Overview of today’s lecture
I Areal typologyI My dissertation on grammatical gender in Africa (Di Garbo 2014)
I Diachronic typology and socio-linguistic typologyI The evolution of gender agreement systems and language contact
(Di Garbo & Miestamo under revision; Di Garbo under review)I Work in progress on Bantu gender systems (with Annemarie Verkerk)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 2 / 52
Overview of today’s lecture
I Areal typologyI My dissertation on grammatical gender in Africa (Di Garbo 2014)
I Diachronic typology and socio-linguistic typologyI The evolution of gender agreement systems and language contact
(Di Garbo & Miestamo under revision; Di Garbo under review)I Work in progress on Bantu gender systems (with Annemarie Verkerk)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 2 / 52
Areal typology
I The study of “the areal distribution of typologically relevant featuresof languages” (Dahl 2001: 1956).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 4 / 52
The world’s linguistic macro-areas (Dryer 1989, 1992)
I Maximally distinct linguistic areas, roughly corresponding to the sizeof continents:
I AfricaI AustraliaI EurasiaI North AmericaI PapunesiaI South America
I Macro-areas as a basis for geographically balanced languagesampling or as an object of study in their own right.
I Continent-wide typologies (Haspelmath 2012)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 5 / 52
The world’s linguistic macro-areas (Dryer 1989, 1992)
I Maximally distinct linguistic areas, roughly corresponding to the sizeof continents:
I AfricaI AustraliaI EurasiaI North AmericaI PapunesiaI South America
I Macro-areas as a basis for geographically balanced languagesampling or as an object of study in their own right.
I Continent-wide typologies (Haspelmath 2012)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 5 / 52
Phenomena: grammatical gender
I A system of grammatical marking (on predicates, modifiers,pronouns) indicating the assignment of a noun to a given class.
(1) En nouns in Swedish (utrum genus)
Dendef.u
lycklig-ahappy-def.u
flicka-ngirl-def.u
“the happy girl”
(2) Ett nouns in Swedish (neutrum genus)
Detdef.n
lycklig-thappy-def.n
barn-etchild-def.n
“the happy child”
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 7 / 52
Phenomena: grammatical gender
I A system of grammatical marking (on predicates, modifiers,pronouns) indicating the assignment of a noun to a given class.
(1) En nouns in Swedish (utrum genus)
Dendef.u
lycklig-ahappy-def.u
flicka-ngirl-def.u
“the happy girl”
(2) Ett nouns in Swedish (neutrum genus)
Detdef.n
lycklig-thappy-def.n
barn-etchild-def.n
“the happy child”
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 7 / 52
Phenomena: nominal number
(3) Singular number in Swedish
Enindef.sg
trevlignice
kvallevening
“a nice evening”
(4) Plural number in Swedish
FleraMany
trevlig-anice-pl
kvall-arevening-pl
“many nice evenings”
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 8 / 52
Phenomena: evaluative morphology
How we say that things are smaller or bigger than their standard size.
(5) Italian
a. casa
‘house’
b. cas-ettahouse-small
‘small house’
(6) Italian
a. naso
‘nose’
b. nas-onenose-big
‘big nose’
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 9 / 52
Phenomena: evaluative morphology
How we say that things are smaller or bigger than their standard size.
(5) Italian
a. casa
‘house’
b. cas-ettahouse-small
‘small house’
(6) Italian
a. naso
‘nose’
b. nas-onenose-big
‘big nose’
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 9 / 52
DIMINUTIVE AUGMENTATIVE
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings?
is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Focus of the dissertation
I Interactions between grammatical gender distinctions, nominalnumber, and evaluative morphology, with grammatical gender beingthe focus of comparison.
I How do these interactions affect the complexity of gender systems?
I Domains of interaction: morphosyntax of gender, gender assignmentrules
Morphosyntax of gender
I do gender and number sharethe same morphologicalencodings? is the number ofgender distinctions the same inthe singular and in the plural?
I are there dedicated diminutiveand augmentative genders?
