley. On the eastern slopes of Boz Tepe about 3 km. south of Trebizond and overlooking the valley of the Degirmen Dere stands the Armenian monastery of Kaymakli. Ritter 38
says that no Europeans have left any description of the church, but Bordier's travels have been published since Ritter's time, and Mrs. Ballance must be right in assuming that it is Kaymakh that is described by Bordier.39 Ritter follows Bejeshkian who copied an inscription giving the name of the builder of the church, Kodja Stephanos Shemsedli and the date 1424. He says that the monastery owned all the land towards the sea as the result of a grant by the Emperor Basil II, in recognition of the miracles performed by the Catholicos Peter, and if this is not a legend the monastery must have been founded in the eleventh century or earlier. Professor Talbot
3" C. Ritter, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 847-8. 33 W. Hamilton, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 273-8. 34 Chrysanthos, op. cit., p. 50o6. 35 Lebeau, op. cit., Tome XX, p. 507, and p. 503, note I. 36 C. Ritter, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 916. 37 C. Ritter, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 887. 38 C. Ritter, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 901-2. "9 j. Bordier, op. cit., pp. 127-8.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 135
Rice 40 described it in his article where he gives a transcription and reading of the inscription on the lintel of the small chapel by Miss Der Nercessian. Since this inscription also names Kodja Stephanos it must probably be the same as the one copied by Bejeshkian, but there is a considerable difference in the reading of the date since Miss Der Nercessian gives 1622. Professor Talbot Rice 41 later published a longer description with an account of some of the paintings. Mrs. Ballance 42 gives plans of the church and the site together with two photographs and it only remains to add that the main church has now been roofed over with wood for use as a barn. Ritter 43 also notes the ruins of an old church dedicated to St. Mamas, which stood on the eastern side of Boz Tepe, but there is now no sign of this.
The church in the hamlet of Ayvasil, of which the ruins still stand, does not appear to be the one noted by Protassoff 44 since he describes a building with alternate brick and stone courses and with one apse. Of this there is now no trace. It does, however, correspond to the one mentioned by Professor Talbot Rice 45 and of which a plan and description are given below. A motorable track now runs for some kilometres up the Kuqtul Dere which is an eastern tributary of the Degirmen Dere, and about two hours walk beyond the end of the track is the monastery of St. George of Peristera or Peristeriota, known to the Turks as Kugtul. Ritter,46 following Fallmerayer, notes that the library was perhaps richer than that of Sumela, and Cumont 47 gives a description of it. The monastery was burned down by a fire in 19o6 but rebuilt, and Professor Talbot Rice 48 visited it when it was still in a fair state of preservation. Chrysanthos 49 gives what is known of the history of it in numerous references which will be found in his index. One climbs up to the ruins now through the shambles of the monastic gardens where fruit trees, grown enormous in their untended old age, droop sadly over the fate of the monastery. All the buildings are now in a ruinous state primarily through the activities of treasure hunters looking for the legendary valuables which were hidden when the Greeks left.
At Cevizlik, which is now called Magka, the directions for reaching
40 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., pp. 63-4. Professor Talbot Rice notes that the paintings in the chapel gave the impression of a date a good deal earlier than I622, but in view of the inscription it seemed difficult to suggest an earlier date. Their character would be more in accord with the date given by Bejeshkian, namely 1424. G. Schlumberger, L'Ypople Byzantine (Paris, I9o00) Tome II, pp. 490-2, has an account of the miracle but he names the river where the miracle took place as the goruh, when it was in fact the Pyxites, now called the Degirmen Dere.
41 G. Millet and D. Talbot Rice, op. cit., pp. 138-144. 42 S. Ballance, loc. cit., pp. 169-17I, Fig. 22, P1. XXII a, b. 43 C. Ritter, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 9go2. 44 N. Protassoff, "Monuments de Dievizlyk," Byzantion Tome IV (1927-8),
PP. 4 19-420. 45 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., p. 69. 46 C. Ritter, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 912. 47 F. Cumont, Revue de l'Instruction Publique en Belgique (190go3), Vol. I, p. 16, and
Vol. II, p. 371, with photograph from before the fire. 48 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., p. 7o. 49 Chrysanthos, op. cit., index.
136 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
the two churches mentioned by Protassoff 50 should be reversed. St. John the Theologian, which stood south-west and not south-east of Maqka on a hill has now gone, and it is unfortunate that he did not make a more adequate record of it. The grotto of St. John the Baptist south-east of Magka is carved into a rock pinnacle which lies 200 or 300 metres below the village of Livera. The wall which formed the apse of it has now gone, as also has practically all the painting. The chapel on top of the rock pinnacle is of the rectangular type with a round apse, and it has no trace of painting in it at all. At Kanahkoprii there is no sign of the two older chapels seen by Professor Talbot Rice,51 but one of the modern churches remains. The apses have been removed and it has been converted into a mosque. It is impossible to give an account here of all the travellers who have visited the monastery of Sumela. It was dedicated to the Mother of God, and this has survived in the Turkish name for it, which is Meryemana or Mary the Mother. Chrysanthos 52 has a long account of it with photographs, and his notes provide a bibliography of most of the works on the monastery. Fallmerayer 53 has left a long description of his visit and among others Lynch 54 and Cumont 55 went there. There is a charming engraving of it in a botanical work " The Genus Crocus " 56
which is of interest since it appears to have been made before the additions to the monastery in I86o, and shows some wooden buildings to the south- east of the main block which do not appear in any of the surviving photographs. The last description of the buildings together with some bibliography is given by Professor Talbot Rice 57 in his article, and in the book which he published with Millet 58 there are a description and photo- graphs of some of the paintings, but there is still no full account of the monastery. In 1929 it was in reasonable condition except that all movable objects of value had been removed, but shortly after that date a disastrous fire occurred, destroying all the floors and ceilings, blackening all the paintings and leaving only the shell of the buildings. Time and the treasure hunter have since dealt hardly with what remained after the fire and every year more collapses or is pulled down, while non-Turkish souvenir hunters have done great damage to the paintings by hacking out sections of them and taking them away. In 1961 the Vali of Trebizond began work on clearing the interior of fallen rubble, and it is much to be hoped that this work will be extended to include some preservation measures.59
60 N. Protassoff, op. cit., Tome IV, pp. 420-5. 51 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., pp. 71-2. 52 Chrysanthos, op. cit., pp. 464-484, and many other references. 53 J. P. Fallmerayer, Das Hohlenkloster Sumelas. Reprinted in " Byzanz und das
Abendland " (Wien, 1943) pp. 189-225. 54 H. F. B. Lynch, Armenia. Travels and Studies (London, i9oi) Vol. II, p. 239, and
Fig. 175- 55 F. Cumont, loc. cit., p. I ff. 56 G. Maw, A monograph of the Genus Crocus (London, I886), p. 79. 57 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., pp. 71-7. 58 G. Millet and D. Talbot Rice, op. cit., pp. 44-151-. 59 The monastery has been refounded a few kilometres south-west of Verria in
Thessaly.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 137
Returning to the valley of the Degirmen Dere and continuing south- wards up towards the pass there are numbers of churches of which the majority are of recent date, although they may mark the site of earlier buildings. It is commonly said by the Turks that there are 365 churches in the Degirmen Dere valley or one for every day of the year. The most interesting of them all was at Kurt Bogan, but this has now disappeared entirely. Chrysanthos 60 gives the dedication of it to the Archistrategoi, with the foundation date as 1391, and Professor Talbot Rice 61 has a description of it and plates of some of the paintings. About two and a half hours walk up the valley at the mouth of which stood Kurt Bogan is the monastery of St. John, known as Vazelon. This together with Sumela and St. George were the three greatest monasteries of the region. Tourne- fort 62 visited St. John's, wrongly describing it as being south-east of Trebizond, and he noted that the monks were rich but possessed no books, and says that the convent buildings were of wood. The church, as Professor Talbot Rice noted,63 is of recent date and the only feature of interest about it is a conical dome. This and the monastic buildings which he described as " The oldest and most interesting specimens of domestic architecture in the region " are now both in ruins, and nothing remains of the fine carved woodwork which he saw. However, the chapel at the end of the terrace still stands, and the paintings remain though in poor condition. Chrysanthos 64 gives the history of the monastery. Earl Warkworth 65 remarks upon the number of churches in the valley of the Degirmen Dere, and it must be Vazelon which he is describing when he says " High up on the western slopes stands a monastery dedicated to the Virgin, in appearance and position similar to that of Sumela ". He writes as if the monastery were above Hamsik6y, but none exists above the village, whereas Vazelon as seen from the road a few miles further down the valley would accord with his description.
The chapel with paintings inside and outside which was seen by Professor Talbot Rice 66 at Yazlh Tag Karkand has now gone, as also have the two modern churches at Hamsik6y ; nor have I seen any sign of the church of St. Theodore in Guimii ane which is across the Zigana pass and in the valley of the Hargit. Continuing along the caravan road, there was a group of Armenian buildings of some interest at Vazahan, about 15 km. west of Bayburt. The first mention of this appears to be by Layard 67 who saw the remains of three churches. He gives a sketch of the octagon by Cooper, a member of his party, and writes : " The interior
60 Chrysanthos, op. cit., pp. 489, 498-9. 61 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., pp. 79-80.
G. Millet and D. Talbot Rice, op. cit., pp. I51-9. 62 P. de Tournefort, op. cit., pp. 236-7. 63 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., p. 79. 64 Chrysanthos, op. cit., pp. 484-499, and other references. 65 Earl Warkworth, M.P., Diary in Asiatic Turkey (London, 1898), p. 69. 66 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., p. 78. 67 A. H. Layard, M.P., Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon (London, 1853)
Ch. I, pp. 7-8.
138 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
walls are still covered with the remains of elaborate frescoes representing scriptural events and national saints. The colours are varied, and the forms, though rude, not inelegant or incorrect, resembling those of the frescoes of the Lower Empire still seen in the celebrated Byzantine church at Trebizond and in the chapels and convents of Mount Athos . . . the churches of Varzahan, according to the information I received from an aged inhabitant of the village, had been destroyed some fifty years ago by the Laz." Luckily some photographs and descriptions were published by Bachmann,68 and later by Strzygowski,69 since the ruins were recently pulled down and the site levelled. Finally at Bayburt there are the ruins of a church in the castle. These were noted by Hamilton,70 Tozer,"7 and Warkworth,72 and a plan and description of the church are given by Mrs. Ballance.73
The unpublished churches which are described below are a part of the results of explorations which have occupied my leisure time during five seasons of work for the Russell Trust at Trebizond, and I have to thank Major Russell and Professor Talbot Rice for allowing me the use of the expedition Land Rover. The distribution of the sites on the maps represents the fact that the work was done, for the most part, on journeys to and from Trebizond at the start and close of each season, and at week- ends. The maps do not, therefore, represent the distribution of the many Byzantine sites which have so far been inaccessible to me for lack of time ; however, it is probable that the hinterland of Trebizond, which has been well suited to week-end excursions, does contain more Byzantine churches than any other part of Pontus. In the matter of place names I have tried always to give the modern Turkish name, but there will inevitably be some discrepancies since the place names in the area are still changing as a result of the exchange of populations, and the names are confused, one village being known by two and sometimes three names. Neither Mrs. Wainwright nor the present writer is an architect and the plans are therefore not architectural surveys, but they are measured sketch plans and it is hoped that they will serve their purpose as a record. Compass points have not been included with the plans, but since in each case they are presented with the east end of the church at the right of the page, it will be found that the top of the plan represents the north side and the bottom of it the south side of the church.
On the summit of Karhlk, which is a hill some 7 or 8 km. south-west of Trebizond, there are the foundations of a small chapel. It is impossible to describe the numerous convolutions of the motorable track which goes
61 W. Bachmann, Kirchen und AMoscheen in Armenien und Kurdistan (Leipzig, I913) PP. 49-53, Figs. 22-4, Pls. II, 4I-3- 69 J. Strzygowski, Die Baukunst der Armenier und Europa (Wien, 1918) Vol. I, p. 250, PI. 280 ; Vol. II, pp. 490-2, Pls. 520-2.
70 W. Hamilton, op. cit., Vol. I, Ch. 14, pp. 231-2. 71 Rev. H. F. Tozer, Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor (London, I88i), p. 425- 72 Earl Warkworth, M.P., op. cit., p. 75- 73 S. Ballance, loc. cit., p. 167, Fig. 20.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 139
within 15 minutes walk of the summit, but the hill is so conspicuous a land- mark that any would-be visitor will eventually find his way there. There is little to add to the information that can be derived from the plan (Fig. 2). The foundations are cut into the natural rock at the centre and on the south side to the depth of about a metre, while the dotted lines in the north side represent mortar foundations which are visible in the turf. The founda- tions, as will be seen from the plan, are very irregular, but a few points are clear. The apses were roughly rounded inside, and the two side chapels appear to have led into the rectangular centre of the church and were closed off from the narthex. The large size of the narthex in relation to the rest of the church seems odd, and it might perhaps represent a later addition to what was originally a small chapel. At the west end there was
'a - - -FI . . .. ,A
/ well excavaed/ I in rock Floor.
t 0 1
4 i .
. I ,I
111111411.9
FIG. 2. Karhk Tepe Chapel.
a door, and a well in the rock floor which could be a natural opening but looks more as if it has been excavated. The two dotted lines in the south wall mark fissures in the rock but whether they were cut or natural is impossible to say. The mortar of the foundations of the north wall is of interest in that it contains pulverized brick. The use of this as a binding material continues into the late Byzantine period in Constantinople, but it is very rare at Trebizond and does not seem to appear at all in buildings of the period of the Empire of Trebizond. The only other examples of it known to me are in the foundations of the tower which marks the landward end of the eastern mole in the old harbour at Trebizond, and in the church at Geyikli described below. The floor level in the apse is about a metre higher than at the west end, and it is impossible to say what form the chapel built here may have taken, since the rock cut foundations might only represent a crypt with some different arrangement above. The orientation has not been quite accurately made and the apses are set at 8o degrees. About 4 metres below the summit and cut into the rock more or less beneath the south chapel is a small cave with two niches cut into the walls of it and a sarcophagus cut into the rock (Fig. 3). The western cave of the monastery of St. Sabbas has a tomb cut into the rock floor
140 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
and Cumont 74 states that the monastery was previously the site of a cave tomb, of which there are a number of examples in the Pontus. It is possible that the summit of Karlik was also used for pagan cult purposes and that the rock-cut tomb is pre-Christian. Lynch 75 thought that the statue of Hadrian which stood above the town might have been there, but it seems rather distant from the town for this. There was still a chapel standing on the summit at the time of his visit to Trebizond. Chrysanthos 76
makes no mention of Karhk at all except to include it in his list of villages as having one church, but this was probably the church which stood lower down on the south-eastern slopes and which has now gone.
There is no mention in Chrysanthos of a site which might correspond to " Geyikli " or " Sarmapklh " Kilise (Pls. XXI-XXII, Fig. 4). The
~iiu~
i i i a I
FIG. 3. Rock-cut tomb on Karhk Tepe.
words mean respectively the " Deer " or the " Ivy" Church and the latter is not hard to explain in view of the quantity of ivy covering the walls. The former name is less easy to explain since there are no deer in that neighbourhood. One of the Cappadocian cave churches was referred to by Jerphanion 77 as " Geyikli " Kilise, following the local name given to it because it has a painting of the vision of St. Eustathios on the walls. There is an example of this scene on the exterior wall of a chapel at Sumela, so that it was known in the area, and possibly there was once a representation of the same scene in this church which gave the name " Geyikli " to it, but there is now no trace of such a painting. The site can be reached by going up to the small plateau north of Magka where the administrative buildings for the town are situated. At the north-east side of the plateau a path leads up the hill, and the church lies to the right of the track after about half an hour's walk.
The plan is of a modest-sized basilica with nave and two aisles, and stone barrel-vaults over the aisles. The latter are of crude stonework except
74 F. Cumont, op. cit., Tome II, pp. 369-370. 75 H. F. B. Lynch, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 34- 76 Chrysanthos, op. cit., p. 793- 77 G. de Jerphanion, Les t8glises Rupestres de Cappadoce (Paris, 1936), Text, Vol. II,
Part I, p. 369.
PLATE XXI
(a) Geyikli Church. The nave, looking west from the main apse.
(b) Geyikli Church. The south aisle, looking east.
(a) Geyikli Church. The south-west pier and arches (b) Geyikli Church. Detail of centre arch between nave between nave and south aisle. and south aisle showing construction.
MUM-.~,E~.~?~z~EY~ri~i ~~~8~?iidi
.-V? $4 ;
-.1 1 Va NT :2! Ak,: 41L : F :.iC
Y 4N N.~rE -W 1M ~~ll~ i4i% Vk:"; ;
Z41 EN .
?c.:? AAi OP: ": a
(c) eyil i hurh. etai ofextriormasnry n () Prastyos Th norh sde ad prt f th reuil nort wal. est ide
PLATE XXIII
(a) Pirastiyos. The south side and the rebuilt east side.
(b) St. Akindinos. The blocked west door. (c) St. Akindinos. The blocked north window.
PLATE XXIV
(a) St. Akindinos. The apse from the north side.
(b) St. Akindinos. The south side, showing the high apse where it joins the older part of the church.
(c) St. Akindinos. Detail of two decorative recesses in the apse and of the stone course
around the windows.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 141
for the ribs which are formed of neatly squared blocks and spring from capitals which are formed of undecorated stones protruding from the wall slightly more than do the pilasters beneath. There is not enough masonry left to indicate the shape of the nave roof, but the narrow central arches between the piers seem to rule out a central dome. There could have been a dome over the eastern or western bays but a stone barrel-vault seems the most likely solution. The arches between the piers are formed of flat bricks set in thick layers of lime and pebble mortar, and this is the only use of brick that occurs in the church (P1. XXIIb). The arches are round, but of irregular shape, and indeed the whole of the building has been put together with no great regard for exactitude, as can be seen from the plan. The walls are faced with roughly squared stones laid in regular courses
i\I
SI'-'
..\
q.' --II . ... ?
4-
"",... -3.... ::..
_ o I , 1 . 1 . , . . .L , . , ? . ?
FIG. 4. Geyikli Church.
(P1. XXIIc), and have a rubble core with pebble and lime mortar which in some places has pulverized brick mixed in with it. There are doors in the west and north walls, both of which have large single blocks of stone for the lintels. The doors are therefore rectangular at the exterior but round-arched on the interior since the lintel stone is not deep enough to run through the whole thickness of the wall. Above the exterior of the west door is a semicircular tympanum formed by a recess which is a few centimetres deep. This form of door seems to have been common in the region in the Byzantine period ; it occurs at Nakip Cami, St. Akindinos, St. Basil, the castle church at Bayburt and in many of the small chapels, and it was common enough in churches throughout the Byzantine Empire. There is much rubble outside the west end and it is possible that there was a narthex, but excavation would be necessary to determine this. Covering the north door there was a small porch, the shape of which is not now clear, but the fact that the east wall of it curves slightly inwards towards the top suggests that it had a barrel-vault. The exterior stonework
142 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
of the apse and of the flat-ended side chapels is composed of larger blocks than those used elsewhere in the church, and they are well squared and fit neatly together.
All of the above features can be paralleled in other churches in or around Trebizond, but the apse arrangement is unique for the churches so far known in the region. The nearest approach to it might be the metropolitan church in Trebizond which has a pentagonal central apse and might originally have had inscribed side apses. The only other in- scribed apse is that of the tiny rectangular chapel at Kaymakh,78 and there are no other three-sided apses. There are, however, a number of parallels elsewhere for the apse arrangement only. There are early examples in Syria at Amwas or Emaus 79 which is sixth century, and at Der Simjd.80 On the Anatolian plateau there are examples at Bin Bir Kilise of the rounded central apse with inscribed side apses, but none with three-sided apses. In Armenia the cathedral of Dvin and the church at Talin 81
which are both seventh century have trefoil central and inscribed side apses. The same arrangement then appears in western Anatolia in some of the island churches of Bafa G61oi 82 and is not uncommon in Greece and the Balkans. The main church of the monastery of St. Luke of Stiris,83 St. Nicholas at Skripou, St. Sabbas at Karyes 84 on Mount Athos, the Holy Archangels at Ku'evi'te and the church at Zaum on lake Ohrid 85 are among the examples of it. These architectural parallels provide no sure guide as to the date of the church. However there are remnants of painting of five different periods on various parts of the interior walls and the earliest of these consists only of crosses."8 Crosses were painted to decorate the interiors of some of the Syrian basilicas, and they appear as the earliest decoration of many of the Cappadocian cave churches, so that an early date for Geyikli does not seem unlikely, and perhaps it was built during the Iconoclast period. The latest period of painting appears to be late fourteenth or fifteenth century, and this, together with the complete lack of record of the church, and the fact that the ground level on the south side has risen by about 6 metres up to the level of the vaulting of the aisle suggest that it has long been abandoned, perhaps even from the time of the conquest in 1461.
78 S. Ballance, loc. cit., Fig. 22.
79 ~ . Lassus, Sanctuaires Chrttiens de Syrie (Paris, 1947), pp. 80-7, Fig. 39. 80 H. C. Butler, Early churches in Syria (Princeton Univ. Press, 1929), Plan I18, pp. I 19 and I89. Butler notes that this is not a typical arrangement for Syrian churches; only five out of 250 examples show it.
81 B. M. ApyTIIORIm,
C. A. Caapnfln, Ha.mnnnuuxu
ap.u.ncxoeo 3oOuecmea (Moscow, 1951),
Dvin: p. 40, Fig. 14. Talin: p. 45, Fig. 28. S2 T. Wiegand, Alilet, Band III, I, Der Latmos (Berlin, 1913). Figs. 26 and 27, on
the island of Heraclea. Fig. 47, Ikis Ada. 11 Schultze and Barnsley, The monastery of St. Luke of Stiris (London, Igo1). P1. I
has plan of main church ; Pl. 57, St. Nicholas, Skripou. 8. L'art Byzantin chez les Slaves I (Paris, 1930). Orient et Byzance IV, Fig. 24, p. 125- s5 A. epoKo, Mlony.umma.tua u Oexopamueua apxumeimypa y cpeOmeexoo6oj cpbuju (Belgrade,
1953). Kulevista: P1. 279. Zaum : Pl. 274.
88 These will be published elsewhere together with paintings from other churches in the region.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS I43
The monastery of St. George Peristera has been mentioned above. A nameless mosque which must once have been a dependent church of the monastery stands near the opening of the same valley in which it lies (Pls. XXIId, XXIIIa, Fig. 5). The church may be reached by crossing the Degirmen Dere at the bridge at Esiroglu, a village some 20 km. south of Trebizond on the Erzurum road. From Esiroglu a track doubles back northwards to the mouth of the Kuptul Dere and then winds up alongside it until the river is joined by the Kalyan Dere. Here the track stops at
a Highwindow 1 % . . z.verdoca
//"•. . t I - - - - - -'- - ------.
" .
- ---//O
S I I
,-- I //
rb
' I
_i I,
SI //
/ O"/ r ', Io,
/'
I----- - - -
-" / ,
--'' '-""
it' X---,, ii //
//7 ..... . .. F h a0
Si/1 '/,, OfbokeL ' 'I, I / /
V A it 21 1 li
III"I
FIG. 5. Church at Pirastiyos.
present in the hamlet of Liboda, formerly Pirastiyos, and the mosque, with its white minaret and cypress trees close by, can be seen from the bridge across the river. It is about 20 minutes walk up a track south-east of Liboda. The Imam of Esiroglu, who is much interested in the antiquities of the neighbourhood and to whom I am grateful for showing me this church and other chapels, said that he had heard from his father that the church was made into a mosque not long before the father's time. The Greeks abandoned it and built a new church farther up the hillside, when the Turks converted the old one into a mosque. It therefore seems that the building may have remained a church until the nineteenth century, but folk memories are long in the Pontic mountains, and the conversion may be much older. There is no mention of the church in Chrysanthos.
The plan (Fig. 5) is of interest since it provides the only example in the Pontus of the cross-in-square type of church surmounted by a central dome. The western and eastern vaults of the naos are very slightly longer
144 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
than the north and south vaults, but not so much as to make any material difference to the centralized plan. The form of the apses could only be determined by excavation, since they have been pulled down, but the neat stone blocks of the rebuilt east wall, which is presumably material from the destroyed apses, suggest that they were of better masonry than the body of the church, as is the case with the majority of Trapezuntine churches.87 Another characteristic found locally is the two diminishing arches which narrow the diameter of the dome in the interior of the church.88 The saucer-shaped dome which rests directly on the pendentives has no parallel at all on the Pontic coast or around Trebizond. The building is irregular as will be seen from the plan, and the four piers, which are of irregular masonry rounded off at the corners, are not well aligned with the wall pilasters. The four vaults of the naos are barrel-vaults about 8 metres high at the crown, and the corner vaults are also barrel-vaulted but are only about 5 metres high. The supporting arches between the piers and walls and the naos arches all appear to be of stone, but a layer of lime wash and plaster over most of the interior surfaces makes it difficult to be certain. There were doorways in the north, south and west walls which are of the type with large single lintels and recessed tympana above, but the west and the south doors are now blocked. The place of the south door and the surrounding area has been taken by the mihrab, carefully orientated in contrast to the church itself, which at 60 degrees faces more or less north- east. High above the doors are three small round-arched windows which narrow towards the exterior and have downward sloping sills on the interior. The exterior arches of the north and south windows are formed of flat bricks, and this is the only brickwork now in evidence, although there may be more under the limewash.
