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Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology - Lecture 2 · I Papunesia I South America I...

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Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology Lecture 2 Francesca Di Garbo [email protected]
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Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typologyLecture 2

Francesca Di Garbo

[email protected]

Overview of today’s lecture

I Areal typologyI My dissertation on grammatical gender in Africa (Di Garbo 2014)

I Diachronic typology and socio-linguistic typologyI The evolution of gender agreement systems and language contact

(Di Garbo & Miestamo under revision; Di Garbo under review)I Work in progress on Bantu gender systems (with Annemarie Verkerk)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 2 / 52

Overview of today’s lecture

I Areal typologyI My dissertation on grammatical gender in Africa (Di Garbo 2014)

I Diachronic typology and socio-linguistic typologyI The evolution of gender agreement systems and language contact

(Di Garbo & Miestamo under revision; Di Garbo under review)I Work in progress on Bantu gender systems (with Annemarie Verkerk)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 2 / 52

Areal typology

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 3 / 52

Areal typology

I The study of “the areal distribution of typologically relevant featuresof languages” (Dahl 2001: 1956).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 4 / 52

The world’s linguistic macro-areas (Dryer 1989, 1992)

I Maximally distinct linguistic areas, roughly corresponding to the sizeof continents:

I AfricaI AustraliaI EurasiaI North AmericaI PapunesiaI South America

I Macro-areas as a basis for geographically balanced languagesampling or as an object of study in their own right.

I Continent-wide typologies (Haspelmath 2012)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 5 / 52

The world’s linguistic macro-areas (Dryer 1989, 1992)

I Maximally distinct linguistic areas, roughly corresponding to the sizeof continents:

I AfricaI AustraliaI EurasiaI North AmericaI PapunesiaI South America

I Macro-areas as a basis for geographically balanced languagesampling or as an object of study in their own right.

I Continent-wide typologies (Haspelmath 2012)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 5 / 52

My dissertation (Di Garbo 2014)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 6 / 52

My dissertation

Phenomena

Area investigated

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 6 / 52

Phenomena: grammatical gender

I A system of grammatical marking (on predicates, modifiers,pronouns) indicating the assignment of a noun to a given class.

(1) En nouns in Swedish (utrum genus)

Dendef.u

lycklig-ahappy-def.u

flicka-ngirl-def.u

“the happy girl”

(2) Ett nouns in Swedish (neutrum genus)

Detdef.n

lycklig-thappy-def.n

barn-etchild-def.n

“the happy child”

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 7 / 52

Phenomena: grammatical gender

I A system of grammatical marking (on predicates, modifiers,pronouns) indicating the assignment of a noun to a given class.

(1) En nouns in Swedish (utrum genus)

Dendef.u

lycklig-ahappy-def.u

flicka-ngirl-def.u

“the happy girl”

(2) Ett nouns in Swedish (neutrum genus)

Detdef.n

lycklig-thappy-def.n

barn-etchild-def.n

“the happy child”

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 7 / 52

Phenomena: nominal number

(3) Singular number in Swedish

Enindef.sg

trevlignice

kvallevening

“a nice evening”

(4) Plural number in Swedish

FleraMany

trevlig-anice-pl

kvall-arevening-pl

“many nice evenings”

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 8 / 52

Phenomena: evaluative morphology

How we say that things are smaller or bigger than their standard size.

(5) Italian

a. casa

‘house’

b. cas-ettahouse-small

‘small house’

(6) Italian

a. naso

‘nose’

b. nas-onenose-big

‘big nose’

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 9 / 52

Phenomena: evaluative morphology

How we say that things are smaller or bigger than their standard size.

(5) Italian

a. casa

‘house’

b. cas-ettahouse-small

‘small house’

(6) Italian

a. naso

‘nose’

b. nas-onenose-big

‘big nose’

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 9 / 52

DIMINUTIVE AUGMENTATIVE

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings?

is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Focus of the dissertation

I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.

I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?

I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules

Morphosyntax of gender

I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?

I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?

Assignment rules

I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?

I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52

Africa as the area of investigation

I Africa is one of the world’s macroareas where grammatical gender ismost common (Corbett 1991; Nichols 1992)

I About 2000 languages are estimated to be currently spoken in theAfrican continent (Heine & Nurse 2000; Mous 2003).

I I selected 100 of them. How did I go about choosing them?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 11 / 52

Africa as the area of investigation

I Africa is one of the world’s macroareas where grammatical gender ismost common (Corbett 1991; Nichols 1992)

I About 2000 languages are estimated to be currently spoken in theAfrican continent (Heine & Nurse 2000; Mous 2003).

I I selected 100 of them. How did I go about choosing them?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 11 / 52

Africa as the area of investigation

I Africa is one of the world’s macroareas where grammatical gender ismost common (Corbett 1991; Nichols 1992)

I About 2000 languages are estimated to be currently spoken in theAfrican continent (Heine & Nurse 2000; Mous 2003).

I I selected 100 of them. How did I go about choosing them?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 11 / 52

Africa as the area of investigation

I Africa is one of the world’s macroareas where grammatical gender ismost common (Corbett 1991; Nichols 1992)

I About 2000 languages are estimated to be currently spoken in theAfrican continent (Heine & Nurse 2000; Mous 2003).

I I selected 100 of them.

How did I go about choosing them?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 11 / 52

Africa as the area of investigation

I Africa is one of the world’s macroareas where grammatical gender ismost common (Corbett 1991; Nichols 1992)

I About 2000 languages are estimated to be currently spoken in theAfrican continent (Heine & Nurse 2000; Mous 2003).

I I selected 100 of them. How did I go about choosing them?

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 11 / 52

Sampling procedure: in theory

I Combining comparisons within language families with comparisonsacross language families

I Treating presence of grammatical gender as the most importantcriterion for inclusion

I Including a small set of languages without gender as a control group.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 12 / 52

Sampling procedure: in theory

I Combining comparisons within language families with comparisonsacross language families

I Treating presence of grammatical gender as the most importantcriterion for inclusion

I Including a small set of languages without gender as a control group.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 12 / 52

Sampling procedure: in theory

I Combining comparisons within language families with comparisonsacross language families

I Treating presence of grammatical gender as the most importantcriterion for inclusion

I Including a small set of languages without gender as a control group.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 12 / 52

Sampling procedure: in practice

Figure 1: African language families based on Dimmendaal (2008)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 13 / 52

My language sample

-10 0 10 20 30 40 50

-30

-20

-10

010

2030

0 500 1000 1500 km

scale approx 1:55,000,000

LegendBantuBerberChadicCushiticDefoidDizoidEastern NiloticHadzaIgboidKhoe-KwadiKwaKxaMandeMelNorth-Central AtlanticSandaweSemiticSouth OmoticTa-Ne-OmoticTuuWestern Nilotic

I 84 languages withgrammatical gender

I 16 languages withoutgrammatical gender

I 10 macro-level families + 2isolates (based onGlottolog’s classification(Nordhoff et al. 2013))

I 21 genealogical units in total(counting the individualsubfamilies within eachfamily)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 14 / 52

Data collection and management

I Data sources: reference grammars, consultations of languageexperts and native speaker linguists

I Data collection: collecting comparable data from each of thesampled languages with the help of a ‘checklist’

I Data management: the checklist was then used as the codingsheet for the relational database that I designed in order to store thedata in an organized and searchable fashion.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 15 / 52

Outcomes

I Frequency distributions and areal spreads of identified patterns(more about these on Friday).