Assignment rules
I Is gender assignment rigid orflexible/manipulable?
I Are the meanings expressed through flexiblegender assignment relevant for number markingand evaluative morphology?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 10 / 52
Africa as the area of investigation
I Africa is one of the world’s macroareas where grammatical gender ismost common (Corbett 1991; Nichols 1992)
I About 2000 languages are estimated to be currently spoken in theAfrican continent (Heine & Nurse 2000; Mous 2003).
I I selected 100 of them. How did I go about choosing them?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 11 / 52
Africa as the area of investigation
I Africa is one of the world’s macroareas where grammatical gender ismost common (Corbett 1991; Nichols 1992)
I About 2000 languages are estimated to be currently spoken in theAfrican continent (Heine & Nurse 2000; Mous 2003).
I I selected 100 of them. How did I go about choosing them?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 11 / 52
Africa as the area of investigation
I Africa is one of the world’s macroareas where grammatical gender ismost common (Corbett 1991; Nichols 1992)
I About 2000 languages are estimated to be currently spoken in theAfrican continent (Heine & Nurse 2000; Mous 2003).
I I selected 100 of them. How did I go about choosing them?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 11 / 52
Africa as the area of investigation
I Africa is one of the world’s macroareas where grammatical gender ismost common (Corbett 1991; Nichols 1992)
I About 2000 languages are estimated to be currently spoken in theAfrican continent (Heine & Nurse 2000; Mous 2003).
I I selected 100 of them.
How did I go about choosing them?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 11 / 52
Africa as the area of investigation
I Africa is one of the world’s macroareas where grammatical gender ismost common (Corbett 1991; Nichols 1992)
I About 2000 languages are estimated to be currently spoken in theAfrican continent (Heine & Nurse 2000; Mous 2003).
I I selected 100 of them. How did I go about choosing them?
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 11 / 52
Sampling procedure: in theory
I Combining comparisons within language families with comparisonsacross language families
I Treating presence of grammatical gender as the most importantcriterion for inclusion
I Including a small set of languages without gender as a control group.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 12 / 52
Sampling procedure: in theory
I Combining comparisons within language families with comparisonsacross language families
I Treating presence of grammatical gender as the most importantcriterion for inclusion
I Including a small set of languages without gender as a control group.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 12 / 52
Sampling procedure: in theory
I Combining comparisons within language families with comparisonsacross language families
I Treating presence of grammatical gender as the most importantcriterion for inclusion
I Including a small set of languages without gender as a control group.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 12 / 52
Sampling procedure: in practice
Figure 1: African language families based on Dimmendaal (2008)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 13 / 52
My language sample
-10 0 10 20 30 40 50
-30
-20
-10
010
2030
0 500 1000 1500 km
scale approx 1:55,000,000
LegendBantuBerberChadicCushiticDefoidDizoidEastern NiloticHadzaIgboidKhoe-KwadiKwaKxaMandeMelNorth-Central AtlanticSandaweSemiticSouth OmoticTa-Ne-OmoticTuuWestern Nilotic
I 84 languages withgrammatical gender
I 16 languages withoutgrammatical gender
I 10 macro-level families + 2isolates (based onGlottolog’s classification(Nordhoff et al. 2013))
I 21 genealogical units in total(counting the individualsubfamilies within eachfamily)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 14 / 52
Data collection and management
I Data sources: reference grammars, consultations of languageexperts and native speaker linguists
I Data collection: collecting comparable data from each of thesampled languages with the help of a ‘checklist’
I Data management: the checklist was then used as the codingsheet for the relational database that I designed in order to store thedata in an organized and searchable fashion.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 15 / 52
Outcomes
I Frequency distributions and areal spreads of identified patterns(more about these on Friday).
I A baseline for further studies on other linguistic areas (see Svardunder revision: on grammatical gender in New Guinea).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 16 / 52
Diachronic typology
I The approach exists since the early days of modern typology:Greenberg (1978)
I Observing synchronic distributions of types/structures in closelyrelated languages.