On the exterior the masonry, which is of local stone, runs in regular courses, but the blocks are of irregular size and are not neatly squared except for the quoins which are of yellow imported stone like the east wall. The masonry of the foundations is visible at the east end where more than a metre of earth has been washed away down the hill. Conversely the ground level at the east end has risen by about 4 metres since the building was constructed. It will be seen from the photographs that the exterior form of the north and south walls has been changed, perhaps at the same time that the apses were demolished. There are clear indications that the naos vaults with their windows stood above the roofing of the corner vaults, and probably the original roof shape was cruciform, with the dome crowning the centre, thus making a more usual shape for the exterior. There may even have been a drum for the dome which was removed when the other alterations were done. In 1961I we watched workmen in a mountain village south of Siirmene going to great trouble to remove the drum and cupola of a large nineteenth-century church which was being converted into a mosque with a saucer dome. On my enquiring why
87 S. Ballance, loc. cit., p. 173- 88 S. Ballance, loc. cit., p. I72.
PLATE XXV
(a) Ayvasll Church. The south side.
(b) General view of the citadel of Ispir looking north. The ruins of the church are in the background at the right of the mosque.
(c) Ispir Church looking north-east. The narthex is at the left and the apses at the right.
(a) Fatsa Church. The remains of the apse, looking north-west.
(b) Santah Chapel. The standing figure indicates the modest size of many of the chapels.
(c) The Middle Chapel, Geyikli. The west door and part of the south wall. (This chapel stands west of Geyikli Church about 300 metres
down the hill.) ~
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 145
they did this, they told us that high cupolas were bad and against the tenets of the Faith. And so the same alteration might have happened at Pirastiyos.89 There is no evidence for arriving at an exact date for this church but it is certainly not later than the fall of the Empire in 1461.
The church at Ayvasil (P1. XXVa, Fig. 6) is about 15 km. south of Trebizond on the Erzurum road and was noted by Professor Talbot Rice,90
11
.ltm.0
S o 1 . 3 4 5 I 7 t i lOr. S... 1 . - I . I I i r 1 I.
FIc. 6. Ayvasil Church.
as mentioned above. It stands just to the west of the road and a few metres above it in the hamlet of Ayvasil, which is now known as Anifa, or Akoluk. The apses are slightly horseshoe-shaped on the interior, and the naos may equally well have been of basilican plan or of the cross-in-square type with a central dome. A villager whom I questioned said that there had been a dome, but this is not a very sure testimony since the church gives the
impression of having been a ruin long before the departure of the Greeks.
Only one window in the south-east apse can now be traced, and this
appears to have narrowed towards the exterior. There were presumably other windows, but the rest of the walls do not stand high enough to
provide evidence of them. The south door is of the same type as those of
Pirastiyos and Geyikli, and the clear rectangular space below the tympanum must have contained the large lintel stone. The door appears rather high in the photograph, but this is because the earth has fallen away on the north side, leaving parts of the foundations bare, and the photograph was taken aslant. On the south side the ground level has risen by more than a metre. The gap in the west wall probably' represents a door, but there
89 Suspicion of high drums appears to be a country characteristic. The converted churches of Trebizond all retain their drums intact.
90 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., p. 69. M
146 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
is no evidence of the shape of it. The north and east walls stand to between 3 and 5 metres in height but the other walls are lower. The exterior walling is of regular courses of roughly squared stones set in a lime-and-pebble mortar and with an occasional odd stone to fill in irregularities at the joints. The walls have a rubble-and-mortar core containing a few bits of broken brick here and there, and they are about a metre in thickness. All the facing stones of the apses have been robbed, but the setting beds indicate larger blocks than in the walls so that the apse masonry may have followed Trapezuntine tradition in being of better workmanship than the rest. The interior walls have some traces of painted plaster made up with a straw
ED Ist Peroca. L Snd ArLo&. lee wWOW
-o, over &-rck ?
B 3rd- PerToLo& Moslem. wooden
p&• tio
f t nd I i
amt
I
semi.? clrc~lIa.recess I ovqr \intcet '
doo'r.
1 I 0 4 5 7 9 lon.
," : , reabr ni ',
i o t 1 3 G 5 i; 7 8 9 t0m.
FIG. 7. St. Akindinos.
binding. Professor Talbot Rice suggests a thirteenth or fourteenth century date for the church.
There is a small church (Figs. 7-9, Pls. XXIII-XXIV) which is now a mosque called Kii*iik Fatih Cami rather over I km. south of the top end of the citadel of Trebizond in Kindinar Mahalle, which is now Bahqecik Mahalle. Chrysanthos 91 gives the dedication of it to St. Akin- dinos and derives the old Turkish name of the parish " Kindinar " from Akindinos. The plan is that of a simple rectangular naos with pentagonal apse and north porch, but there are three periods of building, excluding the Moslem work.
The oldest part is the naos which is barrel-vaulted with pilasters placed at irregular intervals, and ribs springing from them. The capitals of the pilasters jut out slightly but have no decoration, and it is impossible to see any details of the interior masonry because of the plaster-and-limewash covering. On the exterior of the naos there are only two features of any interest. The blocked door at the west end (P1. XXIIIb) is of the type with large single lintel and recessed tympanum above. There are traces
9x Chrysanthos, op. cit., p. 460.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 147
of painted plaster both in the tympanum and in the surrounding wall so that the exterior may have been painted, or it is equally possible that there was a narthex. At present the ruin of a nineteenth-century building directly adjoins the west end of the church, and the ground level there has risen by about 2 metres. The other feature of interest is a small blocked window or door in the north wall (P1. XXIIIc). It has a round arch built in a way that is also found in the windows of one of the larger buildings of the citadel of Trebizond and in an arch of the porch of Nakip Cami.92 In contrast to the normal practice of building an arch functionally with deep wedge-shaped blocks, so that the arch will often survive after the wall around it has fallen, these arches have the appearance of being faced with smooth stones for a neat effect. The stones are of course cut into wedge shapes, or they would not stay in position at all, but they are laid with the flat face outwards instead of the thin edge, and this lacks the structural strength of the normal system. The exterior walls are of regular courses of local stone but the blocks are only very roughly cut, and laid in a pebble-and-lime mortar with smaller stones to fill in the irregularities. The neat cornice of local grey stone which runs right around the whole church is a Moslem repair, and both windows in the south wall of the naos are 6f the Moslem period.
The original form of the apse is now impossible to determine, since the present pentagonal apse has been built over it (P1. XXIV), giving to the church a peculiar hump-backed appearance because the apse stands over a metre higher than the naos. A window has been let into the per- pendicular wall where the apse drops down to the naos (PI. XXIVb). In the interior and low down in the sides of the apse are two round arched niches which can be seen on the plan, and it has three round arched windows the sides of which are more or less parallel. The exterior is faced with neat rectangular blocks of the same yellow stone with which Sancta Sophia and other buildings in Trebizond are faced. Local tradition says that this stone comes from Tirebolu or Unye, westwards along the coast, and there is also a source of yellow limestone at Bayburt. Hamilton 93 noted seeing red and white blocks awaiting shipment on the shore east of Unye, and since the stone does look white when freshly cut, and red lime- stone blocks are also used in Sancta Sophia at Trebizond, the most probable medieval source would seem to be the Unye quarry. The stones are fitted without mortar on the external face, and they have turned grey on the north side as a result of weathering. The courses are arranged alternately one above the other with stones placed with their flat face outwards, followed by a course bonded into the wall and with the thin side outwards. A unique feature for Trebizond is the recessed niches with round arches cut out of single blocks of stone (P1. XXIVc), which appear on the external facets of the apse. The only related feature in the region is the decoration of the apse of St. Michael at Akcaabat,94 but this is much more elaborate.
92 S. Ballance, loc. cit., p. 153, Fig. 7. 9S W. Hamilton, op. cit., Vol. I, Ch. XVI, pp. 272-3. 94 S. Ballance, loc. cit., pp. 164-7.
148 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Although unique for Trebizond, these recesses are not of any help for dating purposes, since similar ones appear as decorative features for the external walls of Byzantine churches from the fifth century onwards. Reference to any book illustrating Byzantine churches will show plenty of examples from every period. The only other decorative feature is a course of stone protruding very slightly from the exterior facing of the apse and running right round it and round the arches of the windows (P1. XXIVc). The roof of the apse still has a number of the original flat Byzantine tiles on it, but these have been loosely re-laid and are not in their original setting of lime mortar.
FIG. 8. St. Akindinos. The porch.
The third period of building is represented by the north porch, although it is just possible that this might be contemporary with the apse. On the east wall of the porch a thick layer of lime wash on both the interior and exterior has entirely hidden the masonry, but on the exterior of the west wall the form of a round arch can be clearly seen, and it will be seen from the plan that we have assumed a similar archway in the east wall. There are traces of a diagonal roof line on the north facet of the apse (Pl. XXIVa), continuing the roof line of the porch. It is impossible to say what stood here, but there might have been some sort of additional structure for a tomb, similar to that in the porch of Nakip Cami.95 The
95 S. Ballance, loc. cit., p. 152, Fig. 6.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS I49
north side consisted of an open arcade with three round arches (Fig. 8) with a small central window above, an arrangement similar to that of the porches of Sancta Sophia. The haphazard arrangement of the columns needs no comment, except that there may once have been a regular arcade with a second small column like the first. Possibly it had figure sculpture
t I
FIG. 9. St. Akindinos. The porch column.
on it and was removed when the building was turned into a mosque, in order that the present undecorated stone column might replace it.
The spiral column and palmette capital (Fig. 9) are the only known examples of their type in Pontus, with the exception of a painted spiral column in the background architecture of one of the scenes in Sancta Sophia. The use of the spiral column is not uncommon as a decorative feature in Byzantine art, but I know of no examples of a structural use of it as at St. Akindinos. It appears in the pre-Iconoclast period in the throne of Maximian at Ravenna, in the Berlin fragment of the Sidamara
150 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
group of sculptures 96 and in a number of small ivories,97 in each case as a column framing a niche. In Armenian and Georgian churches of the middle Byzantine period windows and niches are not uncommonly flanked by spiral columns,98 and they are found in the same flanking position in the portals of some churches in Serbia 99 and in some Romanesque churches. In the later fourteenth and fifteenth century churches of the Morava group in Serbia they are used frequently,100 and they are used to frame niches in Seljuk architecture of the thirteenth century in Anatolia.ol0 The capital is unusual in that it suggests a group of flowers in bud on eight separate stems, rather than the normal palmette. The palmette is a common enough form of decoration, but however stylized it may be, it nearly always appears in the form of a single leaf or unit. The only other type of flower-bud palmette that I have been able to find is an example from the tenth or eleventh century in the palace church at Ani.102
The visible remains provide no basis for an exact date for the three periods of building in St. Akindinos. The naos must be the earliest part because the apse has been built on at a higher ground level. In the naos the capitals of the pilasters on which the relatively large vault depends are only about a metre and a half from the present floor level. The proportions of the vault would seem to demand a floor level about a metre and a half lower than it is at present; that this was the case is confirmed by the exterior at the west end where the ground level is about 2 metres higher than it can have been when the church was built, and by the Imam, who told me that beneath his board floor there was only earth. Both the apse and the north porch can safely be dated in the time of the Empire of Trebizond, but the earlier part cannot be dated more closely than to say that it is unlikely to be later than the twelfth century.
The church at Ispir (Fig. I o, Pls. XXVb, c) stands in the middle of the fortress to the north of the town. The fortress is built on a rock above the river 9oruh, the Boas or Acampsis of the ancients, and it commands the fertile lands to the west where the goruh emerges from its rocky defiles into a wider valley with gentle slopes. It also guards one of the routes running northwards from Erzurum, across the Pontic mountains to the coast at Rize. Ispir is still a fairly remote town, and the only traveller who has made any mention of the church is Hamilton,103 who writes: " The building near the centre of the ruins appears to have been a Greek church, having a semi-circular bema at the east end, and a niche of some- what similar appearance on each side. Its length is about 60 feet by
96 0. M. Dalton, East Christian Art (Oxford, I925), Pls. 35 and 29. 97 M. Pierce and R. Tyler, L'Art Byzantin (Paris, 1932-34), Vol. I, Pls. 52, I30,
167b ; Vol. II, Pls. 34, i61, 165, 167- 98 J. Strzygowski, op. cit., has illustrations of a number of examples. 99 A. JepoKo, op. cit., Pl. 74, Studenica ; Pls. io6, Iog, Deiani. 100 A. AepoRo, ibid., Pls. 313-4, Lazarica; 321, Ljubostinja; 439-440, Kaleni6. 101o K. Erdmann, Das Anatolische Karavansaray des 13. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 196I),
P1. 135. 102 . H ~f. ,IKo6coI, Ouepx ucmopuu aodtiecmsa ap.weuu, V-X VIIex, (Moscow, I961), Pl. 46.
103 W. J. Hamilton, op. cit., Vol. I, Ch. XIV, pp. 222-3.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 151
40 feet in width, having a low round entrance on each side, but with no peculiar ornamental architecture about it." He also notes the mosque standing beside the church (P1. XXVb) as " one of the most pleasing structures I saw in this now barbarous country ". Mr. Konyah,l04 who is of the greatest use in putting together what little is known of the history of the fortress and the mosque, is in error when he dismisses the local tradition that these are the ruins of a church and says that they are the ruins of a palace.
The church is now in a more ruinous condition than when Hamilton saw it since the side walls have disappeared and there is no trace of the
-.-
. # 1 0. 3 0. 5 6 i S 9 100 i i 1 0. h 1. S .
i m.
FIG. o. Ispir Church.
or , .0
i6.3m.
.0 ?????
e 00 0
0100 40?r
.0? 1,m ,OF 'r?
so do op 0 055? ::?O
FIc.- io. ispir Church.
two doors that he mentions, unless one of them was the door at the west end. The walls of the narthex and of the main apse stand to a height of 7 or 8 metres. The plan may have been that of a basilica with nave and two aisles, or of a centralized church with a dome. In the interior a single course of stone curving inwards at the top of the wall in the north-west corner indicates a barrel vault as marked on the plan, and about 6 metres high on the west wall at the north side were the remains of a pilaster strip protruding from the wall which enabled us to mark the pilaster strips on the west wall. The lower part of the conches of the main and south-west apses remain, and these are constructed of neatly cut rectangular blocks which appear to have no mortar on the exterior joints ; this stonework is very similar to that of the squinches and dome of the mosque nearby. The main apse had three round arched windows faced with neatly cut stones, and the north-east apse has a round arched window of which the arch is cut out of a single large rectangular block of stone. There was presumably a similar window in the south-east apse. The interior facing
104 I. H. Konyali, Erzurum Tarihi (Istanbul, 1960) pp. 501-6.
152 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
of the walls is made up of regular courses of small stones, most of which look like water-worn stones from the river bed. In the north-west corner there are about thirty courses from the present ground level to the beginning of the vaulting, which is a height of about 61 metres. A few tiny fragments of plaster remain in the window embrasures of the apse, and in one place on the apse wall. The walls were about I metre thick and constructed with a rubble core and pebble-and-lime mortar. The exterior walls except for the narthex were faced with neat rectangular blocks of yellow stone fitted without mortar at the external joints. A few blocks remain in position high in the apse and low down in the west wall of the church which is the same as the east wall of the narthex. The remainder have all been robbed, but the setting bed for them is clear on the apse walls and at the west end of the north walls before the narthex. The blocks were all set with the flat face outwards and are not bonded into the wall in alternate courses as at St. Akindinos and Sancta Sophia at Trebizond. The yellow stone used in the facing is of a very coarse texture and full of leaf and other fossils. The mosque nearby, and
D6rtkilise, a Georgian basilica on a tributary stream of the Qoruh further down the valley, are faced with the same stone, and there are blocks of it facing a north door in the upper chapel of Bibat (see map, Fig. I5). The quarry must have been a fairly important one if the stone was carried over the mountains, but I was unable to locate it despite a number of enquiries.
The narthex was never faced with the yellow stone, and this, together with the fact that what would be the exterior west wall of the church if there were no narthex, also has a facing of yellow stone, suggests that the narthex is of a later date than the body of the church. However, it may be that the supply of yellow stone was cut off in the course of building, and that the two parts are contemporary. The blind arcade of three arches on the west vault of the narthex, and the masonry above indicate that it was roofed in three compartments. The curving masonry at the top of the north and south ends of the west wall indicates barrel vaults as marked on the plan, but there is no evidence of the roofing of the central compart- ment, which might have been a rib vault. The lower part of the setting bed of the vault masonry is clear and indicates a stone construction similar to that used in the conches of the apses. The pilaster strips and window facings of the narthex were of the same yellow stone as was used in the exterior facing of the church. The springing of the vault is well over a metre lower than the vault in the north-west corner of the church, so that it may possibly have had a second storey, and the floor is over a metre lower than that of the ground in the church but this may be due to fallen debris. There were three windows of the type narrowing towards the exterior, and doors on the north and west sides as well as the main door into the church. There are remains of later constructional work within the narthex, apparently designed to make it into rooms.
Hamilton noted that there were no decorative features in the architec- ture, and the church probably had a plain exterior. The pentagonal main
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 153
apse with round side apses is an arrangement foreign to Georgian and Armenian churches but not at all unusual around Trebizond. Although it is impossible to be certain, it seems likely that the building dates from the Empire of Trebizond, and for reasons put forward in a note at the end of this article it may be assigned to the thirteenth century.
On a journey along the coast to Giresun in 1958, Miss Freya Stark pointed out an ivy-covered ruin on a cliff west of the mouth of the Bada Dere, which itself is 4 or 5 km. west of the estuary of the Harait (map,
o a ts.--s 1
I
II I
.".- A \I
_
Pace W arprox. i Mre
Chael- 00oom. sout- of church on clff edge, overlook-ng the i'Lver va\ley.
FIG. I I. Kiseyans. Church, chapel, and walls.
Fig. i). The site is about 35 metres above the sea, towards which the ground slopes gently on the north side. There is level ground to the west of the walls, rising ground to the south and a steep slope, in parts cliff, along the east side. The name of the land on which the site stands is Kiseyam. It is possible that this is a shortened form of Kiliseyani so that the site may be that of a monastery of St. Anne or of the Virgin, but Chrysanthos has no mention of a church which might correspond to this one. The ruin of the church is now much overgrown with ivy and trees, and the whole site is in a nut grove with bushes of advanced age which are too tall to see over, while the walls are too low to be seen even from the rising ground to the south. The plan (Fig. Ii) is therefore only a rough one since we were unable to check distances except by erratic pacing while stooping under nut bushes, nor were we able to correct any of the wall angles.
The enclosure wall is built of roughly cut blocks of local stone laid in irregular courses evened up with smaller stones. It has a rubble core and
154 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
lime-and-pebble mortar, the whole being under a metre in thickness. There is a gap in-the west wall which suggests a gateway as indicated, and there was probably a gate in the south wall leading to the chapel. At the south-west angle of the walls is a projecting ruin consisting of two compartments. The outer one is a square chamber which had a shallow dome over it resting on squinches. The interior is about 2 metres square, and it might have been about 3 metres high, but there is much rubble within. The squinches form pointed arches against the walls and there are small windows on the south and west sides. The interior was plastered with no trace of decoration. The shape of it suggests a small bath, but the two windows would seem to preclude this, as also its position outside the defensive wall, unless there was a further wall somewhere to the west, all trace of which has gone. Of the second compartment only the rectangular shape remains.
The church stands on the edge of a very steep slope and there was, therefore, no need to carry the defensive wall around the apse. The interior consists of a rectangular naos and a round apse which has a round arched niche in the south side of it. There are two pilasters with protruding but undecorated blocks of stone as capitals set against the south wall, thus dividing it up into a blind arcade with three arches, and the arrangement of the north wall was presumably the same. There.are remains of a plaster- without-straw binding on several parts of the blind arcade and in the niche in the apse. It is painted, but too little remains to identify anything except red borders and a background colouring which was blue on black. The interior face of the walls is of roughly squared local stone laid in regular courses, and the walls have a rubble core and a pebble-and-lime mortar with a few fragments of flat brick among the rubble. At the west end was a narthex, with a door in the centre of the west wall, but undergrowth prevented entry into the interior of it. It is now impossible to determine the interior form of the church, but the blind arcade with arches at the same height suggests a barrel vault or wooden roof rather than a dome. There could have been a single barrel vault spanning the whole naos, or possibly there was a nave and two aisles. At Papavera, south-west of Torul (map, Fig. i, area marked with cross) there is a church which appears to be medieval and which has the rather peculiar arrangement of nave and two aisles combined with a single apse.
On the south side near the apse there was a door, the form of which cannot be determined because all the facing stones have been removed, and the foundations indicate some sort of porch outside it, which is in contrast to the normal Trapezuntine practice of putting the porch on the north side. The exterior walls were faced with neat blocks of yellow stone without mortar at the exterior joints, and as at Ispir, the blocks have their flat sides outwards and there are no courses of stones bonded into the walls. Some of the facing stones remain in the apse walls, and there are a few high on the south wall, but the greater number have been removed, leaving the rubble core exposed. About Ioo metres south of the main church, and outside the walls, stands a simple rectangular chapel with a
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 155
round apse. The walls are of roughly cut local stone laid in regular courses and with a lime and pebble mortar.
There are no details which might date the church or walls securely. The pentagonal apse was much favoured during the Empire of Trebizond, but it does appear earlier. Byzantine building activity was much curtailed in Anatolia after the Seljuk invasion so that it seems likely that the monastery was built either before the twelfth century, which would account for the memory of it having entirely died out, or it might belong to the period of the Empire of Trebizond up to about the middle of the fourteenth century. Shortly after that the Turks, who had long been making raids on the coast, began to settle along it, and further church building would seem unlikely.
A
* 3 io iS biLOnn. i ? . . .. 1 . . . I II r~ - - I / - //---
FIG. 12. Fatsa Church.
At the east end of the town of Fatsa a slightly raised stretch of ground not more than io metres above sea level, runs parallel with the sea shore for some distance. There are the foundations of walls here and there in the ground, and the site is generally accepted to be Polemoniuin. Chrysanthos 'o5 notes that it came within the jurisdiction of Amastris, and Schultze 106 says that it was one of the churches of Pontus Polemoniacus. The name of the whole region which was derived from Polemonium, shows that the town was of considerable importance. Hamilton 107 noted the site, as does Schultze, but only Captain Kinneir 108 mentions the ruin of a vaulted building on it, which must be the church of which the apse still stands to a height of 6 or 7 metres in places (Fig. 12, P1. XXVIa).
105 Chrysanthos, op. cit., p. 147- 106 V. Schultze, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 183. o10 W. J. Hamilton, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 270.
108 J. M. Kinneir, Travels in Armenia (London, 1817), P. 321.
156 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
It is a large church of which an accurate plan could not be made without excavations since there is much fallen masonry and undergrowth around it. The main apse was round on the interior, and pentagonal on the exterior which was faced with large neat blocks of yellow stone. The interior face of the walls is of roughly squared stones laid in regular courses, and there is a rubble core with fragments of flat brick among it, and a lime and pebble mortar. The beginnings of a stone barrel vault can be seen where the masonry curves inwards at the top of the walls of the sanctuary, and there are a few pottery vessels let into the masonry which are often said to be for acoustic purposes but are more likely to have been used to lighten the weight of the masonry in the vault. The use of such pottery vessels was a Roman practice which was continued by the Byzantines,1o9 and taken over by the Turks who used them up to the
FIG. 13. Church at Fatsa. Detail of cornice from north wall of sanctuary.
present century. At the level at which the barrel vault springs there are beam holes in the masonry at either side, which were presumably used for beams to support a wooden frame for the construction of the vault. The remains of a stone cornice carved with vine and bunches of grapes runs around the sanctuary (Fig. 13). The motif is not unusual but the bunches of grapes normally alternate with vine leaves whereas here there are only the bunches of grapes and the stem of the vine.
In the apse the faded remains of two registers of painting can just be distinguished on the south side, the lower consisting of standing figures who probably represent the early Fathers of the church.
The form of the south-east apse is round on the interior and it appears to have been round on the exterior, but it was impossible to be certain. There is no trace of an apse where the north-east chapel ought to be, and it is hard to see what form the building took at this point. To the north- west of the main apse stands a wall of roughly squared stones laid in regular courses which might represent the north arm of the naos, or a chapel adjoining it since the interior is curved at the east end. This is an unusual position for a chapel, but there is an early parallel at Bin Bir Kilise 110 where one chapel may be contemporary with the adjoining church and the other built on later. There are similar arrangements in the church of
109 Nakip Cami and Sancta Sophia at Trebizond both have pottery vessels built into the vaulting.
110 W. M. Ramsay and G. Bell, op. cit., churches 12, 21, 22. Plan, Fig. 80 ; text, pp. I117-126.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 157
St. Nicholas at Kur'umlija 111 dating from the third quarter of the twelfth century, and at Zi'a which is early thirteenth century, and Davidovica. Some masonry in a complementary position on the south side must be a part of the south arm of the naos.