I A baseline for further studies on other linguistic areas (see Svardunder revision: on grammatical gender in New Guinea).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 16 / 52

Diachronic and sociolinguistic typology

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 17 / 52

Diachronic typology

I The approach exists since the early days of modern typology:Greenberg (1978)

I Observing synchronic distributions of types/structures in closelyrelated languages.

I Inferring patterns of diachronic change from one type to the other.I Attested types differ in terms of stability: persistent and transitional

types.

I The application of the historical-comparative method to typologicalpurposes, dynamic typology (Croft 2003: 247).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 18 / 52

Diachronic typology

I The approach exists since the early days of modern typology:Greenberg (1978)

I Observing synchronic distributions of types/structures in closelyrelated languages.

I Inferring patterns of diachronic change from one type to the other.I Attested types differ in terms of stability: persistent and transitional

types.

I The application of the historical-comparative method to typologicalpurposes, dynamic typology (Croft 2003: 247).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 18 / 52

Sociolinguistic typology (Trudgill 2010: 300)

Sociolinguistic typology examines the possibility that differenttypes of language or linguistic structure may be, or may tend tobe, associated with different types of society or social structure.

Social factors at stake:

I community size

I tightness of social networks

I degree of social stability

I degree of shared information

I degree of contact/isolation

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 19 / 52

Sociolinguistic typology (Trudgill 2010: 300)

Sociolinguistic typology examines the possibility that differenttypes of language or linguistic structure may be, or may tend tobe, associated with different types of society or social structure.

Social factors at stake:

I community size

I tightness of social networks

I degree of social stability

I degree of shared information

I degree of contact/isolation

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 19 / 52

My research in diachronic and sociolinguistic typologyThe evolution of gender agreement systems and the role of language contact

Aims:

I To study the life-cycle of grammatical gender systems: emergence,expansion, reduction, loss.

I To study the sociohistorical correlates of these patterns of change.

Points of departure:

I Gender systems are very stable (Nichols 1992); they tend to“clusterin adjacent or nearby languages” (Nichols 2003: 300-303).

I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender presuppose intensivebilingualism and heavy borrowing (Thomason 2001: 71).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 20 / 52

My research in diachronic and sociolinguistic typologyThe evolution of gender agreement systems and the role of language contact

Aims:

I To study the life-cycle of grammatical gender systems: emergence,expansion, reduction, loss.

I To study the sociohistorical correlates of these patterns of change.

Points of departure:

I Gender systems are very stable (Nichols 1992); they tend to“clusterin adjacent or nearby languages” (Nichols 2003: 300-303).

I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender presuppose intensivebilingualism and heavy borrowing (Thomason 2001: 71).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 20 / 52

My research in diachronic and sociolinguistic typologyThe evolution of gender agreement systems and the role of language contact

Aims:

I To study the life-cycle of grammatical gender systems: emergence,expansion, reduction, loss.

I To study the sociohistorical correlates of these patterns of change.

Points of departure:

I Gender systems are very stable (Nichols 1992); they tend to“clusterin adjacent or nearby languages” (Nichols 2003: 300-303).

I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender presuppose intensivebilingualism and heavy borrowing (Thomason 2001: 71).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 20 / 52

My research in diachronic and sociolinguistic typologyThe evolution of gender agreement systems and the role of language contact

Aims:

I To study the life-cycle of grammatical gender systems: emergence,expansion, reduction, loss.

I To study the sociohistorical correlates of these patterns of change.

Points of departure:

I Gender systems are very stable (Nichols 1992); they tend to“clusterin adjacent or nearby languages” (Nichols 2003: 300-303).

I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender presuppose intensivebilingualism and heavy borrowing (Thomason 2001: 71).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 20 / 52

Domain of analysis

I Morphosyntax of gender agreement patterns

I How the marking of grammatical gender on modifiers, predicates,pronouns changes over time and under the pressure of languagecontact.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 21 / 52

Domain of analysis

I Morphosyntax of gender agreement patterns

I How the marking of grammatical gender on modifiers, predicates,pronouns changes over time and under the pressure of languagecontact.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 21 / 52

Method

I Convenience sample of 15 sets of closely related languages (36 lngsin total), each representing:

I Reduction/loss/expansion/emergence of gender agreementI A diverse range of sociohistorical profiles:

e.g., standard/prestige languages vs. minority varieties; high-contactvarieties vs. low-contact varieties.

I Data collected through a questionnaire and descriptive resources.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 22 / 52

Method

I Convenience sample of 15 sets of closely related languages (36 lngsin total), each representing:

I Reduction/loss/expansion/emergence of gender agreement

I A diverse range of sociohistorical profiles:e.g., standard/prestige languages vs. minority varieties; high-contactvarieties vs. low-contact varieties.

I Data collected through a questionnaire and descriptive resources.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 22 / 52

Method

I Convenience sample of 15 sets of closely related languages (36 lngsin total), each representing:

I Reduction/loss/expansion/emergence of gender agreementI A diverse range of sociohistorical profiles:

e.g., standard/prestige languages vs. minority varieties; high-contactvarieties vs. low-contact varieties.

I Data collected through a questionnaire and descriptive resources.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 22 / 52

Method

I Convenience sample of 15 sets of closely related languages (36 lngsin total), each representing:

I Reduction/loss/expansion/emergence of gender agreementI A diverse range of sociohistorical profiles:

e.g., standard/prestige languages vs. minority varieties; high-contactvarieties vs. low-contact varieties.