I Inferring patterns of diachronic change from one type to the other.I Attested types differ in terms of stability: persistent and transitional
types.
I The application of the historical-comparative method to typologicalpurposes, dynamic typology (Croft 2003: 247).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 18 / 52
Diachronic typology
I The approach exists since the early days of modern typology:Greenberg (1978)
I Observing synchronic distributions of types/structures in closelyrelated languages.
I Inferring patterns of diachronic change from one type to the other.I Attested types differ in terms of stability: persistent and transitional
types.
I The application of the historical-comparative method to typologicalpurposes, dynamic typology (Croft 2003: 247).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 18 / 52
Sociolinguistic typology (Trudgill 2010: 300)
Sociolinguistic typology examines the possibility that differenttypes of language or linguistic structure may be, or may tend tobe, associated with different types of society or social structure.
Social factors at stake:
I community size
I tightness of social networks
I degree of social stability
I degree of shared information
I degree of contact/isolation
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 19 / 52
Sociolinguistic typology (Trudgill 2010: 300)
Sociolinguistic typology examines the possibility that differenttypes of language or linguistic structure may be, or may tend tobe, associated with different types of society or social structure.
Social factors at stake:
I community size
I tightness of social networks
I degree of social stability
I degree of shared information
I degree of contact/isolation
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 19 / 52
My research in diachronic and sociolinguistic typologyThe evolution of gender agreement systems and the role of language contact
Aims:
I To study the life-cycle of grammatical gender systems: emergence,expansion, reduction, loss.
I To study the sociohistorical correlates of these patterns of change.
Points of departure:
I Gender systems are very stable (Nichols 1992); they tend to“clusterin adjacent or nearby languages” (Nichols 2003: 300-303).
I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender presuppose intensivebilingualism and heavy borrowing (Thomason 2001: 71).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 20 / 52
My research in diachronic and sociolinguistic typologyThe evolution of gender agreement systems and the role of language contact
Aims:
I To study the life-cycle of grammatical gender systems: emergence,expansion, reduction, loss.
I To study the sociohistorical correlates of these patterns of change.
Points of departure:
I Gender systems are very stable (Nichols 1992); they tend to“clusterin adjacent or nearby languages” (Nichols 2003: 300-303).
I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender presuppose intensivebilingualism and heavy borrowing (Thomason 2001: 71).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 20 / 52
My research in diachronic and sociolinguistic typologyThe evolution of gender agreement systems and the role of language contact
Aims:
I To study the life-cycle of grammatical gender systems: emergence,expansion, reduction, loss.
I To study the sociohistorical correlates of these patterns of change.
Points of departure:
I Gender systems are very stable (Nichols 1992); they tend to“clusterin adjacent or nearby languages” (Nichols 2003: 300-303).
I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender presuppose intensivebilingualism and heavy borrowing (Thomason 2001: 71).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 20 / 52
My research in diachronic and sociolinguistic typologyThe evolution of gender agreement systems and the role of language contact
Aims:
I To study the life-cycle of grammatical gender systems: emergence,expansion, reduction, loss.
I To study the sociohistorical correlates of these patterns of change.
Points of departure:
I Gender systems are very stable (Nichols 1992); they tend to“clusterin adjacent or nearby languages” (Nichols 2003: 300-303).
I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender presuppose intensivebilingualism and heavy borrowing (Thomason 2001: 71).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 20 / 52
Domain of analysis
I Morphosyntax of gender agreement patterns
I How the marking of grammatical gender on modifiers, predicates,pronouns changes over time and under the pressure of languagecontact.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 21 / 52
Domain of analysis
I Morphosyntax of gender agreement patterns
I How the marking of grammatical gender on modifiers, predicates,pronouns changes over time and under the pressure of languagecontact.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 21 / 52
Method
I Convenience sample of 15 sets of closely related languages (36 lngsin total), each representing:
I Reduction/loss/expansion/emergence of gender agreementI A diverse range of sociohistorical profiles:
e.g., standard/prestige languages vs. minority varieties; high-contactvarieties vs. low-contact varieties.