At the west end and almost buried in the ground are remains of a narrow barrel-vaulted chamber, the arches and vaults of which are con- structed with flat bricks. There is a similar brick arch at the base of the wall between points A and B on the plan. There is no trace of any brick construction in the walls and vault of the apse, or in the north arm of the naos, except for broken brick fragments in the rubble core. It is, therefore, possible that the brick arches and vaults belong to an earlier building or church which was followed by a stone church of which the little that remains has been described above. The internal plan of this later church is not clear, but the very large chunks of fallen masonry around the centre suggest that it may have had a central dome.
FIo. 14. Type plan of small chapels.
Along the coast eastwards of Trebizond there are numbers of medieval sites with ruins, which will be dealt with in a separate article, but the only church which is probably of medieval date is a ruin about a kilometre to the east of Ardegen along the coast road. A track runs south from the road at a point where there are two or three large trees, and about 500 metres up the track, in a wood on some rising ground to the east of it, is the ruin. The church has a pentagonal central apse and round side apses, with one or two well cut blocks of stone facing showing that it conformed with Trapezuntine practice in having superior stonework in the apse. It had a narthex at the west end, and the total length is about 15 metres, with a width of about 8 metres. There might be some decorative features or windows in what is left of the walls, but they are entirely covered in ivy and it is impossible to see anything of them. Chrysanthos makes no mention of Ardegen and it is not marked on his map of the Eparchy.
In addition to churches which seemed worthy of description in some detail, there are numbers of simple chapels, many of which date from the Byzantine period. A type plan is given for them (Fig. I4), and
111 A. ,epoKco, op. cit., Pi. 126, St. Nicholas. Pi. 132, Zida ; P1. I40, Davidovica.
158 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Mrs. Ballance gives accurate plans of four examples.112 Plate XXVIb-c give an idea of the modest size of most of them, but they range from one at Santali which stood next to the example shown on P1. XXVIb and has a width of under a metre. Only the foundations of the apse of it are visible, cut into the natural rock and with some painted plaster still adhering to the sides. It is so small that it may have been a funerary chapel built over a grave. This might seem unusual, but it is worthy of note that the tombstones over Greek graves in the mountain villages of Kurum 113 and Istavri 114 are carved in the form of small churches, some- times of elaborate form. A large example of the rectangle with round apse is the church at Papavera, mentioned above, which measures about 13 by 7 metres. This has been repaired at some date, but parts of it are certainly medieval. Some of these chapels are built on hilltops, of which an example is one on top of a rock pinnacle above the Qit Dere, which is known locally as Kirkilise or the Wilderness Church. This was about four hours' ride on horseback south of Torul, but a motorable track now runs as far as Qitikebir making it more accessible. The pinnacles are above the east slopes of the valley and not on the western slopes, where the site is wrongly marked (as Kirkkilise) on the Turkish survey. There are remains of two layers of painted plaster both on the inside and the outside of the chapel walls ; the steps cut into the rock are now so worn that access to it is difficult. Above Mavlavita, a village about 2 km. west of Sancta Sophia and slightly inland, there is a chapel of the same type, associated with a cave chapel with some remains of painting. The masonry is of quite well squared blocks of local stone laid in regular courses. Chrysanthos 115
suggests that this might be the site of the monastery of Stilos mentioned in a fourteenth-century note to a twelfth-century codex from St. George Peristera. None of the chapels is easy to date, although a few have paintings which provide some indication of their age, but the chapel at Fetoka 116
provides a tenth-century example and others are probably as late as the nineteenth century, so that the type is spread over a long period of time. Outside the Pontus there are numerous chapels of the same type spread over the territory of the Byzantine Empire, from an early period in Anatolia and Armenia through into the late Byzantine period in the islands of the Aegean, Greece and the Balkans.
Many of the coastal valleys and some of the regions further inland from Trebizond contain nineteenth-century churches which were built at a time of Greek prosperity in the Pontus and some of these are of interest because they carry on earlier forms of church building and are genuine survivals of a long tradition in contrast to the self-conscious and academic
112 S. Ballance, loc. cit., Figs. 5, 19, 21, 23. 113 D. Talbot Rice, loc. cit., p. 77. 114 Mr. Ihsan Nemlioglu of Trebizond has preserved an example from Istavri in his
garden. '" Chrysanthos, op. cit., p. 463. 16 S. Ballance, loc. cit., Fig. 21, pp. 167-9.
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 159
revival of Byzantine forms which characterizes the churches of Greece and the Balkans. The most common type is the basilica with nave and two aisles and three apses rounded in the interior and usually rounded on the exterior. However, the church with single central drum and dome appears at Cida inland from Siirmene, where there were two examples; at Vazelon, where the dome had a conical roof; and in Trebizond itself there is the church of St. John which is still standing and might be taken for a Byzantine building; and there was the new Metropolitan Church which has now been pulled down.
A variant of the church with the central drum and dome is that which has a central saucer dome contained within the gabled roof so that the exterior gives the impression of a basilica, while the interior is a modified centralized plan, the west bays being longer than the side bays. An early example of this plan is the Georgian church at Parhal 117 which dates from the tenth century and is in a tributary valley of the ?oruh, north-east of Ispir. Since no earlier examples than this seem to be known, it is perhaps of Georgian origin. There is a nineteenth-century example at Kurum, a township just south of the watershed of the coastal range (map, Fig. i), and another at Emrek in the upper village, where the saucer dome has a painting of the eye of God in the centre in place of a Pantocrator. The church can be reached in an easy day on horseback south-east of Torul. A Basilica at Begkilise, about three hours ride south of Emrek, shows at least an awareness of the saucer dome plan since it has paintings of the four evangelists and a Pantocrator carefully arranged in the centre bay of the barrel vault so as to give the illusion of a dome, with the evangelists in the pendentives.
The one Byzantine type of church which never seems to have found a place in the Pontus is the cross-in-square plan with central dome flanked by four smaller domes. The only church that might have been of this type is a nineteenth-century ruin known as Meryemana, and dedicated to the Theotocos according to the Muhtar of a village nearby who had gone to school with the monks. It lies on the south slopes of the valley of the river Qit about an hour's ride from the village of Qitikebir. The church was an elaborate building with the west door faced with white marble. It is now roofless but enough masonry remains to indicate a saucer dome in each corner of the naos, and there must have been either a saucer dome or a drum and cupola over the centre of the naos. There are ruins of monastic buildings and garden around the church, and a small rectangular chapel with round apse stands to the west of it. This has the remains of two layers of painted plaster and perhaps dates from the Byzantine period. It is strange that it is not marked on Chrysanthos' map of the Eparchy since it must have been a fairly rich monastery. Cumont noted the existence of churches in this region and suggested that they might well possess manuscripts, but unfortunately no one ever took up his sugges- tion before the exchange of populations, unless members of the Russian
1X7 I am indebted to Mr. Hills of Zonguldak for information about this church.
i6o ANATOLIAN STUDIES
occupation forces investigated the region in 1917. If they did so they have published nothing that they found there.
Mrs. Ballance 11s has summarized the main features of Trapezuntine architecture, and with one or two exceptions, the churches published above provide a number of examples from a wider region which support her
1: 200,000. Kioitt,.s s , s 20
AKCAKALE
B Z A C K EA
AK?AA8AT ST BARB ST DiN
SAANTI ES L
SRARA
AURT
HA SIWOY A MIL
FIG. 15. Hinterland of Trebizond.
conclusions. She points out that the earliest influences in the region were probably Anatolian. The octagon which stood near Bolaman and the round church at Unye and the basilica at Geyikli support this view, although with Anatolia should be perhaps included Armenia. In so far as evidence of roofing survives in the churches, it is of stone barrel vaults but the poor state of preservation does not permit one to say whether Ayvasil, Ispir or Fatsa were of basilican or centralized plan. Geyikli and
118 S. Ballance, loc. cit., pp. 172-5-
SOME BYZANTINE CHURCHES FROM THE PONTUS 161
St. Akindinos have porches to the north, and Kiseyani has one to the south. All of them have better masonry in the apses than in the body of the church.
Mrs. Ballance rightly stresses the Georgian, rather than the Armenian influence in the later period of Trapezuntine architecture and this appears to have continued until the very end of Pontic church. building if we regard the saucer dome in an otherwise basilican church as a Georgian feature. The one point which does not seem to me so clear is the lack of Constantinopolitan trends in Trapezuntine architecture. It is perhaps more true to say that the one Constantinopolitan type which has not so far appeared in the Pontus is the church of centralized plan with central dome and four smaller domes. With this exception Trapezuntine architec- ture is not basically out of line with the main stream of Byzantine architecture although it certainly has a number of individual features. The foundation of the Empire of Trebizond coincides with a period when the Latin conquest cut off the building of churches in Constantinople, and we can only judge the architecture of this period by what exists outside it. The major monuments are Sancta Sophia at Trebizond ; Zica, Milesevo, Mora'a, Sopo'ani, Gradac and Arilje in Serbia; and the Pijatnitski church, St. George at Ov'e Polje, and St. Nicholas Novgorod in Russia. These have in common the use of a single central dome. For the rest their plans are dissimilar in many details, and it might be true, though it seems to me highly unlikely, that Constantinopolitan architects had nothing to do with any of them,119 but it is at least of note that none of them is of the five-domed type. Diehl 120 and Millet 121 both note a return in this period to older forms long since abandoned, citing examples from Trebi- zond and Arta among others. It may even be that these forms never were abandoned, for in a capital as cosmopolitan as Constantinople it would be strange to find that it was producing only one type of church. This impression surely comes from the fact that we have only a small percentage of monuments left by which we can judge of the styles of the capital.
The purpose of this article has been to make a field report of a number of unpublished churches, and add them to the corpus of Byzantine church plans already available for study. The comment is therefore of less impor- tance than the plans and descriptions, which it is hoped will be of some use. If we have been vague in assigning dates to the churches it is because they cannot be securely dated until further evidence is forthcoming.
119 For Zi'a there is documentary evidence that Archbishop Sava brought craftsmen from Constantinople.
120 C. Diehl, Manuel d'Art Byzantin (Paris, 1926), Vol. II, pp. 769-772. 121 G. Millet, L'e'cole Grecque dans l'architecture Byzantine (Paris, I916), pp. 15 ff., 94 f.
N
A NOTE ON THE SOUTH-EASTERN BORDERS OF THE EMPIRE OF TREBIZOND IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
By DAVID WINFIELD
THE CHURCHES OF Ispir 1 and Bayburt,2 standing in dominant positions in the castles which command these towns, inevitably prompt the question " Who built them ? " A final answer cannot be given until the two sites are excavated or documentary sources are discovered, but the circum- stantial evidence, both historical and stylistic, provides a number of indications for their origin.
Both Ispir and Bayburt stand in an area which has always been a marcher land, and in the Byzantine period it was in dispute many times between the Armenians, the Georgians and the Byzantine Empire, with the Persians and Arabs, and later the Turks also making their claims in the area. Ispir castle stands on a rock dominating the middle reaches of the River Qoruh, the Acampsis or Boas of the Ancients, and apart from commanding a part of the river valley which is wide and fertile, it is more or less a half-way halt for the direct route northwards from Erzurum across the Pontic mountains to the sea at Rize. Bayburt castle commands a fertile region to the west of the upper reaches of the Qoruh, and it guards a crossroads where the important caravan road from Trebizond to Persia and central Asia crosses a less important route from Erzincan northwards across the mountains to the sea, at Of. There are no geographical barriers separating the two towns, but the few medieval references that exist for the history of them suggest that their histories were not always closely connected since Bayburt was for a long period a frontier town of the Byzantine Empire,3 while Ispir was outside the frontier.
The earliest mention of the two towns that I have found in the Christian period are in Procopius,4 who mentions Bayburt, and Brosset,5 who says that Heraclius occupied Ispir in the course of one of his campaigns against the Persians. In 837 under the Emperor Theophilus a Byzantine army marched into the lower Caucasus but was defeated at Kars by the Emir of Tiflis. Before it retired a governor from the Armenian princely family of the Bagratids was installed in the castle of Ispir and given the Byzantine title of Consul.6 By 850 the Armenian ruler of Ispir, Galaba, was in alliance with the Emir of Malatya and the Paulicians of Divrik against the Byzantines, from whom they took the fortress of Aramaniak, near Bayburt.7 However, Galaba was reconciled to the
1 Fig. Io, Plate XXVc, of preceding article. 2 S. Ballance, " The Byzantine Churches of Trebizond," Anatolian Studies X, i96o,
Fig. 20 and p. 167. 3 S. Runciman, The Emperor Romanus Lecapenus (Cambridge, i929) p. 121.
4 Procopius, " De Aedificiis," 253, XV. 5 Brosset, Histoire de la Georgie (St. Petersburg, 1849) Tome I, p. 227. 6 R. Grousset, Histoire de L'Arminie (Paris, 1947), p. 354. 7 R. Grousset, op. cit., pp. 366-7.
N*
164 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Byzantines a short time later, when both were threatened with renewed danger from the Arabs, and it may be assumed that Ispir was under Byzantine suzerainty when Leo VI made his expedition against the Arabs of Basian in 895.8 The history of Bayburt in the ninth century is unknown except that Lazaropoulos in his fourteenth century account of the miracles of Saint Eugenios lists a bishop of Bayburt who lived in the time of the patriarch Methodios and of Basil the Macedonian. Bayburt was probably in Byzantine territory at this time since the bishop of Bayburt was a suffragan bishop under the Metropolitan of Trebizond, and the town is listed in the Nea Taktika of the time of Leo the Wise as one of the seven strong points of the Theme of Chaldia.9 In 923 the Strategus of Chaldia, Bardas Boelas, together with Adrian the Chaldian and an Armenian named Tatzaces, rebelled against the emperor and held out in the castle of Bayburt until they were forced to surrender by the Byzantine general John Curcuas.1o
After this date there is a gap in the recorded history of both towns until the eleventh century, but it seems possible that they both belonged to an Armenian principality. There is a mention of one Armenian bishop of Bayburt," although with no date ; and the plain of Hart west of Bayburt was dominated until recently by a group of fine Armenian buildings at Vazahan.12 It is unlikely that the Byzantines, with their dislike of the independent and to them heretic Armenian church, would have allowed so conspicuous a group of buildings to be put up within the boundaries of the Empire, and the south-eastern frontier of the Theme of Chaldia in the tenth century perhaps ran through the mountains to the west of the plain of Hart.
In the year Iooo the Emperor Basil II marched up from Syria to claim the province of Tao or Tayk which had been willed to him by the Bagratid prince of that land.'3 He marched up to Erzincan, the ancient Eriza or Acilisene, and then turned eastwards as far as the districts around Ararat. From there he marched north-westwards into the province of Tao where he left garrisons under Byzantine officers in the castles, and probably Ispir was among them. Of the return route of Basil from Erzurum nothing is known, and no mention of Bayburt is made in this campaign, but since a great many princes came to make their submission to Basil during it, and Bayburt lay on his lines of communications, it can be assumed that the town and fortress were under Byzantine control. Twenty-two years later the old emperor again marched eastwards to deal with the rebellious king George I of Georgia, and he stayed for nearly two years in the east, passing the winter months at Trebizond.'" Neither Ispir nor Bayburt is
R. Grousset, op. cit., pp. 474-5. ' E. Honigmann, Die Ostgrenze des Byzantinischen Reiches (Bruxelles, I935), p. 54- 1 S. Runciman, op. cit., p. 71. " Le Quien, Oriens Cliristianus I, p. 511. 12 See p. 137 of the preceding article.
S13 G. Schlumberger, L'I2popee Byzantine (Paris, 1900), Tome II, pp. 159-180, 190-8. " G. Schlumberger, op. cit., Tome II, pp. 469-536.
THE EMPIRE OF TREBIZOND 165
mentioned in this second expedition of Basil, but since they both lay on his lines of communication, he must have held them. There is an incident of some topographical interest for one of the campaigns where the Armenian chronicler Arisdagues records how Basil devastated the region of Okom near Hasankale and deported the entire population to Kohgh'dik, a district between Trebizond and Erzurum in Pontic Chaldia.15 The presence of Georgian place names in Chaldia during the period of the Empire of Trebizond was long ago remarked upon by Brosset, the most important of them being Tzanicha, the castle of the Tzanichites family. Perhaps the explanation of these place names is to be found in the deportation carried out by Basil II. The Byzantine annexation continued throughout the first half of the eleventh century until it was completed by Constantine Monomachus with the deposition of King Gagik of Ani, some twenty-five years before the battle of Manzikert.16
Well before the middle of the eleventh century the first Turkish raids on Eastern Armenia had begun and by the middle of the century the raids had become large and well organized expeditions, but the extent of them is not always clear." In 1048-9 a Turkish expedition under Ibrahim Inal sacked Erzurum and ravaged the country northwards as far as Ispir and Parhal, and westwards into Chaldia so that they may have reached Bayburt.s1 In 1053-4 an expedition under Tugrul Beg took Erzurum and Ispir but according to Honigmann it was repulsed at Bayburt by a force of Frankish mercenaries serving in the Byzantine army.19 However, according to Cahen this expedition got much further westwards to Sebinkarahisar, the ancient Colonea.20 Alp Aslan's army sacked Caesarea in the heart of the Anatolian plateau a few years before the battle of Manzikert, which was in 107I, and within ten years after the battle the Turks had reached the western coast of Anatolia. The Saltuk emirate of Erzurum is not mentioned until I 103, and the Menguqek emirate of Erzincan and Divrik is not mentioned until I124,21 but it seems
highly unlikely that the Byzantines would have retained Ispir or Bayburt after the battle of Manzikert and they may indeed have lost both of them twenty years before the battle. Trebizond, the capital of the Chaldian theme, was occupied by the Turks for about a year in Io74-5.22 They were driven out by Gabras who made the theme into an independent principality for a short time, and the Turks could not have taken Trebizond if they had not first taken Bayburt.
Thus the historical evidence does not exclude the possibility that the castle churches of Bayburt and Ispir might be Byzantine or Armenian
15 G. Schlumberger, op. cit., Tome II, pp. 481-2. 16 R. Grousset, op. cit., pp. 574-58i. 17 M. Cahen, " La premiere pin6tration Turque en Asie Mineure." Byzantion, 18,
1946-8. Pp. I ff. gives details of the Turkish raids. is R. Grousset, op. cit., p. 588. Honigmann, op. cit., p. I8o. Cahen, loc. cit., p. 15. 19 E. Honigmann, op. cit., p. i8I. 20 M. Cahen, loc. cit., p. 22. 21 M. Cahen, loc. cit., p. 57. 22 Xpioaav0os, 'H iKKalcia TpaTTE O OVros (Athens, 1933), PP. 53-4-
166 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
buildings of the period before about 1o50. It suggests that Ispir church is more likely to be Armenian since we know that in the ninth century the town was the centre of a Bagratid principality. But Bayburt church seems more likely to be Byzantine since the town was one of the strong points of the theme of Chaldia. However, there is a strong objection to a pre-Seljuk date in the case of Bayburt and a reasonably strong objection in the case of Ispir. The castle of Bayburt was entirely reconstructed by the Saltuk ruler Mugis-al-Din Tugrul Sah between 12oo and 123o and an inscription in the walls of the citadel records his work.23 The great extent of its walls and the excellence of the masonry put it among the finest of all the Anatolian castles and it would still be in good order but for its destruction by the Russians in the early nineteenth century. It seems to me very unlikely that after engaging in so great a building enterprise Tugrul ?ah would have been content to leave a relatively insignificant Christian church dominating the citadel of his fortress. At Ispir the castle walls are of different periods, although the Seljuk work there is not unimportant, and there is a small Seljuk mosque on the north-west side which shares the dominant part of the citadel with the ruins of the much larger church. The Seljuk mosque is unfortunately not dated, but after going over the stylistic and historic evidence Mr. Konyall concludes that it was built either by the same Tugrul ?ah who built the castle of Bayburt, the market mosque at Ispir, and buildings at Erzurum, or by Melik ?ah ; 24 the latter supposition is supported by local tradition since the mosque is known in Ispir as Sultan Melik Mescit. In either case the date of the mosque would be in the late twelfth century or in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. It again seems to me unlikely that Seljuk rulers, tolerant as they may have been, would have been content to put up a small mosque in their citadel while leaving the larger church as the dominant building.
The two churches are both in a very ruinous state and it is impossible to determine the interior plan of either of them without excavation. They may have been basilicas, or they may have had domes and a centralized plan. In so far as the form of them survives they are similar, and they might be Byzantine churches of the period before o1050, but the evidence is against their being Armenian. Hamilton 25 says that there was no sign of any decorative work in the church at Ispir, which was in better condition when he saw it, and the pentagonal central apse with round side apses is unknown in Armenia and uncommon in Anatolia except around Trebizond. The Armenian churches at Vazahan, west of Bayburt, had nothing in their architectural style in common with the Ispir and Bayburt churches but are perfectly acceptable as being in the Armenian style of the tenth or eleventh centuries. Ispir and Bayburt cannot therefore be easily claimed as provincial Armenian churches under the influence of the Byzantines, since
23" Islam Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul, I944), 2 cilt, pp. 365-6. 24 I. H. Konyall, Erzurum Tarihi (Istanbul, i96o), pp. 501-6.
5 W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor (London, I842), Vol. I, pp. 222-3.
THE EMPIRE OF TREBIZOND 167
there was perfectly good Armenian building showing no Byzantine influence only 15 kilometres west of Bayburt. There is the further local testimony in the case of Bayburt by Hamilton's Armenian guide who, on being asked about the church, confessed that it was Greek.
If then we put aside a pre-Seljuk date for the churches, some later period for them must be found. The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are a highly unlikely time since the former saw the occupation of these regions by the horde of the Black Sheep, followed by the White Sheep, while the Ottoman conquest followed in the latter, after which neither church would have been built in such a dominant position. It is true that the Ottoman administration around Trebizond was very tolerant in the nineteenth century, when churches were built in dominant positions by the then prosperous Greek communities, but we have Hamilton's testimony from the I83os that both churches were then in ruins, and he treats of them as antiquities so that they cannot have been built as a result of nineteenth-century conditions.
A reasonable case can, however, be made for the middle and later years of the thirteenth century when there was Mongol suzerainty over both Seljuk and Trapezuntine lands, but when the Seljuks were weak and divided among themselves while the Empire of Trebizond was a newly founded state of some vigour and enterprise. In the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries the power of the Menguqek and Saltuk emirates began to decline and Kaykubad I, the sultan of Rum, annexed both territories between 1228 and 1230. In doing so he was following a very similar course to that pursued by the Byzantine emperor Basil II some two centuries earlier. Both rulers annexed provinces in the east of Turkey which might have acted as buffer states warding off the invasions from central Asia, and both appeared to have increased the power and influence of their respective states when in fact they were to crumble before disastrous invasions within a few years. The annexation of the Mengu.ek and Saltuk lands removed two centres of power from the near proximity of the Empire of Trebizond and again made Ispir and Bayburt with the surrounding country into a border region. It does not seem likely that the Trapezuntines would have extended their territory greatly towards the south in the first years after the foundations of the Empire in 1204. Sinop was taken from them in 1214 26 when the emperor Alexios became a vassal of the Sultan of Rum, and in 1222 Melik ~ah besieged Trebizond itself, although without success ; 27 Melik himself was captured, and one of the conditions for his release was that the vassaldom should cease. But this was renewed after the battle of Erzincan in 1230 when Kaykubad defeated the troops of Kwarazm, many of whom fled to Trebizond for a refuge.2s Miller remarks that it is possible that a Trapezuntine contingent fought for Alaedin of Kwarazm on this occasion, which would account for the flight
26 T. Talbot Rice, The Seljuks (London, 1961), p. 70. 27 W. Miller, A History of Trebizond (London, 1926), pp. 20-2.
28 W. Miller, op. cit., p. 24.
168 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
northwards to Trebizond rather than eastwards as might have been expected. The flight also suggests that Trapezuntine territory was not far distant from Erzincan, and perhaps even at this date it extended over the second range of mountains from the coast and included the fertile upper valleys of the river Kelkit, the Lycus of the ancients. This region was by tradition attached to Trebizond since two of the strong points of the theme of Chaldia, Cherianon, now ?iran, and Chaliou, now Kelkit, were in the river valley,29 and there are a number of Byzantine sites along it.a30
The power of the Sultans of Rum did not long survive the battle of Erzincan, and although Keyhtisrev II inherited a territory covering most of Anatolia, and the vassaldom of the Empire of Trebizond, his was a short-lived power which soon fell to the Mongols. The latter took and sacked Erzurum in 1241, and in 1242 they decisively defeated Keyhiisrev at Kusadag on the Erzincan-Sivas road and went on to plunder in central Anatolia.3' As a result of the battle of Kusadag the Seljuks became the vassals of the Mongols, and Fallmerayer remarked that from this date the Seljuks ceased to have any importance as a factor in Trapezuntine history. The Mongols became the dominant power in Anatolia as a result of Kusadag and it was on them that the fate of Trebizond depended, but unfortunately we have no record of relations between the two powers except in a passing mention by William of Rubriquis who went through Trebizond on his way to the Mongol court and says that the Emperor was subject to the Tartars.32 At the time of the battle of Kusadag Trebizond was subject to the Seljuks, and probably contributed a contingent to fight for them, so that the subjection of Trebizond to the Mongols may have taken place immediately after the battle, as with the Seljuks.