I Data collected through a questionnaire and descriptive resources.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 22 / 52

The language sample

Legend

Balto−SlavicBantuBasqueChamorroCentral GunwinyguanGermanicGhana−Togo−MountainGreek

Insular CelticIranianKhasian LezgicMekMichifThebor

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 23 / 52

Patterns of change

Legend

Emergence = 5/36Loss = 7/36Expansion = 6/36

Reduction = 8/36Retention = 8/36Lack = 2/36

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 24 / 52

Two case-studies

I Diachronic change in gender marking systems (Di Garbo &Miestamo under revision)

I Sociohistorical correlates of gender systems’ simplification andcomplexification (Di Garbo under review)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 25 / 52

Two paths of loss/reduction

1. Morpho-phonological erosion of agreement morphology 1

2. Redistribution of agreement patterns

attributive (...) pers. pronoun

MORPH. EROSION

REDISTRIBUTION

1a.k.a. deflection (cf. also Audring 2009; Marchese 1988)Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 26 / 52

Two paths of loss/reduction

1. Morpho-phonological erosion of agreement morphology 1

2. Redistribution of agreement patterns

attributive (...) pers. pronoun

MORPH. EROSION

REDISTRIBUTION

1a.k.a. deflection (cf. also Audring 2009; Marchese 1988)Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 26 / 52

Two paths of loss/reduction

1. Morpho-phonological erosion of agreement morphology 1

2. Redistribution of agreement patterns

attributive (...) pers. pronoun

MORPH. EROSION

REDISTRIBUTION

1a.k.a. deflection (cf. also Audring 2009; Marchese 1988)Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 26 / 52

Two paths of loss/reduction

1. Morpho-phonological erosion of agreement morphology 1

2. Redistribution of agreement patterns

attributive (...) pers. pronoun

MORPH. EROSION

REDISTRIBUTION

1a.k.a. deflection (cf. also Audring 2009; Marchese 1988)Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 26 / 52

Reduction/loss by morphophonological erosionStandard Swedish (Indo-European, Germanic)

I Adnominal gender agreement: Common vs. Neuter GenderI en person ‘a person’I ett hus ‘a house’

Table 1: Personal Pronouns

Hum. and Higher Anim. M F Phan ‘he’ hon ‘she’ de ‘they’

Inanim. C N Pden ‘it’ det ‘it’ de ‘they’

I Comparative evidence from other Swedish dialects

I Elfdalian Sw., conservative variety: triparite gender systemmaintained throughout the agreement system (Akerberg 2012)

I Karleby Sw., spoken in Finland:complete gender loss except for definite article, personal anddemonstrative pronouns (Hulden 1972; Hultman 1894).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 27 / 52

Reduction/loss by morphophonological erosionStandard Swedish (Indo-European, Germanic)

I Adnominal gender agreement: Common vs. Neuter GenderI en person ‘a person’I ett hus ‘a house’

Table 1: Personal Pronouns

Hum. and Higher Anim. M F Phan ‘he’ hon ‘she’ de ‘they’

Inanim. C N Pden ‘it’ det ‘it’ de ‘they’

I Comparative evidence from other Swedish dialects

I Elfdalian Sw., conservative variety: triparite gender systemmaintained throughout the agreement system (Akerberg 2012)

I Karleby Sw., spoken in Finland:complete gender loss except for definite article, personal anddemonstrative pronouns (Hulden 1972; Hultman 1894).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 27 / 52

Reduction/loss by morphophonological erosionStandard Swedish (Indo-European, Germanic)

I Adnominal gender agreement: Common vs. Neuter GenderI en person ‘a person’I ett hus ‘a house’

Table 1: Personal Pronouns

Hum. and Higher Anim. M F Phan ‘he’ hon ‘she’ de ‘they’

Inanim. C N Pden ‘it’ det ‘it’ de ‘they’

I Comparative evidence from other Swedish dialects

I Elfdalian Sw., conservative variety: triparite gender systemmaintained throughout the agreement system (Akerberg 2012)

I Karleby Sw., spoken in Finland:complete gender loss except for definite article, personal anddemonstrative pronouns (Hulden 1972; Hultman 1894).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 27 / 52

Reduction/loss by morphophonological erosionStandard Swedish (Indo-European, Germanic)

I Adnominal gender agreement: Common vs. Neuter GenderI en person ‘a person’I ett hus ‘a house’

Table 1: Personal Pronouns

Hum. and Higher Anim. M F Phan ‘he’ hon ‘she’ de ‘they’

Inanim. C N Pden ‘it’ det ‘it’ de ‘they’

I Comparative evidence from other Swedish dialects

I Elfdalian Sw., conservative variety: triparite gender systemmaintained throughout the agreement system (Akerberg 2012)

I Karleby Sw., spoken in Finland:complete gender loss except for definite article, personal anddemonstrative pronouns (Hulden 1972; Hultman 1894).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 27 / 52

Reduction/Loss by redistribution

(7) Axo Cappadocian (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas 2014: 79-80)

tdef.sg.gen

spitcuhouse.sg.gn

tadef.pl

ndix(u)swall.pl

xtizmenabuilt.pl

‘The walls of the house (are) built.’

(8) Modern Standard Greek (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas2014: 79-80)

idef.m.pl

tıciwall.m.pl

inebe.prs.3pl

xtixmenibuilt.m.pl

‘the walls are built’.

I Comparative evidence from other Asia Minor Greek dialects:

I Pontic Greek: the expansion of neuter agreement is semanticallyand syntactically constrained(inanimate nouns, agreement targets non-adjacent to nouns).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 28 / 52

Reduction/Loss by redistribution

(7) Axo Cappadocian (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas 2014: 79-80)

tdef.sg.gen

spitcuhouse.sg.gn

tadef.pl

ndix(u)swall.pl

xtizmenabuilt.pl

‘The walls of the house (are) built.’

(8) Modern Standard Greek (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas2014: 79-80)

idef.m.pl

tıciwall.m.pl

inebe.prs.3pl

xtixmenibuilt.m.pl

‘the walls are built’.

I Comparative evidence from other Asia Minor Greek dialects:

I Pontic Greek: the expansion of neuter agreement is semanticallyand syntactically constrained(inanimate nouns, agreement targets non-adjacent to nouns).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 28 / 52

Reduction/Loss by redistribution

(7) Axo Cappadocian (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas 2014: 79-80)

tdef.sg.gen

spitcuhouse.sg.gn

tadef.pl

ndix(u)swall.pl

xtizmenabuilt.pl

‘The walls of the house (are) built.’

(8) Modern Standard Greek (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas2014: 79-80)

idef.m.pl

tıciwall.m.pl

inebe.prs.3pl

xtixmenibuilt.m.pl

‘the walls are built’.