I Data collected through a questionnaire and descriptive resources.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 22 / 52
Method
I Convenience sample of 15 sets of closely related languages (36 lngsin total), each representing:
I Reduction/loss/expansion/emergence of gender agreement
I A diverse range of sociohistorical profiles:e.g., standard/prestige languages vs. minority varieties; high-contactvarieties vs. low-contact varieties.
I Data collected through a questionnaire and descriptive resources.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 22 / 52
Method
I Convenience sample of 15 sets of closely related languages (36 lngsin total), each representing:
I Reduction/loss/expansion/emergence of gender agreementI A diverse range of sociohistorical profiles:
e.g., standard/prestige languages vs. minority varieties; high-contactvarieties vs. low-contact varieties.
I Data collected through a questionnaire and descriptive resources.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 22 / 52
Method
I Convenience sample of 15 sets of closely related languages (36 lngsin total), each representing:
I Reduction/loss/expansion/emergence of gender agreementI A diverse range of sociohistorical profiles:
e.g., standard/prestige languages vs. minority varieties; high-contactvarieties vs. low-contact varieties.
I Data collected through a questionnaire and descriptive resources.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 22 / 52
The language sample
Legend
Balto−SlavicBantuBasqueChamorroCentral GunwinyguanGermanicGhana−Togo−MountainGreek
Insular CelticIranianKhasian LezgicMekMichifThebor
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 23 / 52
Patterns of change
Legend
Emergence = 5/36Loss = 7/36Expansion = 6/36
Reduction = 8/36Retention = 8/36Lack = 2/36
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 24 / 52
Two case-studies
I Diachronic change in gender marking systems (Di Garbo &Miestamo under revision)
I Sociohistorical correlates of gender systems’ simplification andcomplexification (Di Garbo under review)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 25 / 52
Two paths of loss/reduction
1. Morpho-phonological erosion of agreement morphology 1
2. Redistribution of agreement patterns
attributive (...) pers. pronoun
MORPH. EROSION
REDISTRIBUTION
1a.k.a. deflection (cf. also Audring 2009; Marchese 1988)Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 26 / 52
Two paths of loss/reduction
1. Morpho-phonological erosion of agreement morphology 1
2. Redistribution of agreement patterns
attributive (...) pers. pronoun
MORPH. EROSION
REDISTRIBUTION
1a.k.a. deflection (cf. also Audring 2009; Marchese 1988)Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 26 / 52
Two paths of loss/reduction
1. Morpho-phonological erosion of agreement morphology 1
2. Redistribution of agreement patterns
attributive (...) pers. pronoun
MORPH. EROSION
REDISTRIBUTION
1a.k.a. deflection (cf. also Audring 2009; Marchese 1988)Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 26 / 52
Two paths of loss/reduction
1. Morpho-phonological erosion of agreement morphology 1
2. Redistribution of agreement patterns
attributive (...) pers. pronoun
MORPH. EROSION
REDISTRIBUTION
1a.k.a. deflection (cf. also Audring 2009; Marchese 1988)Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 26 / 52
Reduction/loss by morphophonological erosionStandard Swedish (Indo-European, Germanic)
I Adnominal gender agreement: Common vs. Neuter GenderI en person ‘a person’I ett hus ‘a house’
Table 1: Personal Pronouns
Hum. and Higher Anim. M F Phan ‘he’ hon ‘she’ de ‘they’
Inanim. C N Pden ‘it’ det ‘it’ de ‘they’
I Comparative evidence from other Swedish dialects
I Elfdalian Sw., conservative variety: triparite gender systemmaintained throughout the agreement system (Akerberg 2012)
I Karleby Sw., spoken in Finland:complete gender loss except for definite article, personal anddemonstrative pronouns (Hulden 1972; Hultman 1894).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 27 / 52