If we examine the situation of the Seljuks, the Mongols and the Empire of Trebizond after the battle of Kusadag and until the end of the thirteenth century it will be seen that this was a period when the Emperor of Trebizond might well have expanded his frontiers a little. Keyhtisrev II died in 1246 and after his death Anatolia passed into a disturbed state where minor rulers warred with each other under the auspices of the Triumvirate of Seljuk Princes to whom the Mongol ruler, Hulagu, delegated his authority.33 The Seljuk state disintegrated and no great power arose to take its place until the Ottoman Turks fought their way to pre-eminence in Anatolia. It was on the goodwill of the Mongol rulers that the fate of the Empire of Trebizond depended and its continued existence is perhaps to be explained by the pro-Christian policy of the western Mongols in the thirteenth century. Hulagu's principal wife was a Nestorian Christian
29 N. Bees, " Sur Quelques 6veches suffragants de la M6tropole de Trebizonde," Byzantion, I, 1924, pp. 117-137-
30 J. G. Taylor, " Journal of a tour in Armenia, etc.," Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, Vol. 38, 1868, pp. 281-361.
31 T. Talbot Rice, op. cit., p. 74- 32 W. Miller, op. cit., p. 25. 33 T. Talbot Rice, op. cit., pp. 76-7.
THE EMPIRE OF TREBIZOND i69
princess, Dokuz Hatun,34 and it was perhaps her influence which saved the Christian population from sharing the fate of their Moslem neighbours at the sack of Baghdad in 1258. Hulagu died in February 1265, shortly before the arrival at his court of a second Christian princess, Maria Paleologina, who was to have become his wife. He was succeeded by his son Abaga who married Maria in place of his father and maintained a pro-Christian policy. However, it was not only Christian influence in their court which caused Hulagu and Abaga to favour the Christian powers. The first Mongol defeat came when Hulagu attacked the Mamelukes of Egypt under Sultan Baibars, and thenceforward the Mongols sought alliance with the Christian powers against the Mamelukes. Abaga sent embassies to the Pope and to Edward of England and he was in alliance with the Greeks and Armenians. When Baibars invaded Anatolia in 1277, a Mongol army came there to check him and it may be that the Trapezuntine emperor George sent a contingent to aid the Mongols. Abaga died in 1281 and after a short interval when his pro-Moslem brother gained power, the succession went to his son Arghun who also had Christian sympathies. He in turn was succeeded by Ghazzan who although a Moslem himself was not anti-Christian in his policies. Ghazzan died in 1316 and was succeeded by Abu Said, the last ruler of the Mongols of the west. Thus although there are no documentary accounts of the relations between the Mongols and the Empire of Trebizond, it is clear that for reasons of policy and because of their marriage connexions the Mongols favoured Christian alliances in the second half of the thirteenth century and they might well have allowed some territorial expansion by the empire of Trebizond at the expense of the Seljuks.
The sources for the history of Trebizond in the thirteenth century are not very adequate and Panaretos, whose chronicle is a major source for the fourteenth-century events which took place in his own lifetime, is exceedingly brief in his account of the thirteenth century. His is a dry and factual record of events and he gives to the Emperor Manuel I the titles of " Great Warrior " and " Most Fortunate ",35 epithets for which there must have been a reason since Panaretos gives them to no other Emperor. Manuel I reigned from 1238 to 1263 and if there was a Trapezuntine contingent at Kusadag in i240 it must have been he who ordered them to fight there, but a defeat would hardly qualify him for the title of Great Warrior. Territorial expansion, and particularly the occupation of two strong points such as Bayburt and Ispir, provide a better explanation. The region around these towns, as we have seen, had ceased to be near to a centre of power with the fall of the Saltuk and Mengugek dynasties, and with the quarrels of the Seljuk Triumvirate it does not appear that any great obstacle would have prevented Manuel from taking the two towns. The stylistic evidence of the churches favours this
34 S. Runciman, History of the Crusades (Cambridge, 1954), Vol. III, pp. 299 ff., for a summary of Mongol history in the later thirteenth century.
35 Lebeau, Histoire du Bas Empire, ed. Saint-Martin and Brosset (Paris, 1835), Tome 18, p. 280, note containing translation of Panaretos, Section III.
170 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
explanation. The external arrangement of a polygonal central apse and round side apses accords well with the churches around and in Trebizond where this is a common feature, while it is most uncommon elsewhere. More- over, we know that it was in use in the thirteenth century at Trebizond, since this is the form of the apses of Sancta Sophia which was built by Manuel I. A thirteenth-century date also does away with the difficulty of explaining churches in dominant positions in two castles, one of which was entirely reconstructed by the Seljuks, while the other was used and repaired by them.
There is, on the other hand, no difficulty in understanding that an Emperor of Trebizond whose revenues depended largely on trade, much of it with Moslems, would have left the small mosque standing at Ispir in order not to offend Moslem opinion. A further point of interest is that the masonry of the mosque and of the church are very similar and suggests that they are not far apart in date. The coarse yellow stone used in the facing of both buildings is the same, and is finished in the same neat fashion so that no mortar shows at the external joints. At Bayburt there is evidence of post-Seljuk repairs in the castle, with masonry similar to that in castles along the Black Sea coast which are almost certainly Trapezuntine. A tower and parts of the main wall have been rebuilt along the south-western side overlooking the town, and there are the remains of similar masonry in a wall running eastwards of the church and cutting off a large section of the Seljuk castle. Whoever built it felt that they could not afford the many hundreds of men who would be necessary for the defence of the whole of the walls, and preferred to fortify a smaller area. How long the Trapezuntines might have held Bayburt is not clear, but it was probably not far into the fourteenth century since Panaretos mentions an expedition of Turks against Trebizond in I348, of which one of the leaders was a Mehmet Eckeptaris of Bayburt.36 With the decline of Mongol power in the first quarter of the fourteenth century, there was a revival of power in the Georgian kingdom, and George V of Georgia conquered the Pontic mountain districts of Parkharis as far westwards as Ispir in I334.3" How long Ispir remained under Georgian control is not clear, but it is unlikely that they were responsible for building the church since it has nothing in common with any other Georgian church.
If we allow the expansion of the Empire of Trebizond to Bayburt and perhaps other attempts at territorial expansion inland, Panaretos' story of George I, the son of Manuel, who was treacherously given up to the enemy by his archons while campaigning in the Taurus becomes more intelligible."3 If the Trapezuntines were confined to a thin coastal strip an expedition as far south as the Taurus would seem to be out of the question, but if they held Bayburt, it is not improbable that George might have sallied as far as the Taurus.
36 Lebeau, op. cit., Tome 20, p. 488. Panaretos, Section XIII. 37 W. E. D. Allen, A History of the Georgian People (London, 1932), p. 122. 38 Lebeau, op. cit., Panaretos, Section IV.
THE EMPIRE OF TREBIZOND 171
It remains to explain the other title of Manuel " The Most For- tunate ". The obvious explanation for it is that the Empire was very prosperous during his reign, and this is surely the correct answer. Wroth attributes the beginning of the silver coinage of Trebizond to John I, but he remarks upon the great and varied mass of aspers which appear in the reign of Manuel; 39 his currency was so widely used that in Georgia the generic word for money became " Kirmaneoul ".40 Wroth explains this great issue of silver coin by pointing to the sack of Baghdad by Hulagu in 1258, an event which put a temporary end to the life of that city as the great entrepot for trading caravans from the East and from the Levant. Thereafter much of the far eastern trade was diverted to Trebizond, serving to increase the wealth of the Empire, and indeed the whole over- land trade was encouraged at the expense of the sea routes to China at this period because Mongol rule spanned the continent of Asia and provided relative security for the caravans. Although this is true, it does not explain the currency of Manuel since there was a considerable variety of issues, and Baghdad was sacked in 1258, while Manuel died in 1263. If we allow two or three years for the transit trade to recover from Hulagu's activities and find a different outlet on the Black Sea at Trebizond, there are only some two years left in which Manuel might have begun to feel the benefits, of the new situation. The sack of Baghdad can more convincingly be put forward as a reason for the copious coinage of John II at the end of the thirteenth century, and it is in the last ten years of the century that the Genoese appear to have established themselves at Trebizond,41 a sign of its increasing importance as a centre of trade.
The only other explanation for Manuel's coinage is a source of silver. One possible source is the Argyropolis of the Ancients, which Chrysanthos identifies as Eski Guimiigane 42 although he places it wrongly on his map, of the Eparchy. These mines were still being worked, albeit at a loss, when Hamilton visited them.43 Chrysanthos also marks on his map some mountains called the Giimiig Dagl which correspond in position to the present Karagol Daw, but I have heard of no source of silver in those parts. Another is a mine Io kilometres from Bayburt 44 mentioned in an Arab source 45 and by Marco Polo who says " At a castle called Paipurth that you pass in going from Trebizond to Tauris there is a very good silver mine ".46 Silver coins were minted there with the name of the last Mongol ruler in the west, Abu Said.47 Thus the sources of silver, if this
39 W. Wroth, Catalogue of the coins of the Vandals, etc., and of the Empire of Trebizond" (London, 1911), Introduction, pp. LXXVIII-LXXXV.
40J . Bartholomaei, Lettres Numismatiques (St. Petersburg, 1859), p. 35 ff. 41 W. Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant (Leipzig, 1923), Tome II, p. 94. 42 Chrysanthos, op. cit., p. 82.
43 W. J. Hamilton, op. cit., pp. 234-5- 44 Islam Ansiklopedisi, loc. cit., pp. 365-6. 45 Yule and Cordier, Voyages of Marco Polo (London, 1903), quoted in a note in Vol. I,.
pp. 48-9, where there is also an engraving of Bayburt Castle. 46 Yule and Cordier, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 46. 47 Islam Ansiklopedisi, loc. cit., p. 366.
172 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
-explanation of Manuel's coinage and of his title is accepted, suggest that he controlled Giimiiiane or Bayburt or possibly both of them.
The Pontic mountains may appear on a map as the geographical frontier of the Empire of Trebizond, and they did indeed provide it with a natural defence which contributed to its long life, but they are not an insurmountable barrier and the uplands are easy to ride across and provide rich summer grazing grounds. The place names mentioned by Panaretos in the fourteenth century confirm that the Harqit valley, south of the mountains, was then a part of the Empire, and there are indications that the upper reaches of the Kelkit, across the second range of mountains from the coast, were also regarded as part of the Empire. Panaretos mentions three expeditions to Cheriana,48 now .iran, and he speaks of the re-taking of Sologaina which Chrysanthos 49 puts on the east side of the Ikisu valley, up which runs a road south across the mountains to ?iran. The existence of a large Greek population in the mountains between the Kelkit and Hargit rivers until the exchange of populations in 1923, and the existence of a number of churches in both valleys is evidence enough of a traditionally Greek area, and this further strengthens the probability that the fertile upper reaches of the Kelkit were a part of the Trapezuntine Empire.
The object of this note has been to draw attention to a number of indications as to the south-eastern boundaries of the Empire of Trebizond in the thirteenth century. The flight of the troops of Kwarazm to Trebizond in 1230 rather than a retreat eastwards as one would have expected suggests that they had not far to go before reaching Trapezuntine territory, perhaps in the upper valley of the Kelkit. The title of " Great Warrior " given to Manuel I, together with the existence of the castle churches at Ispir and Bayburt, suggests that he may have captured these towns, and if so, it becomes easier to understand the expedition of his son George as far south as the Taurus. Finally Manuel's title of " Most Fortunate " may be connected with the copious silver coinage of his reign, which suggests that he controlled a source of silver, and the mines of Eski Guimiigane or Bayburt, or both of them, may have been the sources. The possibilities of Manuel having controlled the Hargit valley and the upper reaches of the Kelkit are strengthened by the identification of place names mentioned in the fourteenth century by Panaretos, and by the existence of churches and a large Greek population until recently in the mountains between the Hargit and Kelkit rivers. There are no records of territorial conquests in the fourteenth century and if anything the Empire was on the defensive. If we go back to the thirteenth century the most likely Emperors to have made additions to their lands were Manuel and his successors George and John II. It would be useless, however, to insist upon any of these points as facts. They are put forward only as possibilities which may throw some light on the still obscure problems of the topography of the Empire of Trebizond.
48 Lebeau, op. cit., p. 493, Section XVIII, 1355; Section XX, 1356; p. 502, Section XLV, 1374-
"9 Chrysanthos, op. cit., mnap at end of book.
THE CHURCH OF THE EVANGELISTS AT ALAHAN
A PRELIMINARY REPORT *
By MICHAEL GOUGH
AN EXPLANATION
THE PUBLICATION OF another article on the monastery complex at Alahan in Isauria so soon after the appearance of Professor P. Verzone's mono- graph 1 and Professor G. Forsyth's paper 2 on the same monument may seem premature, and to require some explanation. It can, however, be reasonably justified on the differing times and circumstances in which the various articles appeared.
In autumn 1955, I published " Some Recent Finds at Alahan (Koja Kalessi) ",3 an article based on two short visits which I had made to the monastery during 1952 and 1953. This paper coincided with the publica- tion of the Turkish text of Professor Verzone's monograph, compiled after a stay at Alahan in the summer of the same year. Meanwhile, I had previously requested and obtained permission from the Turkish General Directorate of Museums and Antiquities to carry out limited soundings in the monastery complex, in particular in the building designated Chiesa n. I by Verzone. These soundings were, in fact, carried out in the interval between Verzone's visit and the publication of his monograph. Thus, the times of our activities and publications may be summarized as follows :
14th September, 1952 M. Gough's visit. 9th September, 1953 M. Gough's visit.
31st May/2nd June, 1955 P. Verzone's survey.
5th/2Ist August, 1955 M. Gough's sounding. Autumn 1955 Publication of Verzone's monograph
and Gough's paper. To this list should be added articles by G. Forsyth and N. Thidrry,
both published in 1957, as a result of exploratory visits made in 1954 and
1956 respectively, and my debt to Professor Verzone in particular will soon become clear. However, as none of them, except Thierry, visited Alahan after the first soundings in August 1955, much new material was still. hidden from them. Finally, when appointed Director of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara in 1961, I decided, with the permission
* My thanks are due, first and foremost to the Council of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara and to the Russell Trust for their generous help in financing the expedition, which it is hoped to continue in 1962. I am also grateful to Bay Riistem Duyuran, General' Director of Museums and Antiquities, for the facilities made available to us, to the Kaymakam and Jandarma Komutam of Mut for their interest and co-operation. Finally I must thank Bay Haidi Altay, Director of the Adana Museum, and Bayan Sabahat Senyuva, our Komiser, for their work on behalf of the expedition.
1 Alahan Monastzr, Turin, 1956. The Turkish edition, entitled Alahan Manastirz iiferinde bir Inceleme, was published in Istanbul in I955. Hereafter, the abbreviation AM is used for Alahan Monastir.
2 "
Archaeological Notes on a Trip through Cilicia," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XI, I957- 3 Anatolian Studies, V, pp. I15-123. O
174 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
,of the Turkish General Directorate of Museums and Antiquities, to con- tinue work on Chiesa n. I, and to publish with the first preliminary report the conclusions already arrived at after the 1955 campaign.
INTRODUCTION
I3th February, 1962, was the fifteenth centenary of the death of Tarasis, an Isaurian monk who spent part of his life at Alahan,4 where the monastery which he helped to found is, after exposure to the elements and mankind for one and a half millennia, still one of the outstanding monuments of early Christendom.
Until recently, when the last stretch of the modern road linking Mut (Claudiopolis) with Karaman (Laranda) was completed, Alahan was still a staging post for travellers, as it had also been in the days of the Eastern Empire.5 The road was poor, and it is small wonder that very few European travellers had noted the monastery's existence. It is, after all, a clear 300 metres above the road, and is still quite easily missed by anyone who does not know its exact site. Laborde reached it in 1826 6 but his report was scanty, and it was not until 1892 that A. C. Headlam published the first scientific study of the monastery as an occasional paper for the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies.' He was most struck, naturally enough, with the finely preserved church at the eastern end of the long narrow complex, and this building, with its outstanding architec- ture and sculpture, has rightly won an important place in the history of early Christian archaeology. This paper, however, is concerned with another church at the same site to which I have given the possibly question- begging title of the Church of the Evangelists. Even if inaccurate, it has one advantage, in being more euphonious than Building " A " as Headlam called it, than the " West Building ", as I named it before I was sure of its purpose in 1955, or than Professor Verzone's " Chiesa n. i ". Verzone was, of course, right in recognizing it as a church, and I have called it the Church of the Evangelists from the relief of the tetramorph of the four beasts of Ezekiel's vision carved on the soffit of the lintel block of the main door (P1. XXIXa), and from the four human busts representing, probably, the four Evangelists, on the same doorway.
The large building at the west end of the site has been known as long as the rest of the monastery, since the main gate and large portions of the southern and eastern walls have always been above ground. On the other hand, until 1955 when I obtained permission to carry out limited soundings, the rest of the building was buried to an average depth of 3? metres, and nothing precise was known of its plan or of the architectural sculpture, apart from that adorning the western gate.8
4 For the date of Tarasis' death, see G. E. Bean's comments in AM. pp. 53-4. 5See Gough, op. cit., p. ii8, n. 10. 6 Voyage en Orient, pp. 124, I126. 7 cEcclesiastical Sites in Isauria (Cilicia Trachea)," I892. 8 Described by Gough, op. cit., pp. I 19-123, and by Verzone, AM. pp. 29-32-
THE CHURCH OF THE EVANGELISTS AT ALAHAN 175
i955-A PRELIMINARY SOUNDING
The original sounding, in August 1955, was carried out by myself, assisted by my wife, and Messrs. Michael Ballance, Martin Harrison and John Torrance. Our friend, the late Bay Mehmet Yaylah, acted as representative of the General Directorate of Museums and Antiquities. Our first problem was to decide whether or not the building was in fact a church, and three small areas were accordingly excavated ; the first in the south-west corner, the second in the west of the nave, and the third in
S .
- - -'- -_
- - -L - -
-
II2 3 4 5 0IIm.
FIGo. I. Plan of the Church of the Evangelists.
the south-east part of the nave where it was hoped that valuable informa- tion might be most easily gained. Although the depth of fill varied as between east and west, roughly the same conditions were encountered. First was a layer of topsoil, most of it washed down from the north where the rock has been cut back everywhere to broaden the ledge on which the monastery stands. Below the topsoil was an accumulation of building debris, mostly consisting of small blocks and, below this, the moulded cornice blocks from the upper part of the building. The last 15 cms. or so consisted of an accumulation of roof tiles, wall plaster, mortar and fragments of carbonized wood from the roof beams. All of this must have collected before the building finally collapsed.
Almost at once certain significant finds were made. At the east end, there were three steps just west of the apse opening and on the topmost of these a limestone object, shaped in many respects like a pagan altar but o*
176 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
manifestly Christian in its decoration, was discovered 9 (Pl. XXXa). Each of its four sides was carved with a conch-headed niche supported by miniature engaged columns, with a three-stepped cross carved in the centre of each niche. Four similar objects are already known from the eastern church, and while I at first found it hard to accept Verzone's view that they were altars, it now seems to me that his interpretation is most probably correct. My original objection was based on the fact that most other known altars of the early Christian period were very unlike those at Alahan, and further, that the presumably contemporary altar discovered during the excavation in 1959 of the funerary church at Dag Pazari con- sisted of a limestone base with reliquary recess, and a marble top with four supports at the corners.10 However, since the monastery clearly housed a large community, it would perhaps be natural for subsidiary altars to be provided for monks saying Mass at the same time that the congregational service was being celebrated at the main altar in the central apse. It was the steps leading from nave into apse, rather than this possible altar, that suggested a church building especially as the apse itself was certainly flanked to the south by a room which appeared to be duplicated on the north side. This provision of pastophories is, of course, a normal feature in the basilical architecture of the area, and is found in the Eastern Church at Alahan itself.
A second, and most important fact also emerged from the I955 sounding, the discovery that at least two periods of building were involved, the first almost certainly representing a three-aisled basilica with two interior rows of columns crowned by Corinthian capitals of a markedly Classical type. As for the recognition of these two periods, it was plain that the western facade with its monumental gateway and large squared blocks in the lower courses was more or less contemporary with the Monastery Church, and that the standard of architectural enrichment was in no way inferior. As the excavation proceeded, however, it was seen that not only were sculptured blocks in secondary use in some walls, but that these walls were themselves built inside the southern and western limits of the first building. Further, 7 metres east of the main gateway into the original church, was another entrance of markedly degenerate character. South-west of this entrance, and patently in situ since it performed no function in the secondary building, was a column base on its stylobate, and it was this base, together with part of its shaft that had toppled over not far away, that led to our belief that the first building had been a basilica, a belief fully confirmed by the excavation in I961. Surface indications had led us to assume that the central portion of the building, largely conforming in area with the earlier nave, had been later divided by pairs of pilasters into bays, and of these the first one to the west was excavated. Here the suspicion that the secondary building was the successor of a basilical church wvas amply confirmed by the large
9 Overall dimensions are H. - 05 m. ; w. 0-76 ; th. 0-72.
10 For short preliminary reports of this excavation, see M. Gough, AS. X, I960, pp. 5-6; also M. Gough, " Dag Pazari
I959 ", Tiirk Arkeoloji Dernegi, X-2, 1961, pp. 23-4.-
THE CHURCH OF THE EVANGELISTS AT ALAHAN 177
number of column bases, and even suitably trimmed capitals (P1. XXVIIIa), used in the construction of the bays themselves. Several very fine sculptured blocks also came to light, all of which had belonged to the early basilica.
196 I-A RESUME OF THE SEASON's WORK.
In 1961 the expedition was on a considerably larger scale. My wife and I were this time assisted by Mr. John Richards, A.R.I.B.A., of Edin- burgh as architect and Miss Marjorie MacGregor as technical assistant. Mr. Robin Guthrie acted as field assistant and Dr. Elizabeth Rosenbaum as photographer. Dr. Michael Ballance, Assistant Director of the British School at Rome, also gave me valuable help.11 The aims of the expedition were more ambitious than they had been in 1955, since it was proposed to clear the whole church, to study its architecture and sculpture during various phases of its history and, finally, to carry out such repairs and restorations as might be necessary for its future study by scholars. During a six-week season between 25th July and 2nd September, the narthex and the whole breadth of the church as far east as the secondary opening was cleared, as well as the nave and apse in so far as they corresponded with the central portion of the secondary building. The south-east room was also excavated to a depth of I1 metres from the topsoil.
Considerable delapidation, in the true sense of the word, had taken place between 1955 and I961. Frost and snow in the winter had caused the collapse of the sides of earlier trenches, and drift of soil from the north had obscured much of the work already done. After clearing this, the approach to the site was levelled off, during which operation a roughly paved court to the west of the church was brought to light. This paving appeared to be very late, as it was found associated with late green glazed pottery of the thirteenth century, but the earlier approach was probably very similar.
The west wall of the narthex was then examined, a difficult under- taking, since it was abandoned after the basilica fell into disuse. It was possible, however, to establish from the foundations and from fallen fragments that it had originally been arcaded. The central arch is certain, while horizontal lengths of entablature found close by suggest that the side entrances had originally been trabeated.12 The enrichment was not very
11 Of the photographs illustrating the text, Pls. XXVIIIb, XXIXb, XXXa/b and XXXIIa were taken by Dr. Rosenbaum, P1. XXIXa by Mr. Harry Martineau, and the remainder by the author. Dr. Ballance prepared Fig. I, while Fig. 2 is the work of my wife. An overall survey of the monastery complex, which it is hoped to publish in AS. XIII, was undertaken by Mr. John Richards, A.R.I.B.A.
12 A comparison of our Fig. I and the site plan in AM. shows that Verzone correctly estimated the position of the north door into the Church of the Evangelists; his con- jectural columned entrance to the narthex, however, is taken too far northwards, since the rock at this point makes the extension impossible. In fact, it existed only as far as the line of the northern stylobate.
178 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
striking, but the main elaboration was reserved for the main entrance to the church itself.13 The western wall of the narthex contains one feature of interest ; very late in its history an altar of the type described above was used to stop an obvious gap in the now derelict wall.
As for the narthex itself, the whole of the southern part has disappeared. Originally built up on an artificial platform, it has now tumbled down the steep hillside. To the north it was impossible to preserve its rectangular plan without cutting it out from the living rock where a natural cave with a dangerous overhang would have been a permanent menace to the structure. It was therefore quite iregularly shaped at this end to conform with natural contours, though the main fa<ade of the church itself remained unaffected. At a much later period, the builders of the secondary church blocked up the northern entrance and constructed a cistern supplied by an aqueduct which seems to have served the needs of the community from the earliest period. This cistern filled a small stone ablution bowl, a descendant of the cantharus of earlier days.
Excavation of the western area of the church proper revealed the first three bases on either side of the original basilical colonnade, and the columns themselves must have been standing to capital height when the secondary builders took over, since shafts and capitals were found lying close by on the flagged floor. Furthermore, there were signs that these columns had been incorporated in a rough wall on either side, which would have thus effectively cut off the original nave area from the side aisles."4 Five column shafts and the stump of another have now been re-erected and temporarily secured with cement (P1. XXXIb).
The main secondary structure occupies roughly the same area as did the central and eastern parts of the nave of the original basilica. It was divided by roughly coursed pilasters into four bays, each about 2"75 m. wide. These pilasters were presumably designed to carry the ribs of a vault, since a large number of ill-cut voussoirs, some even fashioned from pieces of primary column bases, were found in the building debris within the area. The lower courses of the wall themselves were mostly of secondary material, while the superstructure was of smaller stones. Apart from two openings, one into each aisle, these walls were blind, so that the interior must have been dark indeed. One curious feature, common to each of the six eastern bays, is that the lowest visible course of the wall consists of delicately carved frieze blocks which originally belonged to the basilica (P1. XXVIIIb). In the two western bays, however, close to the walls, but free of them, are two more blocks. One is of the type of frieze just mentioned, while the other duplicates the mouldings of the entablature of
13 For a description, see AM. p. 32. Most of the mouldings are repeated on the jambs of the central door into the church.