I Comparative evidence from other Asia Minor Greek dialects:

I Pontic Greek: the expansion of neuter agreement is semanticallyand syntactically constrained(inanimate nouns, agreement targets non-adjacent to nouns).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 28 / 52

Reduction/Loss by redistribution

(7) Axo Cappadocian (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas 2014: 79-80)

tdef.sg.gen

spitcuhouse.sg.gn

tadef.pl

ndix(u)swall.pl

xtizmenabuilt.pl

‘The walls of the house (are) built.’

(8) Modern Standard Greek (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas2014: 79-80)

idef.m.pl

tıciwall.m.pl

inebe.prs.3pl

xtixmenibuilt.m.pl

‘the walls are built’.

I Comparative evidence from other Asia Minor Greek dialects:

I Pontic Greek: the expansion of neuter agreement is semanticallyand syntactically constrained(inanimate nouns, agreement targets non-adjacent to nouns).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 28 / 52

Emergent gender agreement patterns

The diachrony of many gender systems “can at best be reconstructed,but not directly observed” (Luraghi 2011: 435).

I Focus of the project: young, and grammatically non-pervasivegender systems.

1. Resulting from light nouns, e.g., ‘man’, ‘woman’, grammaticalizingas anaphoric devices (Walchli under revision)

2. Resulting from borrowing of nouns and agreeing adnominal modifiers.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 29 / 52

Emergent gender agreement patterns

The diachrony of many gender systems “can at best be reconstructed,but not directly observed” (Luraghi 2011: 435).

I Focus of the project: young, and grammatically non-pervasivegender systems.

1. Resulting from light nouns, e.g., ‘man’, ‘woman’, grammaticalizingas anaphoric devices (Walchli under revision)

2. Resulting from borrowing of nouns and agreeing adnominal modifiers.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 29 / 52

Emergent gender agreement patterns

The diachrony of many gender systems “can at best be reconstructed,but not directly observed” (Luraghi 2011: 435).

I Focus of the project: young, and grammatically non-pervasivegender systems.

1. Resulting from light nouns, e.g., ‘man’, ‘woman’, grammaticalizingas anaphoric devices (Walchli under revision)

2. Resulting from borrowing of nouns and agreeing adnominal modifiers.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 29 / 52

Emergent gender agreement patterns

The diachrony of many gender systems “can at best be reconstructed,but not directly observed” (Luraghi 2011: 435).

I Focus of the project: young, and grammatically non-pervasivegender systems.

1. Resulting from light nouns, e.g., ‘man’, ‘woman’, grammaticalizingas anaphoric devices (Walchli under revision)

2. Resulting from borrowing of nouns and agreeing adnominal modifiers.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 29 / 52

Emergent gender agreement patterns

The diachrony of many gender systems “can at best be reconstructed,but not directly observed” (Luraghi 2011: 435).

I Focus of the project: young, and grammatically non-pervasivegender systems. Two types:

1. Resulting from light nouns, e.g., ‘man’, ‘woman’, grammaticalizingas anaphoric devices (Walchli under revision)

2. Resulting from borrowing of nouns and agreeing adnominalmodifiers.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 29 / 52

Borrowed gender agreement

LanguagesI Chamorro (Austronesian)

Contact language:Spanish

I Lekeitio Basque (Basque)

Contact language:Spanish

I Schumcho, Jangshung(Bodic, Thebor)

Contact language:Northern IndiaIndo-European languages

Shared characteristics

X Gender agreement patterns passed throughborrowing of inflected forms.

X Gender agreement targets are a closedclass of property words.

X Gender agreement patterns are alwayssemantic (natural gender distinctions).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 30 / 52

Borrowed gender agreement

LanguagesI Chamorro (Austronesian)

Contact language:Spanish

I Lekeitio Basque (Basque)

Contact language:Spanish

I Schumcho, Jangshung(Bodic, Thebor)

Contact language:Northern IndiaIndo-European languages

Shared characteristics

X Gender agreement patterns passed throughborrowing of inflected forms.

X Gender agreement targets are a closedclass of property words.

X Gender agreement patterns are alwayssemantic (natural gender distinctions).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 30 / 52

Borrowed gender agreementChamorro (Austronesian, Marian Islands; Huber 2011: 67)

(9) Chamorro Feminine Gender (Stolz 2012: 123)

Ma-nobena-na-yepass-novena-red-ref

idef

mi-milagros-aabound-miraculous-f

nalink

Bithen.Virgin

‘A novena is being conducted for the abundantly miraculous Virgin.’

(10) Chamorro Non-Feminine Gender (Stolz 2012: 125)

desdesince

antititesred:before

nalink

tiempotime

estaalready

gofvery

bunit-unice-nf

nalink

siudatown

idef

yaTN

Hagatna.Hagatna

‘A very long time ago, Hagatna was a very pretty town already.’

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 31 / 52

Borrowed gender agreementChamorro (Austronesian, Marian Islands; Huber 2011: 67)

(9) Chamorro Feminine Gender (Stolz 2012: 123)

Ma-nobena-na-yepass-novena-red-ref

idef

mi-milagros-aabound-miraculous-f

nalink

Bithen.Virgin

‘A novena is being conducted for the abundantly miraculous Virgin.’

(10) Chamorro Non-Feminine Gender (Stolz 2012: 125)

desdesince

antititesred:before

nalink

tiempotime

estaalready

gofvery

bunit-unice-nf

nalink

siudatown

idef

yaTN

Hagatna.Hagatna

‘A very long time ago, Hagatna was a very pretty town already.’

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 31 / 52

Pulling forces of change

I Attributive modifiers and anaphoric pronouns/nouns are the mostfrequent locus of change.

I Two possible functional pressures:I towards syntactic cohesion between nouns and most adjacent

agreement targetsI towards semantic agreement on non-adjacent agreement targets

(anaphoric pronouns).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 32 / 52

Pulling forces of change

I Attributive modifiers and anaphoric pronouns/nouns are the mostfrequent locus of change.

I Two possible functional pressures:I towards syntactic cohesion between nouns and most adjacent

agreement targetsI towards semantic agreement on non-adjacent agreement targets

(anaphoric pronouns).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 32 / 52

Pulling forces of change

I Attributive modifiers and anaphoric pronouns/nouns are the mostfrequent locus of change.

I Two possible functional pressures:I towards syntactic cohesion between nouns and most adjacent

agreement targetsI towards semantic agreement on non-adjacent agreement targets

(anaphoric pronouns).