Reduction/loss by morphophonological erosionStandard Swedish (Indo-European, Germanic)
I Adnominal gender agreement: Common vs. Neuter GenderI en person ‘a person’I ett hus ‘a house’
Table 1: Personal Pronouns
Hum. and Higher Anim. M F Phan ‘he’ hon ‘she’ de ‘they’
Inanim. C N Pden ‘it’ det ‘it’ de ‘they’
I Comparative evidence from other Swedish dialects
I Elfdalian Sw., conservative variety: triparite gender systemmaintained throughout the agreement system (Akerberg 2012)
I Karleby Sw., spoken in Finland:complete gender loss except for definite article, personal anddemonstrative pronouns (Hulden 1972; Hultman 1894).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 27 / 52
Reduction/loss by morphophonological erosionStandard Swedish (Indo-European, Germanic)
I Adnominal gender agreement: Common vs. Neuter GenderI en person ‘a person’I ett hus ‘a house’
Table 1: Personal Pronouns
Hum. and Higher Anim. M F Phan ‘he’ hon ‘she’ de ‘they’
Inanim. C N Pden ‘it’ det ‘it’ de ‘they’
I Comparative evidence from other Swedish dialects
I Elfdalian Sw., conservative variety: triparite gender systemmaintained throughout the agreement system (Akerberg 2012)
I Karleby Sw., spoken in Finland:complete gender loss except for definite article, personal anddemonstrative pronouns (Hulden 1972; Hultman 1894).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 27 / 52
Reduction/loss by morphophonological erosionStandard Swedish (Indo-European, Germanic)
I Adnominal gender agreement: Common vs. Neuter GenderI en person ‘a person’I ett hus ‘a house’
Table 1: Personal Pronouns
Hum. and Higher Anim. M F Phan ‘he’ hon ‘she’ de ‘they’
Inanim. C N Pden ‘it’ det ‘it’ de ‘they’
I Comparative evidence from other Swedish dialects
I Elfdalian Sw., conservative variety: triparite gender systemmaintained throughout the agreement system (Akerberg 2012)
I Karleby Sw., spoken in Finland:complete gender loss except for definite article, personal anddemonstrative pronouns (Hulden 1972; Hultman 1894).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 27 / 52
Reduction/Loss by redistribution
(7) Axo Cappadocian (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas 2014: 79-80)
tdef.sg.gen
spitcuhouse.sg.gn
tadef.pl
ndix(u)swall.pl
xtizmenabuilt.pl
‘The walls of the house (are) built.’
(8) Modern Standard Greek (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas2014: 79-80)
idef.m.pl
tıciwall.m.pl
inebe.prs.3pl
xtixmenibuilt.m.pl
‘the walls are built’.
I Comparative evidence from other Asia Minor Greek dialects:
I Pontic Greek: the expansion of neuter agreement is semanticallyand syntactically constrained(inanimate nouns, agreement targets non-adjacent to nouns).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 28 / 52
Reduction/Loss by redistribution
(7) Axo Cappadocian (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas 2014: 79-80)
tdef.sg.gen
spitcuhouse.sg.gn
tadef.pl
ndix(u)swall.pl
xtizmenabuilt.pl
‘The walls of the house (are) built.’
(8) Modern Standard Greek (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas2014: 79-80)
idef.m.pl
tıciwall.m.pl
inebe.prs.3pl
xtixmenibuilt.m.pl
‘the walls are built’.
I Comparative evidence from other Asia Minor Greek dialects:
I Pontic Greek: the expansion of neuter agreement is semanticallyand syntactically constrained(inanimate nouns, agreement targets non-adjacent to nouns).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 28 / 52
Reduction/Loss by redistribution
(7) Axo Cappadocian (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas 2014: 79-80)
tdef.sg.gen
spitcuhouse.sg.gn
tadef.pl
ndix(u)swall.pl
xtizmenabuilt.pl
‘The walls of the house (are) built.’
(8) Modern Standard Greek (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas2014: 79-80)
idef.m.pl
tıciwall.m.pl
inebe.prs.3pl
xtixmenibuilt.m.pl
‘the walls are built’.