14 Verzone, (AMAl. pp. I i-i2) conjectured an internal narthex, basing his idea on the visible traces of walls, which were in fact secondary, separating the nave area from the side aisles. As these walls stopped short of the western faCade, V., very understandably, thought of the intervening space as an internal narthex. In the secondary period it might perhaps be described as such, but the actual narthex of the original basilica was, of course, the " external propylaeum with columns " as V. describes it.
PLATE XXVII
M.G. (a) The nave, looking westwards.
M.G. (b) General view of central apse.
PLATE XXVIII
M.G.
(a) Bay of secondary Church, with column capital reused.
E.R.
(b) Frieze block in north wall of secondary Church.
(a) Tetramorph of the four beasts of Ezekiel's vision.
E.R.
(b) Detail of frieze block. M.G.
(c) Frieze block in secondary use.
? ....... . . .. .. .
* :';,':..:??
......si~:
? .
...,,• ., ."?~ ?!': .i. I
gS. , .
I, "
.:K i..
........... Nk;;
iA.
is.
.
7.
............
: L .F
11 LA? ..,.
,, :
. . . . .
.4J.
-~F ",
.. ,
,. ."8 d
4WD
E.R,
(a) Small altar discovered in apse.
If
n . .
....... ?~ ~~~?
p
. .. .
''" ii aaa
•:•. • -•IP
I~P ~ ? ?.
E.R.
(6) The shrine.
~j
PLA TE XXXI
M.G. (a) Seating for clergy in central apse.
M.G. (b) The first three columns on the southern stylobate.
PLATE XXXII
M.G. (a) Cornice block over central gate of first Church.
M.G.
(b) Rock-cut aqueduct.
THE CHURCH OF THE EVANGELISTS AT ALAHAN 179
the narthex. There is a possibility, in fact, that the secondary building was never completed ; since it appears that these two blocks were placed in readiness but never used.15
The apse and its furniture probably date entirely from the first period. Two stout semicircular pilasters on either side of the apsidal opening must have carried the triumphal arch ; their capitals are very well preserved, with much of their original red paint still fresh. The base of the main altar-as opposed to the " portable " altar found on the top of the sanctuary steps-was discovered in two parts, roughly on the chord of the apse (P1. XXVIIb). It is made of limestone, and there are four sockets at the corners to take the supports for the altar stone.16 The priests' seats, following the apsidal curve, are in a remarkable state of preservation, the highest tier, just below the double window light, being reserved for the senior clergy, with the bishop's or abbot's throne projecting forwards (P1. XXXIa). A westward extension of these seats as far as the triumphal arch was a later addition, since on the northern side some of these rested immediately on the opus sectile which originally covered the whole sanctuary. 17
Everywhere in the apse, but especially in the area nearest to the seating for the clergy, was a mass of fallen plaster with mosaic tesserae. Most of these were of glass-red, green, blue, turquoise and gold-while white, grey and black were represented in stone. The cubes are generally small (less than I sq. cm. in area), while many of irregular shape are very much smaller. This suggests that some magnificent figured scene, now lost, once adorned the conch and semidome of the apse. A few pieces of mosaic, embedded in the original plaster, were found, but none of these was large enough to give any idea of the composition of which they formed part. Enough of the south-east room was excavated to show that it was entered through an arch, and that its walls had been coated with plaster. Of the north-east room nothing is as yet known, except that it had direct access to the sanctuary before the addition to the seating for the clergy was made.
From the plan of the building as excavated so far, it is clear that quite apart from the enormities perpetrated by the secondary builders, the original basilica was anything but regular (Fig. I). For one thing, its orientation is well north of east,1s while the south aisle, 3. 8o m. wide at its western end, inclines northwards to a minimum of 3 -oo m. in the east. How the north-west room lay in relation to the main north wall of the church is still problematical. In other words, the plan of the Church of the Evangelists was specially adapted to suit the lie of the land, and it is
15 N.B. that while some of these frieze blocks form the lowest course of the wall itself, others are set flush against the lower course, and so project slightly to form a narrow bench. Thus the two " loose " blocks may well have been intended for such use.
16 H. o-16 m.; w. 1-64 m.; th. 0o-83 m. 17 Both pastophories could originally be entered from the sanctuary. The northern
opening is quite clear, but the southern needs further investigation. 18 Irregularity of orientation is not in itself unusual. The basilica at Dag Pazari is
oriented over 30 degrees south of east.
180 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
tempting to believe that there was some specific reason, or perhaps some compelling religious association that caused the basilica to be built on so unpromising a site. Parallels in Western Cilicia are not far to seek, from the group of basilical churches built at the brink of the great vertical cavern at Canytela to the chapel at the mouth of the Corycian cave. However, in the closing days of the 1961 season, the entrance to a crypt was discovered in the south side of the church. This was promptly walled up to deter possible treasure seekers, and it is hoped to examine this feature in 1962. That the crypt will help to solve the problem of the church's irregular siting and plan is, at any rate a possibility.
What sort of an impact would the Church of the Evangelists have made on a pilgrim of the fifth century ? He would have certainly faced the same stiff climb as the modern visitor, would then have approached the church over a paved courtyard, and entered the narthex through its western arcade before reaching the central church door with its striking sculptured decoration. Even now, in its present weathered condition this door remains one of the most imposing entrances to an early Christian church in the east. On the lintel block, the head of Christ supported by two flying angels suggests, perhaps speciously, the sun-disc of ancient royalty. Certainly it is a motive which appears time and again in slightly differing forms in Christian art.19 Below is the magnificent tetramorph of the four beasts of Ezekiel's vision and the Apocalypse of St. John (P1. XXIXa). On the outer faces of the door jambs are the four busts which I believe to represent the Four Evangelists, while on the inner surfaces the relief sculpture has long been known to represent the Archangels SS Michael and Gabriel. Most scholars who have examined these reliefs are agreed that each Archangel stands on an object or objects, but so far there is no agreement as to what they are.20 After very careful examination in the favourable light of early morning, we have finally arrived at an identifica- tion which I believe to be substantially correct (Fig. 2). St. Michael, to the south, stands on the busts of two female figures, each with a Phrygian cap on her head. The busts face eastwards, and the first is easily identi- fiable ; the other is more weathered, with the face almost wholly destroyed. On the northern jamb, St. Gabriel stands on the back of a bull, below which is a male bust with head uncovered. It is not surely to strain the possible interpretation of these reliefs overmuch to suggest that in both cases the Archangel is represented as trampling down the enemies of Christ, and thus symbolizes the triumph of the Church over paganism. If that is a reasonable conjecture, it is tempting to see in the female busts below St. Michael devotees of Cybele but the meaning of the objects below St. Gabriel is much harder to assess. Is the bull the animal of Jupiter Dolichenus, or does it symbolize the taurobolium of Anatolian Ma or of Mithraism? Is it possible that the bare-headed man represents a priest of Isis? Even had the reliefs been completed by the sculptor or been less
"' See Gough, AS. IV, p. 122, n. 25. 20 Headlam, in identifying them as busts, was presumably referring to the southern
jamb, where the shoulders, arms and breasts of the figures are clear enough.
THE CHURCH OF THE EVANGELISTS AT ALAHAN 181
weathered that in fact they are, it would still be hard to answer these questions. One thing is however clear-that paganism was not yet dead, for the symbols must, if they were to have any meaning at all, have been familiar to the sculptor and to those who first saw his work. In this connexion, it is worth recalling the contemporary, or near contemporary silver reliquary of Q•rga, on which a female saint, very possibly the Virgin
Ak Aoatw
Aikh C okuvck o ttN Evaoiqclists CLiuvck of tke EvaAelii.rs 5s Gabriel " i l
01.00
•.oo I.OO
o.50 metres o. "o
irvcs
-.7 7-.0,"4.0'FIG. 2.7
Ff G. 2.
herself, is portrayed flanked by lions as a Christian Potnia Thergn.21 Paganism may well have died hard in the fastnesses of the Isaurian mountains.
Above the lintel block was a rich cornice, consisting of a deep-cut, crisp vine scroll with clusters, crossed fish and partridges between the horizontal modillons and a spreading acanthus overhang (P1. XXXIIa). The corners of this were supported by two magnificent acanthus fronted consoles, each one carved with an almost heraldic dolphin on its outer face. Many fragments of a larger cornice, again decorated with partridges and fish, probably belonged to the top of the west wall, and one carved with
21 See M. Gough, " A Fifth Century Reliquary from Isauria," Byzantinoslavica, XIX (2), 1958.
182 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
a ram's head half in the round was probably central, again above the main door.
The interior of the basilica was divided by two arcades into a nave and side aisles. The columns are comparatively short and stubby,22 and above them the walls would have risen high before the gallery level was reached. Just below this point was a frieze course, of which many undamaged blocks were built into the lowest course of the secondary church.23 This frieze is one of the finest pieces of architectural sculpture to be found at the monastery. The overall motive is a type of guilloche, including in its strands rosettes, acanthus florets and fish and, in a single instance, a cross (P1. XXIXb). There is no dead monotony, since the alternation of the objects varies, and a block on which some fish face one way and some another suggests that a change of movement took place somewhere in the nave, possibly in the centre (P1. XXVIIIa). Another, L-shaped block shows that the frieze was carried across a right-angle, though where this took place is uncertain. Above the frieze was a simple, rather shallow cornice with only a small projection. One block carries a bird, possibly a dove, in relief.
The upper part of the building is still problematic. The fragments of a few small window dividers and a capital decorated with wind-swept oak leaves suggest an arrangement not unlike that in the Monastery Church (cp. Verzone, AM. Fig. 79). It is also possible that light was obtained through rectangular windows of pierced lattice work, some of which was of unusual delicacy and based on vegetable scrolls. Plain rectangular windows are, in any case, a feature of the southern pastophory and of the main southern wall of the church. A massive frieze (P1. XXIXc) of running acanthus scroll topped by egg and dart may have crowned the western facade, immediately below the large cornice described above (p. 181). Among hundreds of other fragments 24 are parts of orthostates carved on both sides which may have formed part of a balustrade (possibly of a cancellus). Others cannot be satisfactorily placed, though it should be remembered that the north and south aisles, with much of the southern, and the whole of the northern pastophory still remain to be excavated.
THE DATING PROBLEM
The curious orientation and plan of the Church of the Evangelists in conformity with the irregularity of its site has already been mentioned, and this irregularity becomes more marked if contrasted with the order
22 The dimensions of the order are ; bases : o 70 m. by 0-70 m. and o -45 m. high on average ; shafts : 2-50 m. high, with a lower diameter ofo54 m. ; capitals : o'45
m. high. The total height from base to capital is therefore 3 40o
m. The intercolumniation is 1 -95
23 The width of the blocks so employed varies, but the other dimensions are constant. H. o.43 m., th. o063 m. The depth of relief is
o0-25. "4 The builders of the secondary church sometimes showed a curious respect for the sculptured blocks that they hacked to pieces to provide rubble. A pair of crossed fish, or a single fish's head will often be found carefully cut away from its background.
THE CHURCH OF THE EVANGELISTS AT ALAHAN 083
and careful arrangement of the buildings to the east of it. True, the Monastery Church is also sited on difficult ground, with an orientation this time slightly south of east, but the plan itself is regular; indeed, its north wall was hewn sheer from the living rock to ensure this. As for the great columnar portico connecting the narthex of the Monastery Church with the east end of the Church of the Evangelists, it never changes course, though there are subtle alterations of level as the ground rises from west to east. This portico, with its in-built shrine (P1. XXXb), and the twin- apsed Central Church are plainly contemporary and form a carefully calculated architectural entity. The fact that there is no regularity in either the siting or plan of the Church of the Evangelists suggests very strongly that it was, in fact, sited independently of the other buildings and, in all probability, before them.25
If this basilica was the first church at Alahan, some stylistic differences in relief sculpture might well be expected as in architecture, and closer study of the whole monastery than was possible in 1955 has led me to believe that such differences do exist. In the first place, the sculpture in the Church of the Evangelists, though much of it is fragmentary, is both more plentiful and richer than that of the Monastery Church. In the Church of the Evangelists is the full exuberance of a nascent Christian iconography imposed on those of paganism ; in the Monastery Church is a precision and competence that suggests greater experience--one might almost say expertise.2 Nevertheless, a similarity of style, coupled with the use of the same mouldings in both churches, suggests that there is not more than a generation at most between them.
The only certain date applicable to the foundation of the monastery is that of the death of Tarasis in 462 on Shrove Tuesday. His epitaph describes him as " founder " (less likely as " benefactor ") for a hostel for lay folk, and one may reasonably assume that the monastery was complete before the need for a hostel was felt. If so, the eastern part of the complex, i.e. the Monastery Church and its small atrium to the west, will belong to the mid-fifth century, with the Church of the Evangelists perhaps twenty-five years earlier. The portico and Central Church must be slightly later than either.
THE COMMUNITY
Evidence for the communal life of the monks at Alahan falls somewhat outside the scope of this paper. Nevertheless, some observations on a few discoveries made in 1961 are perhaps worthy of notice before they are
25 Other considerations apart, it is most unlikely that the Monastery Church was the first at Alahan, if only because it would have been illogical in the monks to build 250 m. east of the natural caves which must immediately have been appreciated as potential cells, and which were in fact put to that use. The rock-cut cells between the Church of the Evangelists and the Monastery Church will have been fashioned after the whole monastery was a going concern.
26 The decorative panels of fish on the jambs and lintel soffit of the south door are a case in point. See M. Gough, The Early Christians, Thames and Hudson, London, i96i, Fig. 32.
184 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
published in detail. ~ Of these the most important is the aqueduct, a fine feat of simple engineering, which supplied nearly all the cells in the monastery (P1. XXXIIb). Basically it is a channel, some 12 cm. in width and about 7 cm. deep, cut in the rock face and originally fed by a spring, now much diminished, some 250 m. north-east of the Central Church. On its way past the monks' cells, individual branches were cut, and where the fall was precipitous, small cisterns and basins were hollowed out to arrest the flow. There was also some evidence of agriculture in the terraces which descend the valley on the southern side of the monastery. Finally some degenerate fruit trees in the court west of the Monastery Church claimed our attention. One of these was producing bitter little plums, not much larger than sloes, in August I961.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA
By G. E. BEAN and T. B. MITFORD
In JUNE 1961 the writers gave three weeks to exploring the country in the neighbourhood of Alanya, the ancient Coracesium, and Gazipaga, formerly Selinti, the ancient Selinus. This region proved to be rewarding ; and we hope to pursue our investigations both there and to the east of Anamur in future years-the more so since our predecessors have been few and often hampered by the difficulties of the terrain. Some indeed, like Beaufort, travelled almost exclusively by sea ; others found themselves detained by the archaeological richness of the Olba-Lamos area, and then, like Sterrett and Theodore Bent, diverted up the Calycadnus gorge into the hinterland of Isauria. Explorers of the coastlands between Manavgat and Silifke are in effect reduced to Heberdey and Wilhelm (quoted here- after as HW) in 1892, Paribeni and Romanelli in 1913, Wilhelm and Keil in 1914. To those familiar with this country it is revealing to learn that Wilhelm's visits-for example to Sinekkalesi and Syedra, extensive sites, heavily scrub-covered-were often brief affairs ; that his exploration of Seleucia above Side and indeed of all the coast lying immediately to the east of the Melas river was cut short by repeated thunder-storms.
CORACESIUM
Alanya, continuously inhabited since antiquity, preserves few traces of the ancient Coracesium. To the very fine castle 1 a new attraction has recently been added by the discovery of a large stalactite cave at the west foot of the acropolis hill. L. Robert visited Alanya in 1960, and promises a study of Coracesium (AS. XI, 1961, 25)-
HAMAXIA (Sinekkalesi) This site has long been known. It lies some 6 km. to the west-north-
west of Alanya, on a high summit half an hour's walk above the village of Elikesik. We spent two days on the site, heavily overgrown with arbutus and tall scrub ; its investigation is not easy, and much clearly remains to be discovered.
At the north-western foot of the summit, beside a conspicuous plane-tree and a perennial spring, is a handsome ancient fountain-house (P1. XXXIIIa) some 6 m. wide and 4-5 m. deep, roofed with crossed slabs supported on six rectangular bases moulded top and bottom. The middle row of trans- verse slabs is decorated with rams' heads in relief. Water still enters by a channel at the back-but the trough in front is now reduced to a hollow in the ground. Immediately above this building a rock-cut stairway leads steeply up the hillside to the ruins.
The ring-wall (P1. XXXIIIb), while of respectable appearance, is not of early date. Below it on the northern and north-western slopes sherds are
1 Seton Lloyd and D. Storm Rice, Aldnya (Ala'i3ya). p
186 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
abundant, but we saw nothing pre-Roman ; within the wall scrub and fallen leaves made sherding impossible. At almost the highest point is the tower of squared blocks noted by Heberdey and Wilhelm. Slightly below this to the north two fine exedrae face each other, seemingly on either side of a street.2 Below the ring-wall on the north is the main necropolis,
., ,?e
l . .......
CoPAC. ES
?U
. A,
U t ?..Are#
' '• ...• . . ? .. .? .' SEL MUS
I I
C-
I
A.
"" • .. .., :, .,
.- •.. -.
:.',.. ..... • ..-. ."•. ZAN'io' 2j
I: C ~EI(XIA????.?-?=AD CRA.? u
. AA",. 5; .:i'.::'..:'
?," :'.:• ..
.. ..
FIG. I.
Ancient sites. O Modern towns and villages. - - - - - Modern chauss6e. 250, 500, I,000, 1,500, 2,000 metre contours.
comprising numerous built tombs : some of these have recently been dug by villagers, their sculptures either disposed of secretly or taken to Alanya.3 Of published inscriptions we collated a number.4 To these we now add six inedita, all of Roman Imperial date.
2 The temple we take to be a building just below the tower on the west ; but very little of it is now standing.
3 A room in the Belediye Building in Alanya is used as a store for antiquities collected in the neighbourhood. From Sinekkalesi come a small sarcophagus, a group of seven busts from a single tomb, and the handsome monument, our no. 7 below. We saw also other sarcophagi, an inscribed base and a number of small altars (libanotrides)--of which two have inscriptions. These, however, were examined in 1960 by L. Robert; and they are therefore, except for no. 7, omitted from the present article.
4 Our revisions have in general been communicated to the Austrian Academy for inclusion in the schedae of TAM. ; and, save in exceptional cases, we say nothing of them here.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 187
We here found no clear evidence to confirm or disprove identification of Sinekkalesi with Hamaxia. Of the twenty-one inscriptions of the site not one gives either this or indeed any geographical designation. No coinage of Hamaxia exists. The two literary references upon which we totally depend are both in some measure corrupt and, furthermore, mutually conflicting. Thus the Stadiasmus names " Anaxion " as a x~piov immediately to the west of Coracesium 5-but Strabo describes Hamaxia as to the east of that city, Mrri povvo0 Ka-rolKia TiS
i•OpOV EXovxaa, 6TroU
KTr•-racETi li vavrrryn'raii{tr 0.6 It can hardly be said that Sinekkalesi answers well to this description. " On a hill " it certainly is ; but this anchorage to which timber was brought down is difficult. Kiepert, following Heberdey and Wilhelm, places Aunesis at a small fort on a rocky height on the coastal plain some two and a half hours west of Alanya-and this they regard as the port of Hamaxia. The place indeed is directly below our ruins; but that it was ever used extensively for lumbering is hard to believe-for there is no route from the hinterland to the coast at this point. The nearest likely timber-station indeed would appear to be at the mouth of the Kargl ayl some i o km. to the west, where logs might be floated down the stream or carried down the river valley; but we prefer to think that Strabo (whom we shall find to be again at fault in precisely this section) is inaccurate in attaching to a mere Ka-rolKia his digression upon Cleopatra's exploitation of this district for her ship- building. He has in mind, we take it, not a village in its territory but Coracesium itself, which had easy access to the forest-lands by the valley of the Dim Qayi.7
Strabo's Roman-as opposed to his Hellenistic-source for this coast (of which it is thought he had no personal knowledge) would list Hamaxia after the city to which it was politically subordinate, so that Strabo's location of it to the east, the direction in which his narrative is progressing, would be an easy error. The factual testimony of the Stadiasmus is far more compelling. It is now confirmed by our discovery and identification of the Cebelire? site, below, pp. 194 sq.
Strabo and the Stadiasmus testify that Hamaxia at the outset of the Empire did not have civic status. The inscriptions not merely corroborate
5 Stadiasmus 208 : &rr KopacKaiov et Aivratv krrl Xopiov 'Avd(lov o-rd6tol Tr'. 209 : drr6 'Ava~fwv EI XCopiov KGaOOipEvov Aiy&S o-ra8'oi o'. This is generally emended to 'Apacfav and drr6
Avfi•ECO5, since it is widely accepted that the reference is to Strabo's Hamaxia. This
part of the Stadiasmus is probably derived from sources not far in date from Strabo : MiUller, GGM. I, cxxv-cxxvi. On this coast Xcopfov in the Stadiasmus is applied to places then of a minor importance-Charadrus, Cragus, Nephelium, Laertes, Augae, Tenedos, Lyrnas. 6 Strabo XIV, 5, 2 (668) :
ME•ar 8 -r6 KopOKimov *
'Apawv6d rrw6hlS, ETI' "'ALa ia
K.-.A,. We may note that here Strabo in his description of the timber industry speaks
in general terms : SOKEI -raTra T--r&
pipq 7rEOVEKTEiV T-ro TOariT •ViAEf and again
Sid- ror' 'Avrcbvios
KA'Eorr=rpq -r& Xcopfa -ra-ra "rrpoc•vEtpIV.
He no longer has Hamaxia in mind. 7 The rivers are incorrectly shown on Kiepert's map : in particular there is no river
between Sinekkalesi and Alanya. The " bon port " below Sinekkalesi mentioned by Besnier (Lex. Geogr. s.v. Hamaxia) does not exist.
188 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
this, but they suggest that such was long its condition. Only in our no. 5, an inscription to be dated after the Constitutio Antoniniana, do we find Hamaxia at last a city. But by then her story was nearly over : Hamaxia has no early Christian or Byzantine history. Nor could we find on the site any trace of a church.
I. Hamaxia, below the tower on the west side, two blocks belonging to the same monument: (a) 0.44 h., 0-73 w., 0o62 th., broken into four joining pieces ; (b) 0-46 h., 0o73 w., more than
0.-46 th., broken away at
the back. Each inscription is in a panel near the right-hand end of the block : for symmetry we must suppose an uninscribed block on the right. Letters 33 mm. high.
(a) noMpcov (b) 'Oppa'gqTras
'Oppaor-Trov u oh•pvoS
'Oppacrtirav Kova lv r6v IohMpcovoS [v]16v Kai Aav
5 Tr6v wrraripa [T]?v Oeya'rEpa In (b) 2-5 the final letters stray over the edge of the panel. The female name Aas occurs on this site in CIG. 4406 (acc. Aav) and
4409 (nom. Aas : the copy has AAE). For the declension cf. 'A-rrp•as-'A-qnav in no. 38 below, and Alvas-Alvav in AS. IX, 1959, 107, nos. 71-72. Mono-
syllabic names in -as are normally masculine, but Mas and Nas also occur as feminine. The name 'Oppaaniras, although without exact parallel, is thoroughly Cilician ; and occurs likewise in Pisidia in the form 'Owpacarrls (OGI. 751).
2. Hamaxia, Io m. west of the tower, the upper member of a moulded base 0 365 h., o08o w., o062 th. The inscription is below the moulding in letters from 20 to 22 mm. high-but 15 mm. in 1. 4-
'Olpaouv 'OppavyovErros dvo'rrlon[av ol KklTpo]- v6pot 'Anvifcov Kcal
apaXovyEpl• Ka [1 6 &Tiva]
ol KovcaXEo~ ulol Tro0 68EvXpo0 ar-ro0 Kacr.[a riv a0ro00]
.ta.T.f [K]rIv
The names 'Oppaouvs and lapaAouyEpis are new. At the end of line 3 only KAI is visible ; and, with line 4 in smaller lettering, it is possible that we should read Kai [6 Eiva I KaT-r] GaOi [K]lv. This, however, would leave no room for a patronymic; and our text phrase recurs in HW. no. 225.
The formula 6 Eiva &v4o-rloEv r6v Tiva (or fav'r6v), with or without lvifplms X~pwv, is common at Hamaxia.8 Its occurrence in epitaphs is discussed by L. Robert in J•t. Anat. 393; but despite the addition in several cases of plvi#~rS Xpv, these stones of Sinekkalesi are not to be regarded as tombstones. This is clear alike from their shape and from
their place of finding, in the very centre of the city.9 Rather, they are public memorials in the form of a statue. Cf. further our no. 3 following.