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 32 / 52

Within Eurasia, patterns of change cluster aroundlanguage-family edges

Languages Family Contact family Observed patternCappadocian Greek Greek Turkic LossTamian Latvian Balto-Slavic Finnic LossAghul, Udi Lezgic Turkic LossKarleby Swedish North Germanic Finnic Near-lossKelasi, Kaftej Northwestern Iranian Turkic Loss and expansionLekeitio Basque Basque Ibero-Romance EmergenceShumcho, Jangshung Thebor Indo-Aryan Emergence

I Outlier languages within a family are neighbor with each other.

I This is in alignment with Nichols’ (2003) observation wherebygrammatical gender is a cluster phenomenon.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 33 / 52

Within Eurasia, patterns of change cluster aroundlanguage-family edges

Languages Family Contact family Observed patternCappadocian Greek Greek Turkic LossTamian Latvian Balto-Slavic Finnic LossAghul, Udi Lezgic Turkic LossKarleby Swedish North Germanic Finnic Near-lossKelasi, Kaftej Northwestern Iranian Turkic Loss and expansionLekeitio Basque Basque Ibero-Romance EmergenceShumcho, Jangshung Thebor Indo-Aryan Emergence

I Outlier languages within a family are neighbor with each other.

I This is in alignment with Nichols’ (2003) observation wherebygrammatical gender is a cluster phenomenon.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 33 / 52

Within Eurasia, patterns of change cluster aroundlanguage-family edges

Languages Family Contact family Observed patternCappadocian Greek Greek Turkic LossTamian Latvian Balto-Slavic Finnic LossAghul, Udi Lezgic Turkic LossKarleby Swedish North Germanic Finnic Near-lossKelasi, Kaftej Northwestern Iranian Turkic Loss and expansionLekeitio Basque Basque Ibero-Romance EmergenceShumcho, Jangshung Thebor Indo-Aryan Emergence

I Outlier languages within a family are neighbor with each other.

I This is in alignment with Nichols’ (2003) observation wherebygrammatical gender is a cluster phenomenon.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 33 / 52

Asymmetries in the relationship between languages incontact (may) explain the direction of change

I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender agreement morphologypresuppose prolonged contact and extensive bilingualism.

I The direction of change is predicted by the prestige dynamics anddominance relationships between the languages in contact

Languages Change Dominant contact lng GG in thedominant lngs

Aghul, Udi (Lezgic) Loss Azerbaijani (Turkic), NOGeorgian (Kartvelian)

Karleby Swedish (North Germanic) Near loss Finnish (Finnic) NOIgo (Ghana-Togo-Mountain) Loss Ewe (Gbe) NOTamian Latvian (Balto-Slavic) Loss Livonian, Estonian (Finnic) YESChamorro (Chamorro) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YESLekeitio Basque (Basque) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YES

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 34 / 52

Asymmetries in the relationship between languages incontact (may) explain the direction of change

I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender agreement morphologypresuppose prolonged contact and extensive bilingualism.

I The direction of change is predicted by the prestige dynamics anddominance relationships between the languages in contact

Languages Change Dominant contact lng GG in thedominant lngs

Aghul, Udi (Lezgic) Loss Azerbaijani (Turkic), NOGeorgian (Kartvelian)

Karleby Swedish (North Germanic) Near loss Finnish (Finnic) NOIgo (Ghana-Togo-Mountain) Loss Ewe (Gbe) NOTamian Latvian (Balto-Slavic) Loss Livonian, Estonian (Finnic) YESChamorro (Chamorro) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YESLekeitio Basque (Basque) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YES

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 34 / 52

Asymmetries in the relationship between languages incontact (may) explain the direction of change

I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender agreement morphologypresuppose prolonged contact and extensive bilingualism.

I The direction of change is predicted by the prestige dynamics anddominance relationships between the languages in contact

Languages Change Dominant contact lng GG in thedominant lngs

Aghul, Udi (Lezgic) Loss Azerbaijani (Turkic), NOGeorgian (Kartvelian)

Karleby Swedish (North Germanic) Near loss Finnish (Finnic) NOIgo (Ghana-Togo-Mountain) Loss Ewe (Gbe) NOTamian Latvian (Balto-Slavic) Loss Livonian, Estonian (Finnic) YESChamorro (Chamorro) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YESLekeitio Basque (Basque) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YES

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 34 / 52

To sum up

Contributions:

I To highlight types of changes within gender agreement patterns, andpossible directionalities in the spread of these changes.

I To highlight a number of sociohistorical variables that are related tothe spreading of these changes.

Limitations:

I Only a limited number of languages per family.

I Scarce amount of data for some of the languages in the sample.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 35 / 52

To sum up

Contributions:

I To highlight types of changes within gender agreement patterns, andpossible directionalities in the spread of these changes.

I To highlight a number of sociohistorical variables that are related tothe spreading of these changes.

Limitations:

I Only a limited number of languages per family.

I Scarce amount of data for some of the languages in the sample.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 35 / 52

How to continue

I To use the results of this qualitative study as a starting point forfurther hypothesis testing on larger data sets (one family in detail),and with the support of quantitative methods.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 36 / 52

Correlates of restructuring in Bantu gender systems (withAnnemarie Verkerk, MPI – Jena)

I Studying the diversity of the gender systems of the Bantu languages.

I Testing the models of language change that account best forwithin-family variation in this domain of grammar (usingPhylogenetic Comparative Methods).

I Investigating socio-historical correlates of the distribution of thisvariation.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 37 / 52

Correlates of restructuring in Bantu gender systems (withAnnemarie Verkerk, MPI – Jena)

I Studying the diversity of the gender systems of the Bantu languages.

I Testing the models of language change that account best forwithin-family variation in this domain of grammar (usingPhylogenetic Comparative Methods).

I Investigating socio-historical correlates of the distribution of thisvariation.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 37 / 52

Correlates of restructuring in Bantu gender systems (withAnnemarie Verkerk, MPI – Jena)

I Studying the diversity of the gender systems of the Bantu languages.

I Testing the models of language change that account best forwithin-family variation in this domain of grammar (usingPhylogenetic Comparative Methods).

I Investigating socio-historical correlates of the distribution of thisvariation.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 37 / 52

Correlates of restructuring in Bantu gender systems (withAnnemarie Verkerk, MPI – Jena)

I Studying the diversity of the gender systems of the Bantu languages.

I Testing the models of language change that account best forwithin-family variation in this domain of grammar (usingPhylogenetic Comparative Methods).

I Investigating socio-historical correlates of the distribution of thisvariation.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 37 / 52

The Bantu languages and their gender systems

(11) Gender marking in Chichewa (Kiso 2012: 18)

chi-nkhaniracl7-scorpion

cha-chi-kaziass-cl7-female

chi-ku-dzi-kandacl7.sbj-pres-refl-scratch

“The female scorpion is scratching itself”.