I Comparative evidence from other Asia Minor Greek dialects:
I Pontic Greek: the expansion of neuter agreement is semanticallyand syntactically constrained(inanimate nouns, agreement targets non-adjacent to nouns).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 28 / 52
Reduction/Loss by redistribution
(7) Axo Cappadocian (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas 2014: 79-80)
tdef.sg.gen
spitcuhouse.sg.gn
tadef.pl
ndix(u)swall.pl
xtizmenabuilt.pl
‘The walls of the house (are) built.’
(8) Modern Standard Greek (Indo-European, Greek; Karatsareas2014: 79-80)
idef.m.pl
tıciwall.m.pl
inebe.prs.3pl
xtixmenibuilt.m.pl
‘the walls are built’.
I Comparative evidence from other Asia Minor Greek dialects:
I Pontic Greek: the expansion of neuter agreement is semanticallyand syntactically constrained(inanimate nouns, agreement targets non-adjacent to nouns).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 28 / 52
Emergent gender agreement patterns
The diachrony of many gender systems “can at best be reconstructed,but not directly observed” (Luraghi 2011: 435).
I Focus of the project: young, and grammatically non-pervasivegender systems.
1. Resulting from light nouns, e.g., ‘man’, ‘woman’, grammaticalizingas anaphoric devices (Walchli under revision)
2. Resulting from borrowing of nouns and agreeing adnominal modifiers.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 29 / 52
Emergent gender agreement patterns
The diachrony of many gender systems “can at best be reconstructed,but not directly observed” (Luraghi 2011: 435).
I Focus of the project: young, and grammatically non-pervasivegender systems.
1. Resulting from light nouns, e.g., ‘man’, ‘woman’, grammaticalizingas anaphoric devices (Walchli under revision)
2. Resulting from borrowing of nouns and agreeing adnominal modifiers.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 29 / 52
Emergent gender agreement patterns
The diachrony of many gender systems “can at best be reconstructed,but not directly observed” (Luraghi 2011: 435).
I Focus of the project: young, and grammatically non-pervasivegender systems.
1. Resulting from light nouns, e.g., ‘man’, ‘woman’, grammaticalizingas anaphoric devices (Walchli under revision)
2. Resulting from borrowing of nouns and agreeing adnominal modifiers.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 29 / 52
Emergent gender agreement patterns
The diachrony of many gender systems “can at best be reconstructed,but not directly observed” (Luraghi 2011: 435).
I Focus of the project: young, and grammatically non-pervasivegender systems.
1. Resulting from light nouns, e.g., ‘man’, ‘woman’, grammaticalizingas anaphoric devices (Walchli under revision)
2. Resulting from borrowing of nouns and agreeing adnominal modifiers.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 29 / 52
Emergent gender agreement patterns
The diachrony of many gender systems “can at best be reconstructed,but not directly observed” (Luraghi 2011: 435).
I Focus of the project: young, and grammatically non-pervasivegender systems. Two types:
1. Resulting from light nouns, e.g., ‘man’, ‘woman’, grammaticalizingas anaphoric devices (Walchli under revision)
2. Resulting from borrowing of nouns and agreeing adnominalmodifiers.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 29 / 52
Borrowed gender agreement
LanguagesI Chamorro (Austronesian)
Contact language:Spanish
I Lekeitio Basque (Basque)
Contact language:Spanish
I Schumcho, Jangshung(Bodic, Thebor)
Contact language:Northern IndiaIndo-European languages
Shared characteristics
X Gender agreement patterns passed throughborrowing of inflected forms.
X Gender agreement targets are a closedclass of property words.
X Gender agreement patterns are alwayssemantic (natural gender distinctions).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 30 / 52
Borrowed gender agreement
LanguagesI Chamorro (Austronesian)
Contact language:Spanish
I Lekeitio Basque (Basque)
Contact language:Spanish
I Schumcho, Jangshung(Bodic, Thebor)
Contact language:Northern IndiaIndo-European languages
Shared characteristics
X Gender agreement patterns passed throughborrowing of inflected forms.