3. We collated and took a squeeze of HW. no. 226, which lies with the others, close to the tower on the west. The editors print:
KioopatiS Ko [vahecoS] a~rr6v &v [•a'L]- SEV iv -rfi [tav]-
[T]o0 oi [Kia]t The editors' copy is accurate save that in line I part of an upright
stroke is preserved after KO : probably therefore K6y [covos], a name which occurs repeatedly on this site. They note on line 4 that the restoration is too short for the space, and this is certainly true by some two or .three letter-spaces; while the addition of iota mutum is surprising in a text of this date.10 However, the unusual phrase is paralleled by CIG. 4404, which we did not see. We note that this last should evidently be read as two separate texts thus :
MovytAXapts TovEou- Movyihapts T [ov]-l S~avTV 6v dvoraoEv EouVS loT [v] < div> [TfiS] Tfr TiS avTrrov0 oKiaS
&B. (X >iS 0 <vy >a -r[pa]
(w-7 .v.Cllaq
X(apiv The restoration ol[Kia]t is therefore probably correct.12 In each case
a man erects a statue of himself in or on his own house. This practice we have not met elsewhere, and the editors offer no comment. Nor should we expect this part of the city to be occupied by private houses.
4. Hamaxia, built into the high wall of a conspicuous building to the north-west of the tower, a damaged block o034 h., more than 0-50 w., o062 th., exposed on the removal before our visit of another stone, said to have been itself inscribed. Letters 32-35 mm. high. Photograph, PI. XXXIIIc.
[Ao]vK a [v ? ---- ']- .pipov v[ycrr?pa &vf]- Vrrlaev N[------] v. K OV 0uy[6rrp 4I Airrp] vel sim.
5 vac. Pvi' [prs X6pw] Line 4. Possibly [Aov]K[i]ov 0Vy[a-p]. In the gap between kappa and
omicron it may be that iota was pencilled in but overlooked in the cutting.
9 But we can speak only for those we saw, seven in all. These, however, are enough to establish the principle. This argument, however, cannot be pressed : how Hamaxia was laid out as a KaTOlKla, and what changes, if any, were made when it became a vr6Ats, we are as yet in no position to say. Our nos. 4 and 5 are evidence of three architectural phases-and it would seem that our inscription belonged to the earliest.
10 The second century, as we should judge. 11 Lines 2 and 3 of (b), as given by Beaufort, are as follows :
EOYCTTOYH. P M AAMPHCOACA
12 The present damage to the stone may be in part ancient and have been avoided by the stone-cutter.
I90 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
The secondary position of this block is evidence for two architectural phases at Hamaxia.
5. Hamaxia, 5 m. below the tower on the north side, built into a late wall, a block more than I - 15 h., o-63 w., 0o53 th., plain save for a vertical drafting on the right edge. A dowel-hole on the upper surface is 8 cm. in diameter, 7 cm. deep, with lead-channel. Letters 3 cm. high. Photograph, P1. XXXIIId.
1i PouVi KaCl 6 8i'OS rEipLq7)av Avip. 'Av-
Ocr'nov KovcAviav- 6v BXC'vbov -rOv '1tov
5 povXarrijv, &p avtra
Tra; sTrl3aXo0craa TrT 1 iKXKi" aoiroJ T
•pX(" -rOv 8 dvv6pi&v-ra dcv-
acaarv Ai0p. BXav8ia- 10 v6S K6vcov Kai A0p. Mipa-
orlTiav1f {v} 9V80yoVEIS
PVII•gqS Kal •PlXOTEKVi- as X6pyv (leaf) The reading of line II is difficult. Of vSoyovEis all the letters except
gamma are clear, and we see no alternative to supposing an error-or variant-for MvSoyEVEis, vernae. The two dedicants, from their use of the praenomen Aurelius and the expression qpXoTEKVias Xaptv have seemingly been adopted by Anthestius. The name
Mipaa•qi-rav6s, -il is regularly
formed from the Cilician Mtpacr7Tras,13 already known on this site (HW.
nos. 228, 229, 231). The final nu is clear on photograph and squeeze, but appears to be superfluous.
Among the twenty-one known texts of this site, this is our first-and only-mention of Council and People at Hamaxia, and indeed our sole proof of civic status ; if we exclude the list of Hermes priests, HW. 228, our only official inscription, and the only occurrence of Roman citizens. Moreover the praenomen Aurelius gives a date after the Constitutio Antoniniana of A.D. 212. Since the stone is built into a conspicuous wall, it is evidence of a third and seemingly final building phase, subsequent to that attested by our no. 4 above.
6. Hamaxia, in the necropolis on the north slope of the hill, two non- joining fragments of white limestone from a built tomb : both are 0o27 h. and o053 th., with (a) 0-2 and (b) 0•27
13 Similar names are frequent, formed indifferently from Greek or from Anatolian names.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 191
Line I. Or -yov. Line 2, rardrrov is probable by reason of the identity of name. To read [I]-rras [Zco]-rov col-rav -r6[v ut]6v would make the panel unduly narrow. From the lettering we conjecture a late second or third century date.
7. Alanya, in the store-room at the Belediye, brought from Sinekkalesi in 1961, a handsome funeral monument o 83 h., o0 56 w., 0.52 th. The front (P1. XXXIVb) is pedimented and has on each side a pilaster, partially broken away, between which it is hollowed out to a depth of 20 cm. to receive a group of four figures. In front, on the right, is seated an elderly man, bare-headed in a long robe; on the left a seated woman,. veiled, wearing a long peplos and himation. Behind this pair, on a higher step, to the right is a young soldier standing with pike upright in his right hand ; to the left a veiled woman likewise standing. On the wall behind the soldier are three plaques or medallions which we have failed to interpret.
On the left flank of the stone, in a panel, are two standing male figures, clasping hands (P1. XXXIVc), the one on the left with his left arm round the other's shoulder. Both are bare-headed.
On the right flank, in a panel, are three figures (P1. XXXIVd) : on the right a seated woman, veiled, her head resting on her right hand, her right elbow supported on her knee; on her left a child. On the left is a male figure, standing, naked, with cloak slung over his left shoulder, his right elbow propped on a decorated column, his right arm raised to his head-but the forearm is broken away.
The upper part of the stone is also decorated. In the pediment a lion attacks a bull ; over its apex is a broad vase, on either side of which is a kneeling bull. At each of the right and left top corners is a lion with body extending along the flank of the stone. The back is plain.
The inscription on the rim below the central relief, in letters from 1o to 12 mm. high, is worn and hard to read.
NavaS KPA.O.ET.A
TpEPl PIs TpEpInElcs TpEprlE•oS Ktiapapco-roS
yuy.f The unnamed woman at the back is presumably daughter or daughter- in-law of Trebemis. The name Kidaramos is new, but Kidramoas and similar forms are not uncommon. The soldier's name, which we cannot read, seems also to be unknown-but we note that he appears not to have been a Roman citizen. This monument, from its style, we consider to be of the first or second century.
SYEDRA
The site of Syedra is firmly established on the evidence of inscriptions, coins and the survival of the ancient name.14 The city occupies a con- siderable area, now thickly overgrown with forest: we spent a day and a half on the site, to leave much of it unexplored. Save for a stretch of
14 cf. HW. p. 141 sq.
192 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
lofty city-wall in large squared blocks on the south-east, all the remains seen by us would appear to be of late date-the most striking of them a large church. The temple is a rough patchwork of reused stones- which include two inscriptions-originally veneered. All but four of the published inscriptions were collated by us,15 for the most part built into later structures. To these we now add four inedita.
The history of Syedra begins in late Hellenistic times. It has an imperial coinage running from Tiberius to Gallienus, to prove that it formed no part of the kingdoms of Archelaus and Antiochus; and from 36 B.c. onwards clearly it belonged successively to Amyntas, Galatia and Lycia-Pamphylia. The published inscriptions, however, with one exception (the seemingly pre-Severan HW. no. 249) are all of the third century- and our no. 8 with its early date accordingly becomes interesting. The church seen by us proves survival into Christian times, thus contrasting with Sinekkalesi and Cebelire? (below, pp. I94 sq.) ; and Syedra, be it noted-but not Hamaxia and Laertes-appears in the Christian records.
8. Syedra, lying some 50 m. below the summit on the south-east beside the path, a moulded base broken at the bottom right, I I 2 h., tapering in width from o062 to 0'53, in thickness from
o.6I to 0o58. Letters 3 cm.
high, badly worn and damaged. Squeeze,. P1. XXXVa.
[C.] Erennio Maxim [o] veterano leg. v Macedonicae, [s] acerdoti Ca [e]-
5 [s] aris, civitas [Sy]- ed [r] en [s] ium h.c.
F. 'EpEvvfic Ma ih[cp] ivTrEpc&S [&rrok]-
10 E' MaXKE8OVIKO5, [dp]- XIEp [E]l Kaafap [os, IVE]- 8 [picov f1 Tr6Xs -rEIPifl]
v [EKEV] In line I, there is no room for Herennio. v-riEfPcoS OrrE•XEpvos,
the normal expression for the honesta missio, here translates veteranus. Leg. V Macedonica had indeed its castra at Oescus in Moesia, but was much involved in the East. Thus Berytus as a colony was formed from this legion; it was with Tiberius and Gaius Caesar in these parts ; it is mentioned in Cilicia by IGR. III, 884, 902. It would be idle to speculate upon how C. Herennius Maximus, clearly Latin-speaking
15 We note certain corrections to Heberdey and Wilhelm's texts. No. 234, line 9, Aa8•Krln EiGalov 8'-but this delta is in fact a leaf. Nos. 238, 239 and 240 all end with d&yOvoerooiv-ros a roiro0 TO v
,poT'rEpov ZowRov. No. 242, line 7: the name is A'pljMov
'I•Ii'vov 'Apx~A&ov. No. 249, line 3: not trel•fcov--despite
the editors' (sic)-but, quite clearly, -fipCrolEv.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 193
and of Italian stock, came to be at Syedra; but it is indeed possible that he was detached from his legion as stationarius, and on discharge settled in this city. The Herennii of Macedonia have recently been considered by L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 561-and they include a M. Herennius Maximus.
Our inscription would appear to be of first or early second century date ; and with this Herennius' priesthood tallies. For there can be little doubt that our sacerdos Caesaris was priest of a local cult of Julius Caesar or of Octavian even as at Xanthos (for example) we have one iEpcre'oagS Kaioapos and nrroril Cas Tro0 Kaiaapos vaoO (IGR. III, 482).16
9. Syedra, lying close below no. 8, the lower part of a moulded base, now 092 h., o.5I w., 0-37 th. Letters 25 to 27 mm. high.
[--------] MOY - -c. 7 - - al]viovu
dycovoOe'ou K(a ptIAoT-refov
The title of " perpetual agonothete ", altbvios or St' alicvos, as opposed to cyovoei-rr~n 8t Piov, was frequently conferred upon the institutor of a contest, after whom commonly it was named. Being primarily honorary, it continues after a man's death: even an agonothete Si& fiov was not expected to function every year."
io. Syedra, built into a wall on the summit, between HW. nos. 234 and 242, a block 0-84 h., 0-'435 w., the thickness not ascertainable. The letters, 35 to 38 mm. high, are very badly worn.18
KNavutay []nY Bliaitahl.vv -rTv 7a
[j•rrpo]"rT- n"tv anrrrI[K' v]
f r [6]I RIs] BlaKAliav is regularly formed from BiaxXihi, a name which does not
appear to be recorded. In line 3 space is very restricted for hap•rTpo-r&rrlv, unless MVTP was written in ligature.
16 A worship of Julius Caesar was established in his lifetime at Cos and Ephesus for benefactions conferred. But the Xanthian inscription IGR. III, 482, is ascribed by Dittenberger, OGL 555, rather to Octavian. Why Syedra should possess a priest and presumably a temple of Caesar--or his son-is, however, obscure. According to Lucan (Pharsalia VIII, 260 : parvisque Syedris-or Synedris) Pompey held there a council of war after Pharsalus, before setting sail for Cyprus and Egypt-and Syedra may have thought it prudent to mollify the conqueror. The story, confirmed as it is by Florus (IIo, 13, 5i)- (Pompeius) pulsus deserto Ciliciae scopulo-at least attests the existence of Syedra at the close of the Hellenistic period.
17 As is shown for example by an inscription of Selge shortly to be published. 1s Except in a favourable light this inscription is barely visible, and was either over-
looked or withheld by Heberdey and Wilhelm.
194 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
i i. Syedra, some 50 m. below the temple to the south-east, a rect- angular limestone block o-9i h., o0645 w., more than 0o3 th., the upper left corner broken away. Letters 25 mm. high.
[------ Opt8sos TEr]p.aETrl- [ptK'is (piXor]q.!..rl0eI I Ka I
[4'tsrr1XEa].iovl• [C0rr6 Aip.] Zcoi-
[Aou Xplao]Tou T [o] d&([]!oXoyc- 5 [-rTrov] K ai Aip. [Ato8co]pitovi~
[)Eo]6b'pas T~ls y[watlK].$
[aI]- TOJ Tfi5s &??looyCi [T&I-].M [18i]- ov XpTlPdrrCv, d(yovo0ETro0v- ToS ar rro r ToO ph\OTEipOV
10 Zoifhou
This text is identical with HW. no. 238 (above note 15), and lies in the same part of the city ; but lineation and the dimensions of the stone show significant divergencies.
LAERTES (Cebelire?)
In Alanya we learned of the existence of an ancient site high up on Cebelire? Dagi (sometimes called Cebeli Reis), 15 km. to the east, the principal mountain of this region.19 The site lies at the western foot of the summit peak, on the edge of a long plateau which extends for some two or three miles towards Alanya, something over three hours' climb from Mahmutlar village and about 3,000 feet above sea level. In summer it is often covered in cloud. Now quite deserted, the nearest habitation is a group of four or five houses half an hour below to the east.
On the west of the site 20 is a level space some 50 to 6o m. long and 15 to 20 m. wide, with a pavement along its western side: this we call the " Agora ". At the southern end of this is a large building with an apse at its western side, and a little to the south-west another large building. At the northern end of the " Agora " is an exedra with a short flight of steps leading up behind it. To the west and south-west are traces of houses, with a cistern ; and a short way beyond is a spring. Some 50 m. to the east or south-east of the exedra are the ruins of a sizeable rectangular building with rows of steps on its southern side : this contains numerous honorific inscriptions, and was perhaps a Council Chamber. Below it on the north are some remains of a paved road, with a terrace wall beyond. To the south-east of the " Council Chamber " is an eminence crowned by a fortification, with at its south-western corner a large underground
19 Its height is given as I,690 m. by the Turkish maps, 1,460 m. by Kiepert and 4,790 ft. by the old GSGS map. Our own impression agrees rather with the lower estimate, but we had with us no altimeter.
20 The plan, Text-fig. 2, makes no pretence whatsoever to accuracy, being drawn largely from memory. We offer it to give some idea of the nature of the site and the location of the inscriptions.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 195
building comprising three parallel vaulted passages, perhaps a granary or store-house. To the south, on the steep slope of the mountain, beyond an open level space, is the necropolis. The site militarily appears almost indefensible; for, apart from the fort mentioned, it lacks any form of defence works, and is overlooked from the mountain on the east.
The inscriptions are in the main honorific ; they range in time from the first to the third century, prove that this place throughout was a city- but give us no hint of its identity. We must turn once more to the literary
0-- a- -
AZA0
0 t XO 40 ,///
Ri.i\\\\~\\~
FIG. 2. Rough sketch-plan of Laertes (Cebelire?).
A, " Agora." B, Exedra. C, " Council-chamber." D, Paved Way. E, Terrace-wall. F, Zeus Megistos. G, Olive-press. H, Fortress. J, Under- ground Chambers. K, Church. L, Cistern. M, Houses and other buildings.
N, Necropolis.
sources. Strabo, we have noted, is in this area no reliable guide ; and we have found it necessary, by setting Hamaxia not to the east but with the Stadiasmus to the west of Coracesium, to reject his evidence. Can his statement, however, that Coracesium was immediately followed on the east by the city of Arsinoe at once solve our difficulty and repair his reputation ? Once again our answer must be no. These dynastic names cannot in general be expected to outlive a change of dynasty ; and particularly true is this of the numerous Arsinoes of the Ptolemaic empire overseas-none a new foundation, all re-namings of important existing cities.21 We are
21 On the death of Arsinoe Philadelphus in 270 B.c. and her deification, an important city in each subject population was renamed after this goddess. These names could not be expected to survive Ptolemaic domination.
196 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
satisfied that Jones is correct in his assumption that Strabo has used his Ptolemaic source uncritically, to produce two cities where in fact there was one.22 Now it is odd that Strabo has nothing to say of Syedra which in his day existed and of which the position (we have seen) is fixed. Can it be that his Laertes (ElTra Aa•epTrs (ppoiptov i N6pov ( paoaroEa8o0I 0cpoppov p Xov), coming immediately after his Hamaxia, explains this omission, with Laertes another name for Syedra ? That, however, is impossible, since the coinage of the two cities overlaps. We are thus left with the equation of Cebelireg with Laertes, the hitherto unidentified city of the author of the Lives of the Philosophers.
In support of this equation are the following considerations. The Stadiasmus (Stad. 207) places Laertes 12 miles to the east of Coracesium ; Ptolemy (V, 5, Sect. 8) counts Laerte an inland city, while his latitude and longitude show us that he has in mind a place in this general area; Alexander Polyhistor, quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium, cites Laertes as the name both of a city and a mountain. Finally, Strabo's description- a ppoopiov with an anchorage, set upon a breast-shaped crest-is not inept, since Cebelire?, viewed from Aldnya, presents precisely the aspect of a breast surmounted by the nipple of the summit peak. Admittedly, to the Stadiasmus Laertes is a Xopiov --- ~-ri ca•daans, but this may well be a reference to the '0poppos of Strabo. Where, however, that may have been on this somewhat featureless coast, we cannot decide. The mouth of the Dim Qayi, very handy for lumbering, might indeed seem an obvious choice; but an anchorage there would be too close to Coracesium; nor would it tally with the figures of the Stadiasmus.
12. Laertes, lying in the brushwood, immediately below the " Council- Chamber ", a block except at the top broken on all sides, 0-58 h., I -02 w., 0-36 th. Letters 3'5 cm. to 4 cm. high. The writing is almost effaced and how much is lost is not clear; but the right-hand part of the stone appears to be uninscribed.
22 A. H. M. Jones, Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces (1937) p. 200, suggests that Arsinoe is the Ptolemaic name for Coracesium. The arguments of K. Mueller, GGM I, 487 f. (Arsinoe to be equated with Aunesis), and W. Ruge, RE. s.v. Syedra (Strabo's Arsinoe to be emended to the Syedra which he strangely omits) must be reconsidered in the light of the Hadra vase, Breccia, Iscriz. gr. e lat. no. I91, with the ethnic k? 'Apriv6rl [i-is] rt nlau(pvlas.. This is admirably discussed by Robert in .Et. ipig. et philol. (1938)
255 and n. 2, who for himself suggests an unidentified city somewhat to the east of Coracesium. Cf. now the Cypriot inscription, AJA. 65, i96i, 135, no. 35, which honours one Theodorus s. Demetrius 'Apoivoia
"rfis 4l lrapqlu aS, lyEp6va T6v TrETrayvov
I-r'l Xapdt8pov, KCa TV yvvaiKa aairro0 Mvpaita K.T.A. Strabo's only service has been to locate this Arsinoe at or near the modern Alanya. That Hellenistic Pamphylia included this district is certain; while the administrative boundary under the Empire lay between Iotape and Syedra. We reserve for a later occasion our formal discussion of this vexed frontier.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 197
The wretched condition of this text, seemingly the earliest from our site, is to be regretted. Ligus is attested for the first century A.D. ; 23 and with this early date the inclusion of iota mutum and the general style of the lettering would agree.24
13. Laertes, below the " Council-Chamber " among fallen blocks, a tall base I
.5 h., 0 -54 w., 0 -44 th., the top left corner broken off. Letters
30 to 33 mm. high. [A0rr]OKp6-ropa [T1p]'piov K•av'8iov [K]iarapa Epao-r [6]v rFEppaVlK6v, Tr6v a[CO]-
5 Tfipa Kal KTriaTrv TOV
K6QCpOV, lOXptcov
No0 6?vvLrTIOViKT)S
For the titulary compare e.g. IGR. IV, I179, 1331, 1332.25 More normally Claudius does not have the title Imperator.
No-s is known as a Cilician name. In HW. nos. 234, 242 of Syedra we have MnvoyEvns No0s, where Nois appears to be a genitive patronymic. The more natural genitive Nov recurs in no. 33 (d) below. See further p. 202, n. 34.
Polemon s. Nous is an addition to the 1029 certain or probable Olympic victors recently listed by Moretti.26 Moretti's no. 751 of A.D. 2 I
(by an unusual coincidence) is one Polemon of Petra, for the stadion. This Polemon would be in middle life by the reign of Claudius. His city, Petra, is thought, however, to be the Macedonian Petra ; and perhaps no useful purpose can be served by attempting to connect our man with him. But it is of interest to note that Cilicia Pedias has four victors, Lycia three, Pamphylia three: Polemon s. Nous is the only representative of all this rough coast. From the whole long series, furthermore, there are no barbaric (e.g. Asianic) names, save for the Roman and the Romanized and some from Egypt such as Anubion and Phoibammon. Since each competitor had to offer proof that both his parents were Hellenes, it would be pertinent to ask how this son of a Cilician came to pass the scrutiny- and it may be that he had the citizenship of more cities than one-and thus could enter from a more fashionable address. The possession of an
23 e.g. Dessau 135, 142, 171, 6123- 24 Broad letters with thick strokes, phi not extending above or below the line. 25 Our inscription is further proof, if such indeed were needed, that like Syedra,
Laertes under Claudius formed no part of the regnum Antiochenum but belonged to the West. It is of interest to find the laudatory language familiar in the titulary of Hadrian here anticipated-almost uniquely-for the benefit of Claudius ; and we may note that this emperor is now generally credited with the formation in A.D. 43 of the joint province Lycia-Pamphylia, a union later dissolved but revived (as we note under our no. 14) in A.D. 78 by Vespasian. Under Claudius in A.D. 50 the roads of Pamphylia were repaired : IGR. III, 768 ; Dessau 215. These events may account for Claudius being acclaimed at Laertes as the " Saviour and the Founder of the world ".
26 Luigi Moretti, Mem. Lincei VIII, viii, 1957, 57-198, Olympionikai. There can be no question of the Olympia of our inscription being local.
198 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Olympic victor is an indication that Laertes was at this date-as we have had cause to suspect-already legally a city.
14. Laertes, still standing in situ in the south-eastern corner of the "Council Chamber ", a tall base more than I -6 high ; 0o-57 w., 0.53 th. Letters 4 cm. high, hardly legible save in favourable light. Photograph, P1. XXXVf. J8o~
Line 3. For -o-rtov (rather than nowrrou) see below, no. 15. Line 6. For 8t <a>86ara, cf. below, no. 16. The stone has AIAOI MATA.
The adverb Trwav,8n•hE
does not appear to be quoted in this connection; but examples of Tr&vTalpos and Travaipcos are collected by Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 9, n. I. The form EvEKE is not an error, for it may be found in the inscriptions : LSJ. s.v.
This text attests for Laertes a cult and priest and therefore presumably a temple of Vespasian. It was this emperor who, by reviving the Claudian province of Lycia-Pamphylia, removed Pamphylia from a remote inland administration, to restore unity to the Gulf of Antalya ; and land com- munications between Melas and Calycadnus-linking the two new provinces of Vespasian which together covered the entire south coast of Anatolia-were now greatly improved. Laertes expresses alike her gratitude and her confidence in the new era. At Adanda in our no. 32 we find a similar enthusiasm.
15. Laertes. A few yards to the south of the " Council-Chamber " is a smoothed vertical rock-face some 4 m. high: about 2-5 m. above ground-level is a tabula ansata 0o3 h., - 56 w., inscribed in letters seemingly of the late first or the second century A.D., 2'5 cm. high.
Adl MEyio-rcp Trv 3C Ol.t6v Kal Tfiv Tra-
papw8cooaov Otrrra-
5 -rTCov ISicov The word Trapapp&3oars appears to be new. fArpsoats normally means
"fluting ", but this seems inappropriate here, where no columns are in question. Perhaps, however, it denotes a fence or railing surrounding the altar. But of the altar itself no trace is visible.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 199
In this, as in other inscriptions at Laertes and elsewhere, it is almost impossible to distinguish between T, FI, TI and IT. In lines 3 and 4 Oiyrtaps and wlcorov are not excluded. Both names are in either case unknown, but
rco-nov is in some measure supported by the known name rlcoras (Sundwall, Einh. Namen 190). nr"ov (or -korov) recurs in our no. 14 above. Cf. also our no. 16 following.
16. Laertes, lying at the top of the steps of the " Council-Chamber ", a tall base 1I92 h., o06 w., 0 -52 th., moulded top and bottom. Letters 35 to 40 mm. high (50 to 55 mm. in line I). The ends of the lines are sometimes crowded: thus in lines 8 and 12 omicron is only I cm. .high; while in line I6 TE is written in ligature. Squeeze, P1. XXXVd.
i poAil Kal 6 8•ipo S'TEiPrlOE Tovrlv NwVErroS, av-
Line 3. Since IT and T are scarcely distinguishable (cf. our no. 15 above), it is by no means impossible to read Ntwvrros; and this name has in fact been read at the neighbouring Iotape (CIG. 4413b, 4414b), where Franz accepts it as the genitive of NIVE--the genitive of NiVE1s being N1VEt. We believe nevertheless that NIvErroS should be rejected in favour of Nwtros5-for it is not uncommon in Cilician names to have more than one form of the genitive; 27 while the nominative NIVE is uncharacteristic of the region, NwvEs familiar.28 For N1VEIroS cf. e.g. MaVTrroS from MaVoEls (HW. no. 233), and O0ipavyovusros in no. 2 above.