(12) Gender marking in Kinshasa Lingala (Meeuwis2013: 30)

a. Mw-anacl1-child

a-ko-kweya3sg.anim-fut-fall

‘The child will fall.’

b. Ndakocl9.book

e-ko-kweya3sg.inan-fut-fall

‘The house will fall.’

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 38 / 52

The Bantu languages and their gender systems

(11) Gender marking in Chichewa (Kiso 2012: 18)

chi-nkhaniracl7-scorpion

cha-chi-kaziass-cl7-female

chi-ku-dzi-kandacl7.sbj-pres-refl-scratch

“The female scorpion is scratching itself”.

(12) Gender marking in Kinshasa Lingala (Meeuwis2013: 30)

a. Mw-anacl1-child

a-ko-kweya3sg.anim-fut-fall

‘The child will fall.’

b. Ndakocl9.book

e-ko-kweya3sg.inan-fut-fall

‘The house will fall.’

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 38 / 52

The Bantu languages and their gender systems

(11) Gender marking in Chichewa (Kiso 2012: 18)

chi-nkhaniracl7-scorpion

cha-chi-kaziass-cl7-female

chi-ku-dzi-kandacl7.sbj-pres-refl-scratch

“The female scorpion is scratching itself”.

(12) Gender marking in Kinshasa Lingala (Meeuwis2013: 30)

a. Mw-anacl1-child

a-ko-kweya3sg.anim-fut-fall

‘The child will fall.’

b. Ndakocl9.book

e-ko-kweya3sg.inan-fut-fall

‘The house will fall.’

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 38 / 52

The Bantu languages and their gender systems

(13) Gender marking in Chichewa (Kiso 2012: 18)

chi-nkhaniracl7-scorpion

cha-chi-kaziass-cl7-female

chi-ku-dzi-kandacl7.sbj-pres-refl-scratch

“The female scorpion is scratching itself”.

(14) Gender marking in Kinshasa Lingala(Meeuwis2013: 30)

a. Mw-anacl1-child

a-ko-kweya3sg.anim-fut-fall

‘The child will fall.’

b. Ndakocl9.book

e-ko-kweya3sg.inan-fut-fall

‘The house will fall.’

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 38 / 52

Questions

I How do we go from the Chichewa type tothe Kinshasa Lingala type?

I Why does this happen?

The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems

I Questions

1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?

2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?

I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree

(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.

Hypotheses

1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.

2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52

The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems

I Questions

1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?

2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?

I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree

(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.

Hypotheses

1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.

2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52

The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems

I Questions

1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?

2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?

I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree

(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.

Hypotheses

1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.

2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52

The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems

I Questions

1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?

2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?

I Quantitative data analysis

I The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.

Hypotheses

1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.

2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52

The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems

I Questions

1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?

2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?

I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree

(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.

Hypotheses

1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.

2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52

The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems

I Questions

1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?

2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?

I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree

(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.

Hypotheses

1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.

2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.

(Wald 1975)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52

The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems

I Questions

1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?

2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?

I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree

(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.

Hypotheses

1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.

2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52

Sociohistorical correlates

I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages

Hypotheses

1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.

2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).

3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52

Sociohistorical correlates

I Variables we plan to work with:

I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages

Hypotheses

1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.

2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).

3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52

Sociohistorical correlates

I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages

Hypotheses

1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.

2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).

3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52

Sociohistorical correlates

I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages

Hypotheses

1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.

2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).

3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52

Sociohistorical correlates

I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages

Hypotheses

1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.

2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).

3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52

Sociohistorical correlates

I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages

Hypotheses

1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.

2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).

3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52

Sociohistorical correlates

I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages

Hypotheses

1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.

2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).

3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52

What we’ve done so farI Defined the coding procedure

I Collected data for 130+ Bantu languages.

0 10 20 30 40 50

−30

−20

−10

0

0 500 1000 km

scale approx 1:32,000,000

Languages sampled so far

A15A15A15A15

A31, A221

A51A601

A72

A74

A75, A751

A83

A84A841, A842

A91

A92

A93

B202

B25B251 B252

B304B305B42

B52

B61

B77b, B78 B85B85

C12 C13

C14

C25

C30A

C30bC30b

C33

C36e

C37C43, C44

C441C52

C63, C62

C71C83

D13

D22

D26D27

D301

D33

E55 E56H10?

H14 − H16

JE15

JE42

L31

R20 (R21 − R24, R11−R118 R421−R422)

S407

A101A13 / A141A21A24−26

A33a

A42 A53

A81, A801

B11B201

B21

B22

B22

B23B24B31

B32

B41, B411B51

B62

B71

B73B81

C16

C21 (C23)C22C24

C31C31

C36

C401

C41 C45C54

C61 C611 C36hC74, C75

C81

D11

D201D211, D311, D313

D23

D25 D251

D28

D304

D308

D32

G24

G42 G43

G42 G43

K11

L52

S11 − S15

S20 (S21)

S31S32 S301 − S304

S33S41

S42S43

S53 (S52)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 41 / 52

What we’ve done so farI Defined the coding procedure

I Collected data for 130+ Bantu languages.

0 10 20 30 40 50

−30

−20

−10

0

0 500 1000 km

scale approx 1:32,000,000

Languages sampled so far

A15A15A15A15

A31, A221

A51A601

A72

A74

A75, A751

A83

A84A841, A842

A91

A92

A93

B202

B25B251 B252

B304B305B42

B52

B61

B77b, B78 B85B85

C12 C13

C14

C25

C30A

C30bC30b

C33

C36e

C37C43, C44

C441C52

C63, C62

C71C83

D13

D22

D26D27

D301

D33

E55 E56H10?