X Gender agreement targets are a closedclass of property words.
X Gender agreement patterns are alwayssemantic (natural gender distinctions).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 30 / 52
Borrowed gender agreementChamorro (Austronesian, Marian Islands; Huber 2011: 67)
(9) Chamorro Feminine Gender (Stolz 2012: 123)
Ma-nobena-na-yepass-novena-red-ref
idef
mi-milagros-aabound-miraculous-f
nalink
Bithen.Virgin
‘A novena is being conducted for the abundantly miraculous Virgin.’
(10) Chamorro Non-Feminine Gender (Stolz 2012: 125)
desdesince
antititesred:before
nalink
tiempotime
estaalready
gofvery
bunit-unice-nf
nalink
siudatown
idef
yaTN
Hagatna.Hagatna
‘A very long time ago, Hagatna was a very pretty town already.’
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 31 / 52
Borrowed gender agreementChamorro (Austronesian, Marian Islands; Huber 2011: 67)
(9) Chamorro Feminine Gender (Stolz 2012: 123)
Ma-nobena-na-yepass-novena-red-ref
idef
mi-milagros-aabound-miraculous-f
nalink
Bithen.Virgin
‘A novena is being conducted for the abundantly miraculous Virgin.’
(10) Chamorro Non-Feminine Gender (Stolz 2012: 125)
desdesince
antititesred:before
nalink
tiempotime
estaalready
gofvery
bunit-unice-nf
nalink
siudatown
idef
yaTN
Hagatna.Hagatna
‘A very long time ago, Hagatna was a very pretty town already.’
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 31 / 52
Pulling forces of change
I Attributive modifiers and anaphoric pronouns/nouns are the mostfrequent locus of change.
I Two possible functional pressures:I towards syntactic cohesion between nouns and most adjacent
agreement targetsI towards semantic agreement on non-adjacent agreement targets
(anaphoric pronouns).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 32 / 52
Pulling forces of change
I Attributive modifiers and anaphoric pronouns/nouns are the mostfrequent locus of change.
I Two possible functional pressures:I towards syntactic cohesion between nouns and most adjacent
agreement targetsI towards semantic agreement on non-adjacent agreement targets
(anaphoric pronouns).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 32 / 52
Pulling forces of change
I Attributive modifiers and anaphoric pronouns/nouns are the mostfrequent locus of change.
I Two possible functional pressures:I towards syntactic cohesion between nouns and most adjacent
agreement targetsI towards semantic agreement on non-adjacent agreement targets
(anaphoric pronouns).
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 32 / 52
Within Eurasia, patterns of change cluster aroundlanguage-family edges
Languages Family Contact family Observed patternCappadocian Greek Greek Turkic LossTamian Latvian Balto-Slavic Finnic LossAghul, Udi Lezgic Turkic LossKarleby Swedish North Germanic Finnic Near-lossKelasi, Kaftej Northwestern Iranian Turkic Loss and expansionLekeitio Basque Basque Ibero-Romance EmergenceShumcho, Jangshung Thebor Indo-Aryan Emergence
I Outlier languages within a family are neighbor with each other.
I This is in alignment with Nichols’ (2003) observation wherebygrammatical gender is a cluster phenomenon.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 33 / 52
Within Eurasia, patterns of change cluster aroundlanguage-family edges
Languages Family Contact family Observed patternCappadocian Greek Greek Turkic LossTamian Latvian Balto-Slavic Finnic LossAghul, Udi Lezgic Turkic LossKarleby Swedish North Germanic Finnic Near-lossKelasi, Kaftej Northwestern Iranian Turkic Loss and expansionLekeitio Basque Basque Ibero-Romance EmergenceShumcho, Jangshung Thebor Indo-Aryan Emergence
I Outlier languages within a family are neighbor with each other.