27 e.g. Morrn and MovrmovU from Moutrs (nos. 37 and 45 below) ; BAa and BAa~ro from BAas (HW. no. 228) ; M-Tra and MwCOTaros from MC-ras (nos. 33 and 38 below) ; Kouvwt and KovvBtos from Kowvv8t (no. 40 below). For the genitive NwvEt we refer to GIG. 4413 (a) and (c) : these Cilician genitives in -1 or -Et are well established (cf. below, no. 40).
28 Non-Greek names ending in psi seem not to occur in Cilicia, or indeed in any neighbouring region. Thus we find no examples in Sundwall, Einh. Namen and Kleinas. Nachtr. Names ending in xi are likewise rare and in Cilicia equally unknown.
200 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Lines 8 and 12. yEv6OEvov " who formerly was ", implying that the office is no longer held.
Line io. For ita56cPcra cf. no. 14 above, and the discussion by Robert in Hellenica XI-XII, 471-3-
Lines I4-I9. The honorand paid for (&"rroXiaaovra)
29 the crossing of the River Melas-without doubt a bridge. The Melas is the considerable river, now the Manavgat Qayi, which enters the sea not far to the east of Side.30 It was presumably for this service that Toues was honoured by the Sidetans.3' The influence of this city was strong along the Cilician coast, as is shown by the frequency with which its coins are found. A man of lotape was granted citizenship of Side.32
17. Laertes, below the " Council-Chamber", two plain blocks
belonging to the same base. Each is 0-73 h., o063 th.; the width of (b) is 1.22. The inscription is in four columns, two on each block, in letters 32 to 35 mm. high.
(a) (i) On the left: (ii) On the right [i 3ovXiA Kac 6 8ijos] f1 Po'uh Ka[i 6 5'HoS]
(b) (i) On the left : (ii) On the right i povu•i Kal 6 5•F' p[ovATi Kat i6 8ijo]
ETEIrIayEV TrEi•Plqe [v] Ko [- c. 4 -] 00ppavyEpov, rara-rpa K6vovos yuyv[al]- KaXohov ou KWrrpc'TOU KKa crcbppOVa
5 &pET•'fs
VEK [v] vacat
Beneath the three right-hand inscriptions, (a) ii, (b) i and (b) ii, in larger letters :
AvTo-rE 8G a 'rrobs K6vcov KaXoXov •t6-rrwarpts
29 For drroho, and more commonly 8ia•,co, to " pay ", cf. LSJ. s.v.
30 Pliny, NH V, 93, and Stadiasmus 213 call this river the ancient boundary of Cilicia and Pamphylia. But cf. above, note 22. Our inscription would appear to be of the first century of our era; but we can find no cause to connect Toues' benefaction with the repair of the Pamphylian road known for the years A.D. 50 and 78.
31 But the statue in question has not come to light in the recent Turkish excavations at Side.
d: ?:::al e ::~E :c27~ :m:::i :. ... . ....?r Pre:It?:; : Ahr.. l
MI. V 1I ?
:lVi:
.???Pl;,id~l:.: 2 ? . . . . . . . . ..... ?:~
si~??i ..1
smm
Sc are.N. 5 d are. %o 6
PLATE XXXVI
Fm.. , . . .
,t• .. -L'~ ~: _ •
. " ...... N..
N:).dand. No.3m
(d).Adnda. i. 33
A 'hil:: N% L~a "*,~*'""-'~"~~'?::~i~i; ~r;~~r$
(a) Lerte. No 2. b A ana N - 3
u*ij
. .. .. . .. (c) Adanda. No. 32.l
?saw
(a) aerts. N. 16 (b)Adana. N. 33
'* "c?? ~ ' N i "a~tIt.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 201
The first two lines of (a) i and the first line of (b) ii were presumably written on an upper stone, doubtless the plinth of the statue itself.
The names Kalolos, Oubrangeros and Pordamoas are new. The office of demiurgus occurs in Rough Cilicia at lotape 33 and in
our nos. 36, 37 below; it is familiar alike in Pamphylia and in Cilicia Pedias, where normally it was eponymous. Probuli are to be found in various parts of Asia Minor, comprising a panel of twelve Councillors, with the archiprobulus, who may also be eponymous, at their head. Decaproti are in Lycia very common, their principal function seemingly to ensure the payment of taxes and levies due to the Imperialfiscus.
For Ka•hohov O*1ppavyEpov (and not To0 O0IppavyEpov) cf. below under
our no. 23.
I8. Laertes, close to no. 17 above, the upper member of a base in- scribed on two fasciae. Letters in (b) 2-5 cm. high, in (a) somewhat larger.
(a) On the left : (b) On the right : 6 8fipos fEi- 6 SilPos hA~Epirlo' K6vo0va
(a) Line 3. Of the rho only the upright is visible. This name appears to be unknown, nor is it clear whether it is male or female. Here perhaps a woman is more likely, connected by marriage with the Kalolos-Konon
family. On the other hand lTanpas in Sterrett, WE. 104, 129, is masculine. In (b) line 2 the name is doubtful. Space is restricted for BP, and
perhaps only a single letter stood there. At the end, THN is nearly certain:
O0ppayevw and O1ppavyeaTiv are much less likely readings, and O3PpavyEpov is not possible. Whatever the true form, the name seems to be new.
The phrasing of (b) is somewhat out of the ordinary. Sia& fiov is more normally used of offices held for life than with such general laudatory terms as pX6sTraTrptS. OVrrEppavra -rcp rroXrr6ETOea i, "excellent in his
political conduct " : the construction is classical, but Cvpp&?'Eo'eal is more common in inscriptions. rwoXA-rEaoEOai refers not merely to the man's conduct as a citizen, but to his holding of public office : see Wilhelm in Glotta 14 (1925), 78-84.
rrcrrp6s pxmopoPoihXov, as recorded in no. 17 (a) (i), line 8.
I9. Laertes, near the north corner of the " Council-Chamber ", upper member of a base o0'29 h., I
"24 w.,
o-63 th., with two pairs of footholes
on top. Letters 3 cm. high. (a) On the left : (b) On the right :
6 5ijpos srEicrlaEv
'O iiiioS hrEiro'aEV Nvvw ObCay [EI]
Ocavwr N1vv1TroS
O•,avx occurs as a name in the nominative among the inscriptions of
the Pisidian language published by Ramsay in Riv. Univ. du Midi I, 356.
33 CIG. 4415 ; IGR. III, 831, 833, 834- Q
202 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
This accounts for the peculiar form of the accusative in our present text O0avEt is not the accusative of O'aVEts, but of an indeclinable O0iave. Indeclinable names have often been supposed in Anatolian inscriptions, but in fact are a distinct rarity.34
20. Laertes, on the west side of the " Council-Chamber ", the upper part of a moulded base, now 0-44 h., O'41 w., 0o51 th. Letters 2-5 cm. high.
34 Certain Anatolian names do not lend themselves readily to declension in Greek, e.g. nominatives such as AovKKou (Sterrett, WE. no. 85), BaKou (ib. no. ioo), Ahov (HW. p. 119), Ko-rn (Sterrett, EJ. no. 227), lo (TAM. I, 32). (Some other examples are chimerical; e.g. Macowv Ato-rra in Sterrett, WE. no. 69, where we should read laeovvowSr TTa (cf. D. Hereward, JHS. LXXVIII (1958), 73), and nominative '"OaEt in Ramsay, CB. I, 309, which is certainly a genitive.) It would be no great surprise to find these undeclined, though usually evidence is lacking for the oblique cases. On the other hand, nom. lhrrou at Termessus has genitive Urrrovros, dative Frrrorrn (TAM. III, 1, 724, 846, 785), as if from n-hrrous, a form which actually occurs in BCH. XXIII, 178. Similarly AAowuv in our no. 20 may be from Aihovu or Ailov, both of which occur. Nois, NoO is a similar case (no. 13 above). These names in -1 and -ov reflect the frequent names in -i and -u in the early Anatolian languages. For use in Greek they were usually rendered more amenable by the addition of a sigma or by other means: e.g.
Mnqvews beside Mlnve, Kovuras beside Kou-rt. So
TaYrts, Tacrti, Torrjr, Tcrnas are variant Graecisms for the female name Tati. In their own languages these names were not apparently indeclinable: at least, we seem to have
This is the only metrical inscription we have met in Cilicia. Save for the liberty taken in line 5 in scanning Kac•?-mmrnnav6bs
as a choriambus, the versification is very good.
The name of the games, instituted out of funds bequeathed by Mousaios, is not given. It would, however, be in accordance with normal practice if they were called after him Mousaeia. They are restricted to Pamphylians and Cilicians: in ancient as in modern times, in addition to the open championships (&dycvEs OiKOUPEVIKOf or EIs Tiv
OIKOVUEVTlv), it
was usual to hold closed competitions, restricted to a particular country or city. So for example the cpts rlapqpuA~laK at Side (CIG. 4352-7).
Line i i. ddeXoOero0v-ros : should this be understood as a poetic equiva- lent for &yoCvoeE-roivTroS ? Mention in this context of the agonothete is as normal as that of the athlothete is exceptional. Athlothetae are familiar at Athens, from the fifth century to the third, as a body of officials holding office for four years.35 In Roman Imperial times they continue to occur sporadically, no longer as a board of officials, but rather as individuals. They are distinguished from the agonothete : thus in Sardis VII (i), 77 and 78,36 the same man seemingly performs both functions ; and in IG. V (i), 677 (of late first century Sparta), where both titles occur, the athlothetae are understood to be the institutors of the festival, while the agonothete is, as usual, responsible for its conduct."' In a prose inscription, therefore, d•0eoE'rins could not be understood as referring to the agonothete. But in verse the case is somewhat different. The word itself is capable of more than one meaning, according as its first component is taken to be aeos or •eAov ; and the second component is no more precise. " Prize-giver " is the most usual translation 38 ; but " organiser of the contests " is an equally possible meaning, and indeed in classical Athens the word was evidently connected with &aeos rather than
•0,ov. So it is also in IG.
V (i), 667, if the accepted interpretation is correct. In this case it becomes a virtual equivalent of dycovokT-rS, and might well be used in that sense metri causa. IG. V (i), 456, and XIV, 1815, both metrical of the Roman period, mentioning &d0oeTQjpEs at Sparta and Smyrna, are unhelpful: but in MAMA. VI, 61, at Trapezopolis, the d~AoOe-iMp occurs exactly as in our present inscription, to identify the particular celebration, where in a prose inscription the agonothete would normally be named. We suspect therefore that such is the meaning here, although in practice the distinction might well be without a difference, since the same man would perform both functions.
35 IG. 12, 304, 305; II2, 212, 380, 784. Their functions are defined by Aristotle in Ath. Pol. 60, I : biotxKO0ai- -rE TE
"IroTRV T-rV lvc(rlvaiVcov
K(al Tr•v ayova
-ri• pOUliK1mS KYal -r6v yvpVlKoV drycva Kat -rTv Irrrobpopiav; and they are praised for their performance of these same duties in IG. II2, 784.
36 Both heavily restored, but d•e•oe[irs] at least seems certain. 37 This is Boeckh's explanation, adopted in IG. loc. cit. In IG. II2, 1368, line 131,
where the &aOoeEaia is mentioned in a decree of the Iobacchi, no indication is given of its nature.
38 e.g. Buckler-Robinson in Sardis loc. cit., Buckler-Calder in MAMA. VI, 61. LSJ. s.v. evade the question: " one who awards the prize, judge or steward in the games." Q*
204 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
The form of contest in which Callippianus was victorious is, oddly enough, not specified. Since his strength however is extolled, as well as his beauty, character and wisdom, it was perhaps rather one of the
YvPV1iKo1 than the tiouclKOl &ycvAES.
23. Laertes, on the pavement (probably a stoa) lining the " Agora " on its western side, a base 0.35 h., 0-66 w., 1-20 th. For 0o60 m. from the front (inscribed) face the stone is cut smooth on top and at the sides, the back part being left rough. Top left corner broken away. Letters 2 cm. high.
[vmK].~aas v~pC'v 4rrW r&Xv 0Nu8o F' Cy$-
[v]os rptpETr1p.KOU
&Xeivros iK XpTITrr[cov] KcT [a]XE0~18VTrcov OTIr6 TE Nao-ropos 'Oppip [ov] Kai ()povrEiVOV Kai Tatcovos Kal 'IV8oV[s]
5 AtoS6Cpov, dyCovoeE-ro0v'ros (o [i]pov The stone appears to have been inserted into some structure : on the
projecting portion stood the statue, on the plinth of which the victor's name presumably was inscribed. The festival is again unnamed; it is instituted out of funds bequeathed by Nestor and the three sons of Diodorus.
-ro0 (-rv) is omitted before the patronymic even though the sons' names are in the genitive: this practice, like the similar omission before the papponymic, is regular in Pisidia, but not in Lycia or Pamphylia. In Cilicia the practice is irregular, but with a preference for the omission.39
Nestor is perhaps the same man who is mentioned as athlothete in no. 22. The name Taion would seem to be new; for this reading (and not Tlatwvos) is quite certain.
In line 5 the name Oofpov is, we believe, beyond doubt. As a man's name it is not unduly rare (Pape-Benseler s.v.) : it would be rash to
suppose that for lack of a human candidate the agonothesia was undertaken by Apollo and at the expense of his temple treasury.
24. Laertes, some 15 m. to the south-east of no. 13, a tall base 2. Io h.,
0o56 w., 0o56 th. Letters 5 cm. high. ArTroKp6rropa
Kc•aapa M.
AippiXiov K6ppo8ov
5 'Avrcovivov
Z•E[ao-r6v
xai 6 SijpiO
39 We note the following cases : Kahooov O00ppavyEpov in no. 21 above ; Niovos Noo in no. 33 below ; lovpptos 'Opivrov in no. 38 below ; 'Op6vrov M&o in no. 45 below, q.v. ; Nkovos MEvvEov in HW. no. 224; Aas(Kns EG8afou in HW. no. 234; "OPPILpoS '
Tcxoilros, ToTrlS y' KovahECO in HW. no. 232. On the other hand, we have 'lappiov Too
'Awrarrovpfou in no. 31 below, KlWAMro• -ro0 KouvSt in no. 40 below, and --ra•ats Mourr" TooV
[arvos] in no. 37 below.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 205
These titles of Commodus date this inscription between A.D. I8o and 190.
25. Laertes, lying close to the exedra, a huge base moulded top and bottom, 2o04 h., o083 w.,
0.93 th. The letters,
4"5 cm. high, are in the
middle almost effaced by weathering. Photograph, P1. XXXVc.
Ar"roKp&Tropa Kaioapa M. A*ipiX\ov woufipov 'Avrcove [ivov Eo'epi'] [I~acr'r6v, 'Apa1plK6v]
The inscription honours Caracalla between October 213 and April 217. 26. Laertes, lying partly buried in the exedra, two epistyle fragments
which do not join, (a) 0-36 h., 1-22 w., o063 th. and (b) 0o42 h., i -16 in present width. They are inscribed in careful monumental letters from 62 to 70 mm. in height. Photograph, Pl. XXXVIa.
Caracalla and Septimius Severus, the latter in death, are here jointly honoured in A.D. 213. It is not clear to us to what structure these fragments belonged. They are straight, not curved to fit the exedra in the ruins of which they now lie; and the whole inscription, in two lines only, must have run to a considerable length. Since the imperial names are in the accusative, it can hardly have been the dedication of the exedra.
27. Laertes, close to the exedra on the west, the upper part of a base, now 0.75 h., 0o.5 w., 0-56 th. Letters from
3"5 to 4 cm. high, poorly
written.
AirroKp6"rop [K]cafoapca McpKov
A0pfiljov
['A]vro [vivov] 5 Ei-E13iv (Sic) EirrvXi
XEpcacrr6v
fi 1ovf Klc 6 8i.[os]
206 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
The letters underlined are written in rasura. Seemingly we have Caracalla's name substituted for that of a later emperor who suffered damnatio memoriae. Similar cases are discussed by Ramsay in Social Basis 210-2 1.
EitoUiv (but EirvXii) is abnormal, and we know of no exact parallel : see Meisterhans-Schwyzer, p. 136. In order to block a hiatus, nu is often added to any part of a verb, and here the purpose is probably the same. In CIG. 3440 we have ~viv for t&i in a metrical inscription.
28. Laertes, between exedra and " Council-Chamber ", the upper member of a moulded base 0o37 h., o085 w., o-64 th. Letters from 30 to 33 mm. high.
O VAoui Kac 6 8fioS E
TEfianaev A.[p.] Kcarrtrcovtav1v AAiouv, yvvaiKa [I- C. 4 -
The female name Aihous is already known: cf. HW. p. 95 and our no. i9 above. This inscription, which is subsequent to the Constitutio Antoniniana of A.D. 212, is seemingly our latest document of Laertes. No other instance, moreover, of Roman citizenship is forthcoming ; and even the notable of our no. 16 does not enjoy it.
29. Laertes, in the necropolis, a tall base I -22 h., 0 -45 w., 0 - 29 th., reused as the lintel of a tomb, the lower moulding being cut away for the purpose : the epitaph is written on the narrow side in letters 2-5 to 3 cm. high. Whether the stone carries an earlier inscription is uncertain.
KaK1S 'lapi3(ov yv [vi1 -r' Tf]-
pG)ov caJrj ia.OKEX-
The name Kakis (Kakeis, Kakkis) is known: see Sundwall, Einh. Namen 93, 285 ; SEG. VI, 322. For Iambias see Sundwall 88 and no. 31 below.
omEV6•iV for the normal KcrraaKEVa"E is surprising: we do not remember to have seen it elsewhere.
SELINUS
The site of Selinus is well established on a steep hill falling vertically to the sea, half an hour from the small, mosquito-infested town of Gazipaga, formerly Selinti. We spent a day on the site and collated most of the published inscriptions at the landward foot of the hill. We found also the two following, both recently unearthed.
30. Selinus, lying by itself towards the western end of the necropolis, some 20 m. up the slope of the hill, a plain block, apparently a lintel, more than 0o33 h., i 40 w., more than 0o58 th., partly buried. Good lettering, probably of the second century A.D.,
3"5 cm. high.
'Icoij ers ouEovivoS TO rip'ov
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 207
The names are Jewish. We have not met EEovSiov elsewhere, at least in this form, though eEvGkov is known. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 261, n. 4, following E. Schiirer, calls attention to the frequency in Jewish names of the element eEo. The Jewish inscriptions of Cilicia are collected by Frey, CIJ. II, 39-48, nos. 782-795-
31. Selinus, in a banana orchard at the foot of the hill near the west end of the necropolis, two fragments of a granite column o0-54 m. in diameter, one fragment still in situ. Letters of the second or third century A.D.
'Aarcrroipt 'IlapPliou -ro 'ATrarroupiovu ros 8i00 KEiovas EK TV-r)
For the name Apaturius in this neighbourhood see CIG. 4419, 4420 (Selinus), 4413 (Iotape). For Iambias see no. 29 above. This column is one of many extending in line to the iskele : these evidently lined a street leading from the harbour to the town. The owner of the orchard told us he had found remains of paving under the ground.
ADANDA
A ruined city lies on the summit of a steep hill, one hour above the village of Adanda (Io miles to the ESE of Gazipaga) and at an altitude of over 2,000 feet. Discovered in 1913 by Paribeni and Romanelli (Mon. Ant. XXIII (1915), 148, hereafter cited as PR), its name is not given by any inscription ; but it was thought by the discoverers-and in this they have powerful support-that the long-sought Lamos had at last been found. We suspend judgment until we have made a more thorough exploration of the country to the east.
The ruins occupy two summits, an eastern and a western, both much overgrown. The western summit is precipitous on the south, with high red vertical cliffs, and carries most of the standing ruins. These consist largely of walls, some of which still rise to a considerable height ; but the masonry is of poor quality and apparently late date. The main gate is on the east side, overlooking the saddle between the two summits : it has a fine lintel-block with an inscription in honour of Gallienus (PR no. I16) 40 and a relief showing an eagle standing on an ox's head, with
40 Paribeni and Romanelli believe this stone to be in a secondary position, built into their " castello medievale "-even as their numbers I I7-120 in the adjacent tower are manifestly pedestals reused. The inscription we revise to read as follows: AcTroKp&ropt
Kafioapt FovpA3Mc AIKIVViCO F I Caalv EjQaEPE! lEpavo-g hIl • T O0oKOviov Zifvcovos T0o0 Steaa1poTr&rov hI1yE1p6VOs, Trl trra8aSTO TO IEpa OTOKio Kal XCOTf1po6, T -r6 EpyOV KTCKEOiaaehV r6 K rK Twov ISCov
wpovoI• Kai rrpooaraliq M. Aip. TaptavoO Tapdvvio~ I -roo dVtooycorrouv Aoyo-roOi KcK Kriorov Trfi
8ifas warcrrpikos. Thus nlovuplco for lnoAXicao (sic) and ftrl OOoKCOVioV for krri A. 'YoKCoviov. But this, from its position over the only gateway in the wall, is certainly original: this massive wall was built in the reign of Gallienus (260-8), when Voconius Zenon was legate of Cilicia, by the city out of its own funds but on the instigation and assistance of a native who was also its curator. The editors' nos. I 17-120 are in this connexion informative ;
208 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
a wreath in his beak. The gate is flanked by a square tower, in a wall of which are PR nos. I8-I20.41 Just inside the gate is a large underground water-depot with several chambers and a hole in the roof.
On the saddle is a large building, perhaps 50 m. square, with walls of good squared masonry without mortar: one wall is standing (P1. XXXVIIb), and part of another. The purpose of this building was obscure to us.
The eastern summit is unfortified. At its western foot, close to the large building just mentioned, is a small building, handsome but badly ruined, of fine squared blocks with numerous architectural pieces. From a Latin inscription (no. 32 below) which we found built into a wall just below it, this appears to be a temple of Vespasian and Titus. Higher up the hill are many built tombs, some of them very handsomely carved and decorated, for the most part broken or partly buried. One, however (P1. XXXVIb), still stands complete, with hyposorion: its inscription (no. 33 below), now badly damaged, is poorly written and quite unworthy of it.
32. Adanda, built into a terrace wall immediately below the small temple noted above, two limestone blocks, (a) 0o44 h., o.87 w., 0.45 th., and (b) 0.44 h., 1-23 w.,
0"38 th. Letters from 8-5 to 13 cm. high,
monumental and well cut. Photograph, P1. XXXVIc.
[I]mperatorib[vs Vespasiano Caesari p.p.] [A]vg. VIII et Tit[o Vespasiano Caesari Avg.V]I cos. (sic) [c]ensoribvs, et [Domitiano Caesari dedicavit] [L.] Octavivs M[emor leg. Avg. pr. pr., cos. des.]
In general outline the restoration is certain ; but the precise formula employed in line 3 and the extent of the lacuna in line 4 we make no claim to know. It is clear that the city has constructed in honour of Vespasian and his sons an aedicula which the imperial legate, L. Octavius Memor, thereupon dedicates. The inscription opens as if with a consular dating ; but as it develops it becomes clear that the case is, not the ablative, but the dative. We take it that cos. at the end of line 2 is in error for coss.
The date is A.D. 77 since VIII is not open to question; and this permits us to emend IGR. III, 840 (A.D. 77 or 78) and accordingly PIR. II, p. 427, no. 32 (A.D. 76 or 77). Octavius Memor, already known from the building inscription of the Calycadnus bridge at Seleucia (IGR. III, 840) as the first legate of Vespasian's new province of Cilicia, now appears
for three of them were cut on the pedestals of the statues of Antonine and Severan emperors. Clearly Adanda was devastated in the course of the Isaurian insurrection of Trebellianus in the reign of Gallienus. Trebellianus was defeated and slain ; and doubtless then Adanda was restored with the addition of a strong acropolis. Of earlier fortifications, however, we saw no trace-and the Severan city would appear to have been as unfortified as Laertes. The former, thanks to these walls, survived into Christian times, since Paribeni and Romanelli describe a church.
41 P. and R. no. I'7, which carried the statue of Antoninus Pius, has been removed and was not found by us. No. 118 honours Caracalla, no. I 19 Geta. This last, heavily defaced, we read and restore thus: [AMrroK]pdrropa I[Kaifapa p
T6Trl]ovj [ EImrlpov FATrcvI e'paoa-r6v E0aEpfi l -rb6[v -iTis oIKou]1[4vr1s]I 6EorTr6Trv f
3o[u,]i Ij Kal 6 6ighOS. In no. I20 for
MEPvo8cwpov we substitute Mrlvo8cpov.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 209
at the western limit of his territory. We now know that Adanda and therefore Selinitis late in Vespasian's reign were incorporated in this province, on the suppression of the regnum Antiochenum. The city now takes the opportunity of declaring loyalty to the Flavian dynasty, satisfaction with the new regime.
33. Adanda, on the eastern summit, a handsome sarcophagus with hyposorion, described and illustrated by Paribeni and Romanelli, loc. cit. no. I 14. It is inscribed in four places in lettering which is poor, now damaged and much weathered. The editors' text is in general unsatis- factory. We offer here a provisional text of this interesting document. Photograph, P1. XXXVId.