H14 − H16

JE15

JE42

L31

R20 (R21 − R24, R11−R118 R421−R422)

S407

A101A13 / A141A21A24−26

A33a

A42 A53

A81, A801

B11B201

B21

B22

B22

B23B24B31

B32

B41, B411B51

B62

B71

B73B81

C16

C21 (C23)C22C24

C31C31

C36

C401

C41 C45C54

C61 C611 C36hC74, C75

C81

D11

D201D211, D311, D313

D23

D25 D251

D28

D304

D308

D32

G24

G42 G43

G42 G43

K11

L52

S11 − S15

S20 (S21)

S31S32 S301 − S304

S33S41

S42S43

S53 (S52)

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 41 / 52

Maho’s (1999) classification of Bantu noun class systems

Nouns

1= Tr. 2= Tr. + An. 2i = Tr+Pl 3 = An. +Sg/Pl 4= Sg/Pl 5=None

ElsewhereA = Tr.B = Tr. + An.C = An. + Sg/PlD = Sg/PlE = None

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 42 / 52

Maho’s (1999) classification of Bantu noun class systems

Nouns

1= Tr. 2= Tr. + An. 2i = Tr+Pl 3 = An. +Sg/Pl 4= Sg/Pl 5=None

ElsewhereA = Tr.B = Tr. + An.C = An. + Sg/PlD = Sg/PlE = None

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 42 / 52

Maho’s (1999) typology of Bantu noun class markingsystems

Nouns

1= Tr. 2= Tr. + An. 2i = Tr+Pl 3 = An. + Sg/Pl 4= Sg/Pl 5= None

ElsewhereA = Tr. ZuluB = Tr. + An. Swahili LundaC = An. + Sg/Pl Lingala K. Lingala Amba, Bera Pande HomaD = Sg/Pl YansE = None Kituba Komo

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 42 / 52

0 10 20 30 40 50

−30

−20

−10

0

0 500 1000 km

scale approx 1:40,000,000

The languages of the sample based on Maho's types

1A1A1A1A

1A

1B1B1A1A

1A

1A

1A1A1A

3D

3C

1A1A1A 1A

1A1A1A1A

1A

1B 1B1D

4C 4C

1A

1A

1A

1C2'C

1B

1B

1A 1B1A1A

1B

1A1A

1A

3C

1A1A

3C

1B

1A1E

1B

1A

1A

1A

1A

1A

1A1A1A1A

1A

1A 1A

1A

1A1B

1A

1A

1A

1A1A1A

1A

1B1A

1A1A

1B1A

1A

1A1A1A

1A1A1A

1A

1B 1B1A

1B1A

1A

1A

1B3C

3E

1A

1A

5C4E

1A

1B

1B

1B

1B

2B

1A

1A

1A 1A

1A1A

1A1A

1A

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 43 / 52

The northern Bantu borderlands

0 500 1000 km

scale approx 1:26,000,000

Radically restructured gender systems in the Bantu northern borderlands

keb

nra

swc

nda

bsibssbqzmbonkc

bvbewo

bum

fan

mcp

njy

ozm

kwu

sxe

koqsakmhb

picbuwsnq

nzb

mdt

zmx

mdw

bxg

bjabbmsoc

tllbuf

zmq

zmbbnx

kam

lug

guz

lua

bdubwtbridua

yko

abbksf

nmg

mye

syi

zmnwumtsv

kbs

dma

mbm

teg

tii

loq

mdu

akwkoh

mmz

ndw

lse

pae

loo

yel

dez

mdq

lea

hoo

buu

lfabag

ifm

szg

bkt

bww

nxd

nlj

kng

swj

iyx

ngc agh

lol

lik

bou

wmw

swh

cjk

lin

yns

ktu

Nzadi

lun

kkj

kbj

bip brfrwm

pmm

kmw

bkj mdn

boy

hom

Legend

Type 1: N_tr; AG_an

Type 2: N_an; AG_an

Type 3: N_an; AG_sg/pl

Type 4: N_rel; AG_none

No radical restructuring

Atlantic

Ocean

Two possible scenarios:

1. Substratum interference from pre-Bantu populations shifting to Bantulanguages, including Pygmies.

2. Continued contact between Bantu and non-Bantu languages in the area.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 44 / 52

The northern Bantu borderlands

0 500 1000 km

scale approx 1:26,000,000

Radically restructured gender systems in the Bantu northern borderlands

keb

nra

swc

nda

bsibssbqzmbonkc

bvbewo

bum

fan

mcp

njy

ozm

kwu

sxe

koqsakmhb

picbuwsnq

nzb

mdt

zmx

mdw

bxg

bjabbmsoc

tllbuf

zmq

zmbbnx

kam

lug

guz

lua

bdubwtbridua

yko

abbksf

nmg

mye

syi

zmnwumtsv

kbs

dma

mbm

teg

tii

loq

mdu

akwkoh

mmz

ndw

lse

pae

loo

yel

dez

mdq

lea

hoo

buu

lfabag

ifm

szg

bkt

bww

nxd

nlj

kng

swj

iyx

ngc agh

lol

lik

bou

wmw

swh

cjk

lin

yns

ktu

Nzadi

lun

kkj

kbj

bip brfrwm

pmm

kmw

bkj mdn

boy

hom

Legend

Type 1: N_tr; AG_an

Type 2: N_an; AG_an

Type 3: N_an; AG_sg/pl

Type 4: N_rel; AG_none

No radical restructuring

Atlantic

Ocean

Two possible scenarios:

1. Substratum interference from pre-Bantu populations shifting to Bantulanguages, including Pygmies.

2. Continued contact between Bantu and non-Bantu languages in the area.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 44 / 52

Insights so far

I The gender systems of several Bantu languages show a bias towardsthe overt expression of animacy distinctions.

I The spread of this feature within the family is NOT a unitaryprocess.

I Multiple developments must be posited in different subareas of theBantu speaking world, and in response to a diverse spectrum ofsociohistorical scenarios.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 45 / 52

Insights so far

I The gender systems of several Bantu languages show a bias towardsthe overt expression of animacy distinctions.

I The spread of this feature within the family is NOT a unitaryprocess.

I Multiple developments must be posited in different subareas of theBantu speaking world, and in response to a diverse spectrum ofsociohistorical scenarios.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 45 / 52

Insights so far

I The gender systems of several Bantu languages show a bias towardsthe overt expression of animacy distinctions.

I The spread of this feature within the family is NOT a unitaryprocess.

I Multiple developments must be posited in different subareas of theBantu speaking world, and in response to a diverse spectrum ofsociohistorical scenarios.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 45 / 52

Insights so far

I The gender systems of several Bantu languages show a bias towardsthe overt expression of animacy distinctions.

I The spread of this feature within the family is NOT a unitaryprocess.

I Multiple developments must be posited in different subareas of theBantu speaking world, and in response to a diverse spectrum ofsociohistorical scenarios.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 45 / 52

How we’ll continue in the immediate future

I Sampling extensively the northern-most Bantu speaking area (zonesA, B, C, D), where reduced systems abound.

I Running the phylogenetic analysis

I Exploring the language contact situation within these areas.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 46 / 52

How we’ll continue in the immediate future

I Sampling extensively the northern-most Bantu speaking area (zonesA, B, C, D), where reduced systems abound.

I Running the phylogenetic analysis

I Exploring the language contact situation within these areas.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 46 / 52

How we’ll continue in the immediate future

I Sampling extensively the northern-most Bantu speaking area (zonesA, B, C, D), where reduced systems abound.