(a) On the base of the sarcophagus, over the door of the hyposorion: - - - EIOY/ --- - c. 14 -- - - - AENilEA - - --- DEMIO.. NTO[KO... E.Y----------
(b) Over the door of the hyposorion: --- OYE- --- - -- ITOE. T---
(c) To the right of the door of the hyposorion:
AEAE ---- APFYPI --- KAIEPQTI - -- KAIAAA - --
(d) To the left of the door of the hyposorion. Letters from 4 to 5 cm. high in lines I-7, from 2-5 to 3 cm. in lines 8-13-
[--- -[.]hkkc
6 P r&SEvI
[nro'i"a, &rr']o-rECo'ro el, "rov sij- [Pov 8pa•Xl]S "rev'rcooaiac
5 [K]aqi PB[C* X]'.ois &ia, ia- [v]E5 [K]Ua a] V 8 i Ohcoai ol rrpo- [yE]yp[a]p]vot, Ti'TCo iveatvat.
vacat ? KO1VCoVOiS Kal p~r6XoiS Tols pITr& NEcovoS NoO &rrat•tv EY e LE-
Line 4. At the date of this inscription-hardly earlier than the second century A.D.-the mention of drachmae rather than denaria is unusual; but we have noted under our no. 32 above that Adanda belonged to the Kingdom of Antiochus until the reign of Vespasian, so that the arrival of Roman influence would in general be retarded. For payment in oxen. cf. our no. 35 below.
210 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
Line 6. ?AXavES, not P?avas; for the upper parts of EE are visible. The accusative plural in -Es for -as, as in modern Greek, is of frequent occurrence from the second century onwards. Cf. further our no. 35 below ; HW. no. I 19, dv8ptLdvrs ; PR. no. I o (p. 212 below).
Line 8. The left margin for lines 8-13 is set more to the right, the lettering is here smaller, and sharply different letter-forms are used (C for E, C for E, i for -_, W for 9). It seems highly probable that lines 8 ff. are a subsequent addition. We therefore punctuate after Evedival, and understand lines 6-7 to mean : " if the above-mentioned consent, it shall be permissible (for others) to bury in this tomb." It is then natural to suppose that lines 8-Io confer such a permission on one Neon and his associates, whose names are thereupon listed. But the actual words do not, as they stand, readily yield this meaning. There appears to be a confusion of two constructions, So?E (sc. TOiS -rpoyEypap*vols) KOlVCVOVOS TO'S
ET rd N. •rbXE•V (sc. TO' Trpou) and mooe (sc. Tois rpoYEypappIvoIS) KOlVCVOTS ToiS
paETr N. pEereivai (sc. ToO T&qrov).42 We do not feel this confusion to be particularly difficult. If it may be
accepted, the situation is a normal one such as constantly recurs in tomb- inscriptions. &rraoiv is most naturally taken to agree with KOtVCVOTS Ka
ETO•6xOts. KOlVCVOTS KKal lET6XotI presumably refers to business partners of Neon:
the words can hardly denote participators in the tomb. Lines i 0-13. Of the names, Tamous, Dmoutos, Rhamotas and
Nait .... are quite new; for Kendias compare Kendeas, Kendeos, and for Oubramys (if correctly read 43) compare Oubramouasis, Opramouasis, etc. (Sundwall, Einh. Namen 162-3). For Nes cf. no. 34. 'ANNas is known as a Greek name (Pape-Benseler s.v.), but our present name, of which the reading is not quite certain, is more likely to be Anatolian.
34. Adanda, on a decorated sarcophagus, almost buried, close to no. 33- The inscription over the door, below the pediment, is badly damaged.
42 We have considered other possible interpretations of lines 8-io, but are satisfied by none of these. (i) We might omit the stop after v8eival and continue the sentence, to punctuate after Nkovos NoO. The sense then would be: " if the above-mentioned consent, the associates of Neon shall be permitted to use the tomb for burial. It was unanimously agreed that they should participate." But there seems no adequate reason for recording these deliberations, in preference to giving a simple permission; and this view disregards the conspicuous change in the script. (2) We might join lbog with KowcvoIS : " the associates of Neon decided unanimously to participate." But such an acceptance by Neon and his partners could only be in response to an invitation, which must have been recorded (strangely, we think) on some other part of the tomb. Lines 6-7 do not give such an invitation, but merely provide for the possibility at some future time. Although in such epitaphs permission is frequently given by a subsequent dispensation, we cannot recall a similar instance of an acceptance recorded in this manner. (3) We might understand: " the above-mentioned decided to share the tomb with Neon and his associates." But we very much doubt whether this can be right, for we can find no parallel to PETrXetV having virtually the sense of pTra8tS6val.
4 The upper part of beta and part of the upright of rho are visible.
Line I. Probably -vo5 Kai N~s : for this name cf. Bean, Jahrb. Kleinas. Forschungen II (1952), 203, no. 14 (Aspendus).
35. Adanda, on a built tomb on the eastern hill. Published by Paribeni and Romanelli (op. cit. no. I I3), who saw the tomb still standing: it is now reduced to a jumble of blocks so that the excellent photographs of the monument published by the editors, loc. cit. pp. 156-8, are most valuable. Of the inscription we could find only two fragments-(a) the ends of lines I-16, and (b) the beginnings of lines 12-16. The right-hand edge of (a) and the left edge of (b) are preserved. We reproduce the relevant part of the text, with some new readings of our own. P1. XXXVIIa.
(6)p60Xoyov rroflaa(pE)v E(r) p>v i E(i)v p ryi aivelv. 'Edv 81 n w-rr- 0awlpev T-rCA KaT' v '0pco <(T >oV, T&r (a 'II)TEpa r
rva &wRoaS flI& pa6V [ov] Kai
"r T yuVVCCaKg aS0V K'xor'ovorai v T-rc ~or I VT)lop11 c.
10 'Edv 65 paEr& Trav""r joa Ki ? O -rat ky yEVrp"TCOV oV fpAV, Tv' "o &paEVES
T•LJCv v T-rc 'rravo LLVTWiECp, at 8a lU~(ia aV T-rC iT"rOK&TOo KTGE jaOV- rar "v
TcVES r "rcT v OiXvE" V "K8Oi rrpo6y y&ov, tih •irTcO eiveivaG EI
TO"rTO T
. oviIpa. 'Ev 8 Tri-r Traph raur [a]
woi"cY, d"nOTE o 'T"ro) IS T-riV v SPaXOV pax&5 XEthi [as] 15 Kxai po0s 68~K EVK03o KsaI PAaVES
8;Ka( Kal KplEO 5 8~Kxa
Kai rTp&yOV5 68EK'a (K >ai oTCOrS
avvTrco T-r6 lvfipa. K.T.A. Letters seen by us are underscored.44
CESTRUS
This site, which seems hitherto to have escaped notice, lies some 3 miles to the south-east of Gazipaga (from which indeed it is plainly visible) on the summit of a hill of moderate height directly above the village of Macar, between it and the village of Ekmer. It is named on the Turkish maps as Kilisebeleni. The summit is elongated and divided by a saddle into two eminences, both of which carry ruins of buildings. A ring-wall of moderate masonry is visible at intervals all round the hill. On the north side of the saddle is a small temple some Io m. long by 7 m. wide, divided by a cross-wall into two chambers, partially supported on
44 We prefer at this point to say no more of this inscription, which is unusual and of exceptional interest. We hope on our next visit to Adanda to examine once more the mound of debris which to-day marks the site of this once splendid tomb and attempt to recover further fragments of this text. For lines 7 and Io our text is indebted to A. Wilhelm, S.B. Ak. Wien 179 ('9I7), 6, p. 64, n. 4.
212 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
a podium, with a flight of eight steps on the front, or south, side. The front is of reasonably good squared masonry ; the side-walls and interior are of inferior work with much mortar. From inscriptions nos. 36 and 37 this temple appears to have been devoted to the Imperial cult.
At the northern extremity of the hill is a fortified citadel. Below its east wall, which is partly masonry, partly smoothed rock-face, is an area some 60o m. long by 15 m. wide, divided down its length by a step, carrying a series of inscribed statue-bases, three of which are still in situ. Along its east side there seems to have been a similar row of statue-bases, but only two of these now remain. Three niches in the citadel wall likewise con- tained statues, of which one base is still in position and another has fallen in front of its niche ; neither of these is inscribed. At the north end are some remains, including a Corinthian capital, of what seems to have been a temple ; but this is overlaid by, and some of its architectural members reused in, a later building of poor construction. (P1. XXXVIIc and d.)
Identification of this site is due, albeit indirectly, to Paribeni and Romanelli who report their finding on the coast some 2 miles to the south (loc. cit., col. i50) of walls, column drums, a temple site and more particularly an inscription, loc. cit., no. I Io. This they read and interpret with only moderate success. The photograph of their squeeze is more revealing, and gives us the following text:
OEE4 MEY6AW Kal NEpoa YTpaoav<~$ Koaalpt (sic) Kai 8ipp KEcrrTp (v >Gv Nicov 'IvyEl 6 EIEpEs I T• -raaapES KioOVES Vo'TpcoTOOs
5 Kai T-rV O Vpav ajlSpav Kat TOv EIK6Va Kal TpiS KpaOTTpEs Kal PC(VTaril EK T CAV MicOVv
Line 2. 81pyc KErp?iXjov vEcov 'Ivye[[vo]vos tp [o]6j[-rsl] edd. Cestros now takes the place of this 8i6pos KE-rpicov vicov,45 and is furthermore to be located not on the coast but inland at Kilisebeleni. This city is recorded by Hierocles 709 and the Notitiae ; and is with little doubt the Kaystros of Ptolemy V, 7, 5. Coins inscribed KEaorprlvCov are known (BMC Lycaonia etc. xxxviii, 60o). It was a small city on a coast now somewhat crowded, which developed, it would appear, after Vespasian's dissolution of Antiochus' kingdom, but persisted into early Christian times.
36. Cestrus, in the front chamber of the temple on the saddle, in its original position against the right-hand wall, a moulded base o-66 h.,
0o97 w., I.og
th.; two shallow sinkings on top. Good letters, 32 to 35 mm. high.
s This was noted by A. Wilhelm, Jahreshefte Beibl. 18 (1915), 59 (S.B. Ak. Wien 179 (19I7), 6, 62). Cf. further P. Roussel and G. Nicole, REG 29 (19i6), 453. The lambda of the editors must clearly be emended to nu, on the evidence of the legend KEo-rplvCov of the coins: it may be that nu and omega were written in ligature, and thus suggest lambda omega. For va-rpcorov's, fluted, admirably read and discussed by Wilhelm, cf. S.B. Ak. Wien, loc. cit. 62. For the name of the priestess, we prefer Mv-rlt to the AEprrt of the editors : she receives 24 den.-perhaps as a dowry (v. LSJ s.v. -rrpoa-ri~'Ot).
Srljloupyis, for the more normal 86piiovpyia, occurs in Pamphylia and Cilicia: see LSJ. s.v. For the office see above on no. 17-
37- Cestrus, lying below the south-west corner of the same temple, a moulded base 0 70 h., - 18 w., 0 -40 th., with two large sinkings on top. Letters 28 to 30 mm. high, much worn and illegible in places.
5 Evo [T-rv EPl3]ao-rv dvio-rrlEcrv i- K TrV [vGrlvapicov] o' & OCrrraXero
Line 3. Perhaps [MCo]TcMS vel. sim. cf. MouraAns, Mo.rraMIs, MoTraS. Line 8. A sum of 70 den. seems to compare unfavourably with the
1,ooo den. given as summa honoraria by Orontes, and it is not excluded that a figure to denote hundreds stood in front of omicron ; but space is tight for this, and the sum is not in itself impossible for a stone statue. Orontes' statue was perhaps of bronze, which was much more expensive: see Wilhelm, Beitrdge I14'.
Since both statues are of Antoninus Pius, it is probable that the temple was dedicated to him.
38. Cestrus, in the precinct at the northern extremity of the site, in situ on the central step, a plain base complete on all sides, o*62 h., I-58 w., o0 - 61 th., carrying two inscriptions. Letters 5 cm. high in (a), 4 cm. in (b).
(a) 2. The patronymic seems to be an unknown name. For the termination compare Kl8apapcolros in no. 7 above: Anatolian names in -os more often form the genitive in -o.
(a) 6. FHE lapis. (b) 2. In Cilicia 'la --- is likely to be Iambias; in Lycia it would
be Iason, in Caria Iatrocles.
40. Cestrus, in the same precinct, moulded base in situ on the central step, broken on the right, o.65
h., 1-58 w., o.53 th. ; three sinkings on top. Line I is on the upper moulding. Letters 3 cm. high.
Line 2. Kouv8ns occurs in CIG. 4424 (Selinus), where it was unneces- sarily altered by Franz to Kou[caA]rs. For the genitive in -1 see above, p. 199, n. 27 ; but in SEG. VI, 780, we have genitive Kovv8wos.
41. Cestrus, in the same precinct, in situ on the central step, a base o046 h.,
2.03 w., 0o64 th.; the stone is broken down the middle, but
the text is complete. Similar lettering in both parts, 23 to 30 mm. high. Photograph, P1. XXXVIIe.
(b) I. Probably Mo-rav Mw 'A [p]Tf-rros, rather than Moa [v]-rnTros vel. sim. The name Artes occurs in this region in HW. p. 124. For Mw cf. no. 45 below.
(b) 2-3. The epithet of Zeus is unique and interesting. It must, we think, have reference to the mountain above Charadrus a little further down the coast; its name is given variously as Andriclus, Andricus, Andryclus or Androcus.46 It now appears that the true name is none of these, but rather Androclus. Thirty stades from Charadrus (now Kalediran) seems to indicate the present Maslan Da'i, on the east side of the Kalediran river, something over 1,250 m. high.47 We take it that there was a cult of Zeus on or in connexion with this mountain a cult of some importance, not only because one of its priests is honoured at Cestrus,48 but also because the mountain is thought worthy of mention in the Stadiasmus.49
The termination of the epithet 'Av8poKA? is unusual. The final alpha is very narrow, but repeated examination of the squeeze seems to exclude the reading 'Av8poKi.
Whether Zeus Megas (and Theos Megas), Zeus Androklas, Zeus Keraunios of Cestrus, the Zeus Megistos of Laertes, Zeus Megas of Adanda '(Paribeni and Romanelli, loc. cit. no. I I I, not seen by us) are Beinamen of a native Great God, later identified with Zeus is a question we leave for further evidence and later discussion.
42. Cestrus, on the east side of the precinct, a moulded base o066 h., I -58 w., 0 - 50 th., broken on the left and damaged, with footholes and sinking on top. Letters 22 to 30 mm. high.
The verb KoT1mC1o is, not much quoted from inscriptions. In CIG. 6509 = IG. XIV, I81 I, it is understood to mean " defunct " ; in CIG. 9552, an epitaph of Christian date, it is used by a wife of her husband's labours
"AvSpoKoS KGOrOipEVOV, rr6 o-rTalcov A'. For mention of Charadrus in a recently published inscription, cf. note 22 above.
47 Called Kara Gedik Dagi on Kiepert's map and identified with Androcus-Andriclus; but this part is not accurately shown by him.
48 The cult can hardly have been administered by Cestrus. An inscription (IGR. III, 838) found at Charadrus refers to ol KcrrolKoOrvrEs XdpaSpov [wrrf]v(E>)ov
Aa•Co-r~zv, from
which it would appear that the city of Lamos (which is still to be identified) must have lain in the mountainous country above Kalediran, and therefore close to Mt. Androclus. We would expect this cult of Zeus to have its centre there.
49 This part of the Stadiasmus mentions only occasionally inland features. Along the whole south coast of Asia Minor we note some eight other cases: 159 (Mt. Panion) ; 173 (Corycian Cave) ; 208 (Hamaxia) ; 214 (city of Perge) ; 226, 228 (mountains above Phaselis and Phoenicus) ; 236 (city of Limyra) ; 247 (city of Xanthus).
216 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
on her behalf. We are not aware of another example of its use in an honorific inscription, although the noun K6TroS is not unknown: e.g. SIG.3 76IB, Trdrrav K6rrov --- [xva&EP xjEvoS vel sim.]. It is perhaps worth noting that
KomrI&rS sas a profession, apparently " sexton " or " grave-
digger ", is especially common in Cilicia: see MAMA. III, Index s.v. In late inscriptions Korros develops the meaning " funds ", i.e. fruit of toil, e.g. &K TCOV 1ticov K61wV = EK Tr V t8icov Xpnqarcov: for this and similar expressions see Mendel, Catalogue III, 1o45, and the passages there quoted.50 But we find no evidence that Kowrrco ever acquired a corre-
sponding meaning "spend money"; in our present text we take it to mean simply " laboured much on behalf of his country ".
43- Cestrus, adjoining no. 42, a similar base o065 h., 2 -20 w., o-46 th., with footholes and sinking on top: a six-line inscription in elegant lettering, almost entirely obliterated. From the squeeze we read only
Line 4 init. KAI Y P HAI, perhaps Kai [A]iprlX-. Line 6 towards the end,
.HXIO or possibly XHZIO; but [Kopa]Kialo [v]
is not a possible reading.
44. Cestrus, at the south end of the precinct, a moulded base 0.70
h., 2 I 10 w., more than 0 - 30 th., very badly battered, with an eight-line inscription of which nothing is legible but the first two lines. Letters 3'5 cm. high in lines 1-2, somewhat smaller below.
i povAh Kal 6
58o1PO'rqarq. (six lines illegible) This is the only mention we have found on this site of a Council,
and therefore proof of full civic status. That, however, has already been attested by the Imperial coinage struck under the Antonines.
45- Cestrus, below the city wall on the east, close to the precinct, a built tomb now in ruins. On the slope below, some 5 m. apart from each other, lie two fragments of its inscribed lintel: (a) 0-33 h.,
0.52 w., 0-74 th., broken on the right and at the back, and (b) 0-32 h.,
0.43 w.,
0 -76 th., broken on the left and at the back. Letters 3 cm. high. The two fragments join to make the complete inscription in one line.
(a) (b) 'Op6vrov Mco To0 Molurrous r6 ipGjov
We read Mo roo in preference to Mwrov, but without wishing to exclude the latter: Mo-rov seems somewhat unlikely as genitive of Mo'ras, which would rather be MCora or, as in no. 38 above, Mo0raror.
The name Mcos is known in this region: see HW. pp. 70, 76, and no. 41 above.
50 This meaning does not appear to be recognised by the dictionaries.
SITES OLD AND NEW IN ROUGH CILICIA 217
CONCLUSION
The Pamphylian and Cilician coastlands on the southern spurs of the Taurus confront us with a number of problems which have long been out- standing-and many others arise as the new evidence accumulates. There are, for example, some half a dozen known cities in this area still to be identified on the ground-the splendid site on the mountain above Adanda has yet to be named; and much exploration and fieldwork indeed remains to be done by us. The publication of our inscriptions within a year of their discovery we have found, widely separated as we are, a difficult- but rewarding task. We regard this as something of a preliminary report ; and many of the comments that we venture are in the circumstances tentative. But we would emphasise that our suggested equation Sinekkalesi = Hamaxia, Al nya = Coracesium = Arsinoe, Cebelire? = Laertes tidies the ancient topography of that region and offers a solution to a long controversy.
ABBREVIATIONS
AASOR. Annual of American Schools of Oriental Research.
AfO. Archiv fuir Orientforschung. AJA. American Journal of Archaeology. AJSL. American Journal of Semitic Languages and
Literatures. AJ. Antiquaries' Journal. ANET. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts. Annuario Annuario della Regia Scuola Italiana di Atene. AOr. Archiv Orientalny. APA W. Abhandlungen der preussischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften. AS. Anatolian Studies.
A;sh. Mit. Mitteilungen des deutschen archiologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung.
BASOR. Bulletin of American Schools of Oriental Research.
BCH. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellinique. Belleten Turk Tarih Kurumu : Belleten. BGA. Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum. BIE. Bulletin de l'Institut d'Egypte. BIFAO. Bulletin de l'Institut franfais d'Archologie
Orientale. BSA. Annual of the British School at Athens. BSOAS. Bulletin of the School of Oriental & African
Studies. BSR. Papers of the British School at Rome. BZ. Byzantinische Zeitschrift. CAH. Cambridge Ancient History. CIA. Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum. CIG. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. CIL. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. CT. Cuneiform Texts, British Museum. CVA. Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum.
eAr. ' ApXa oAoytK'v OAcArlov. DTCFD. Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakiiltesi Dergisi. EL. Encyclopaedia of Islam. 'E . 'ApX. 'APXSoAOYLKTK 'E0Q giepLE GAG. von Soden, Grundriss der Akkadischen
Grammatik. IEJ. Israel Exploration Journal. IG. Inscriptiones Graecae. IGR. Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes. ILN. Illustrated London News. ILS. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae. JA. Journal Asiatique. JAOS. Journal of American Oriental Society. Jdl. Jahrbuch des deutschen archiologischen
Instituts. JEA. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. JHS. Journal of Hellenic Studies.
JKF. Jahrbuch far kleinasiatische Forschungen. JNES. Journal of Near Eastern Studies.
JRAI. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute.
JRAS. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. JRIBA. Journal of the Royal Institute of British
Architects. JRS. Journal of Roman Studies. KAR. Keilschrifttexte aus Assur : religii'sen Inhalts. KA V. Keilschrtfttexte aus Assur : verschiedenen Inhalts.
KBo. Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkdii. KUB. Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazkdi. KIF. Kleinasiatische Forschungen. LAAA. Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology,
Liverpool. MAMA. Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua. MAOG. Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesell-
schaft. MDOG. Mitteilungen der deutschen Orientgesell-
schaft. MIFAO. Mmnoires de l'Institut frangais d'Archo-.
logie Orientale. MJ. Museum Journal, Philadelphia. MVAG. Mitteilungen der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen
Gesellschaft. OECT. Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts. OGI. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones
Selectae. OIC. Oriental Institute, Chicago, Communications. OIP. Oriental Institute, Publications. OIS. Oriental Institute, Studies in Ancient Oriental
Civilization. OIAS. Oriental Institute, Assyriological Studies. OLZ. Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly. PIR. Prosopographia Imperii Romani. PZ. Prdhistorische Zeitschrift. QDAP. Quarterly of Dept. of Antiquities in Palestine. R. Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western
Asia. RArch. Revue archdologique. RAss. Revue d'Assyriologie. RCEA. Rdpertoire Chronologique d'Epigraphie Arabe. RE. Pauly-Wissova-Kroll, Realencyclopddie. REI. Revue des Etudes Islamiques. RHA. Revue Hittite et Asianique. RLA. Reallexikon der Assyriologie. RLV. Ebert, M., Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte. ROL. Revue de l'Orient Latin.
Riim. Mit. Mitteilungen des deutschen archiiologischen Instituts, R6mische Abteilung.
SEG. Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. SIG. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum. SS. Schmidt, H., Heinrich Schliemanns Sammlung
trojanischer Altertiimer. TAM. Tituli Asiae Minoris. TCL. Textes Cundiformes, Louvre. TK. La Turquie Kimaliste. TT. Ttirk Tarih, Arkeologya ve Etnografya
Dergisi. UMBS. University Museum Babylonian Section,
Publications, Philadelphia. VAB. Vorderasiatische Bibliothek. VS. Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmdler. WB. Wiener Beitrdige zur Kunst und Kulturgeschichte
Asiens. WZKM. Wiener Zeitschrift fir Kunde des Morgenlandes. rOS. Tale Oriental Series. ZA. Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie.
ZDMG. Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlaindischen Gesellschaft.
OCCASIONAL PUBLICATIONS:
No. I
THE STATUE OF IDRI-MI By SIDNEY SMITH, Litt.D., F.B.A.
With an Introduction by SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY, D.Litt., LL.D. Price D? 5s., plus postage. Half-price to members of the Institute.
No. 2
THE ALALAKH TABLETS By D. J. WISEMAN
With an Appendix by O. R. G URNEY Price ?I I5s., plus postage. Half-price to members of the Institute.
(Out of Print)
No. 3
THE SULTANTEPE TABLETS By O. R. GURNEY and J. J. FINKELSTEIN
Price ?xI 5s., plus postage. Half-price to members of the Institute (Out of Print)
No. 4
ALANYA (ALA'IYYA) By SETON LLOYD and D. STORM RICE
Foreword by STEVEN RUNCIMAN Price 2 gns. 25 per cent reduction to members of the Institute.
No. 5
THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE HITTITE EMPIRE By JOHN GARSTANG and 0. R. GURNEY
Price fI los. 25 per cent reduction to members of the Institute.
To be published in the autumn: No. 6
BEYCESULTAN, VOL. 1 By SETON LLOYD and JAMES MELLAART
Price 5 gns. 25 per cent reduction to members of the Institute.
Published as a supplement to Anatolian Studies, VII:
A CLASSICAL MAP OF ASIA MINOR By W. M. CALDER and GEORGE E. BEAN
Being a partial revision, by kind permission of Messrs. John Murray, of J. G. C. Anderson's Map of Asia Minor. Price 7s. 6d.
Obtainable from the Publishers THE BRITISH INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AT ANKARA
Printed in Great Britain by Stephen Austin & Sons, Ltd., Caxton Hill, Ware Road, Hertford, Herts,