I Running the phylogenetic analysis

I Exploring the language contact situation within these areas.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 46 / 52

To be continued...

Aitah!Thanks are also due to:

Anna Ahlstroms och Ellen TerserusStiftelse

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 47 / 52

To be continued...

Aitah!Thanks are also due to:

Anna Ahlstroms och Ellen TerserusStiftelse

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 47 / 52

References I

Akerberg, Bengt. 2012. Alvdalsk grammatik. Ulum Dalska.

Audring, Jenny. 2009. Reinventing pronoun gender. Utrecht: LOT, The NetherlandsGraduate School of Linguistics dissertation.

Corbett, Greville. 1991. Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Croft, William. 2003. Typology and universals. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress.

Dahl, Osten. 2001. Principles of areal typology. In Martin Haspelmath, EkhehardKonig, Wulf Oesterreicher & Wolfgang Raible (eds.), Language typology andlanguage universals, vol. 2, 1456–1470. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Di Garbo, Francesca. 2014. Gender and its interaction with number and evaluativemorphology: An intra- and intergenealogical typological survey of Africa.Stockholm: Department of Linguistics, Stockholm University dissertation.

Di Garbo, Francesca. under review. The complexity of gender and language ecology, .

Di Garbo, Francesca & Matti Miestamo. under revision. The evolving complexity ofgender agreement systems. In Di Garbo, Francesca and Bernhard Walchli (ed.),Grammatical gender and linguistic complexity, To be submitted to: Berlin:Language Science Press.

Dimmendaal, Gerrit. 2008. Language ecology and linguistic diversity on the Africancontinent. Language and Linguistics Compass 2. 840–858.

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References II

Dryer, Matthew. 1989. Large linguistic areas and language sampling. Studies inLanguage 13. 257–292.

Dryer, Matthew S. 1992. The Greenbergian word order correlations. Language 68.81–138.

Greenberg, Joseph. 1978. Diachrony, synchrony and language universals. In JosephGreenberg, Charles Ferguson & Edith Moravcisk (eds.), Universals of humanlanguage, vol. 1: Method and theory, 62–92. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Grollemund, Rebecca, Simon Brandford, Koen Bostoen, Andrew Meade, ChrisVenditti & Mark Pagel. 2015. Bantu expansion shows that habitat alters the routeand pace of human dispersals. Proceedings of the National Academy of Science ofthe United States of America 112. 13296–13301.

Haspelmath, Martin. 2012. Continent-wide typology: a recent trend within diversitylinguistics. In Diversity linguistics comment, Available online athttp://dlc.hypotheses.org/340.

Heine, Bernd & Derek Nurse. 2000. Introduction. In Bernd Heine & Derek Nurse(eds.), African languages: An introduction, 1–10. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress.

Huber, Christian. 2011. Some notes on gender and number marking in Shumcho. InGerda Lechleitner & Christian Liebl (eds.), Jahrbuch des phonogrammarchivs,vol. 2, 52–90. Gottingen: Cuvillier Verlag.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 49 / 52

References III

Hulden, Lars. 1972. Genussystemet i Karleby och Nedervetil. Folkmasstudier 22.47–82.

Hultman, Oskar Fredrik. 1894. Oskar fredrik hultman. Helsinki: Svenskalandsmalsforeningen.

Karatsareas, Petros. 2014. On the diachrony of gender in Asia Minor Greek: thedevelopment of semantic agreement in Pontic. Language Sciences 43. 77–101.

Kiso, Andrea. 2012. Tense and aspect in Chichewa, Citumbuka and Cisena. adescription and comparison of the tense-aspect systems in three southeasternBantu languages: Stockholm University dissertation.

Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Maria. 2011. Language contact. In Jae-Jung Song (ed.), TheOxford handbook of linguistic typology, 568–590. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Luraghi, Silvia. 2011. The origin of the Proto-Indo-European gender system:Typological considerations. Folia Linguistica 45. 435–464.

Maho, Jouni. 1999. A comparative study of Bantu noun classes. Goteborg: Orientaliaet Africana Gothoburgensia dissertation. Acta universitatis gothoburgensia.

Marchese, Lynell. 1988. Noun classes and agreement systems in Kru: A historicalapproach. In Michael Barlow & Charles A. Ferguson (eds.), Agreement in naturallanguages: approaches, theory, descriptions, 323–341. CSLI.

Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 50 / 52

References IVMeeuwis, Michael. 2013. Lingala. In Susanne Michaelis, Philipe Maurer, Martin

Haspelmath & Magnus Huber (eds.), The survey of pidgin and creole languages,vol. III, Contact languages based on languages from Africa, Asia, Australia and theAmericas, 25–33. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Mous, Maarten. 2003. Nen (A 44). In Derek Nurse & Gerard Philippson (eds.), TheBantu languages, 283–306. London: Routledge.

Nichols, Johanna. 1992. Linguistic diversity in space and time. Chicago: University ofChicago Press.

Nichols, Johanna. 2003. Diversity and stability in language. In Brian Joseph & RichardJanda (eds.), The handbook of historical linguistics, 283–310. Oxford: Blackwell.

Nordhoff, Sebastian, Harald Hammarstrom, Robert Forkel & Martin Haspelmath.2013. Glottolog 2.2. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. Availableonline at http://glottolog.org, Accessed on 2015-09-17.

Stolz, Thomas. 2012. Survival in a niche. On gender-copy in Chamorro (and sundrylanguages). In Martine Vanhove, Thomas Stolz, , Hitomi Otsuka & Aina Urdtze(eds.), Morphologies in contact, 93–140. Munich: Akademie-Verlag.

Svard, Erik. under revision. Gender in New Guinea. In Francesca Di Garbo & BernhadWalchli (eds.), Grammatical gender and linguistic complexity, To be submitted toBerlin: Language Science Press.

Thomason, Sarah. 2001. Language contact: an introduction. Washington D.C.:Georgetown University Press.

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References V

Trudgill, Peter. 2010. Contact and sociolinguistic typology. In Raymond Hickey (ed.),The handbook of language contact, 299–319. Chichester: Willey-Backwell.

Walchli, Bernhard. under revision. The feminine gender gram, incipient gendermarking, maturity, and extracting anaphoric gender markers from parallel texts. InDi Garbo, Francesca and Bernhard Walchli (ed.), Grammatical gender and linguisticcomplexity, To be submitted to: Berlin: Language Science Press.

Wald, Benji V. 1975. Animate concord in northeast coastal Bantu: Its linguistic andsocial implications as a case of grammatical convergence. Studies in AfricanLinguistics 6. 267–314.

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