I This is in alignment with Nichols’ (2003) observation wherebygrammatical gender is a cluster phenomenon.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 33 / 52
Within Eurasia, patterns of change cluster aroundlanguage-family edges
Languages Family Contact family Observed patternCappadocian Greek Greek Turkic LossTamian Latvian Balto-Slavic Finnic LossAghul, Udi Lezgic Turkic LossKarleby Swedish North Germanic Finnic Near-lossKelasi, Kaftej Northwestern Iranian Turkic Loss and expansionLekeitio Basque Basque Ibero-Romance EmergenceShumcho, Jangshung Thebor Indo-Aryan Emergence
I Outlier languages within a family are neighbor with each other.
I This is in alignment with Nichols’ (2003) observation wherebygrammatical gender is a cluster phenomenon.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 33 / 52
Asymmetries in the relationship between languages incontact (may) explain the direction of change
I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender agreement morphologypresuppose prolonged contact and extensive bilingualism.
I The direction of change is predicted by the prestige dynamics anddominance relationships between the languages in contact
Languages Change Dominant contact lng GG in thedominant lngs
Aghul, Udi (Lezgic) Loss Azerbaijani (Turkic), NOGeorgian (Kartvelian)
Karleby Swedish (North Germanic) Near loss Finnish (Finnic) NOIgo (Ghana-Togo-Mountain) Loss Ewe (Gbe) NOTamian Latvian (Balto-Slavic) Loss Livonian, Estonian (Finnic) YESChamorro (Chamorro) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YESLekeitio Basque (Basque) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YES
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 34 / 52
Asymmetries in the relationship between languages incontact (may) explain the direction of change
I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender agreement morphologypresuppose prolonged contact and extensive bilingualism.
I The direction of change is predicted by the prestige dynamics anddominance relationships between the languages in contact
Languages Change Dominant contact lng GG in thedominant lngs
Aghul, Udi (Lezgic) Loss Azerbaijani (Turkic), NOGeorgian (Kartvelian)
Karleby Swedish (North Germanic) Near loss Finnish (Finnic) NOIgo (Ghana-Togo-Mountain) Loss Ewe (Gbe) NOTamian Latvian (Balto-Slavic) Loss Livonian, Estonian (Finnic) YESChamorro (Chamorro) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YESLekeitio Basque (Basque) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YES
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 34 / 52
Asymmetries in the relationship between languages incontact (may) explain the direction of change
I Contact-induced loss and emergence of gender agreement morphologypresuppose prolonged contact and extensive bilingualism.
I The direction of change is predicted by the prestige dynamics anddominance relationships between the languages in contact
Languages Change Dominant contact lng GG in thedominant lngs
Aghul, Udi (Lezgic) Loss Azerbaijani (Turkic), NOGeorgian (Kartvelian)
Karleby Swedish (North Germanic) Near loss Finnish (Finnic) NOIgo (Ghana-Togo-Mountain) Loss Ewe (Gbe) NOTamian Latvian (Balto-Slavic) Loss Livonian, Estonian (Finnic) YESChamorro (Chamorro) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YESLekeitio Basque (Basque) Emergence Spanish (Romance) YES
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 34 / 52
To sum up
Contributions:
I To highlight types of changes within gender agreement patterns, andpossible directionalities in the spread of these changes.
I To highlight a number of sociohistorical variables that are related tothe spreading of these changes.
Limitations:
I Only a limited number of languages per family.
I Scarce amount of data for some of the languages in the sample.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 35 / 52
To sum up
Contributions:
I To highlight types of changes within gender agreement patterns, andpossible directionalities in the spread of these changes.
I To highlight a number of sociohistorical variables that are related tothe spreading of these changes.
Limitations:
I Only a limited number of languages per family.
I Scarce amount of data for some of the languages in the sample.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 35 / 52
How to continue
I To use the results of this qualitative study as a starting point forfurther hypothesis testing on larger data sets (one family in detail),and with the support of quantitative methods.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 36 / 52
Correlates of restructuring in Bantu gender systems (withAnnemarie Verkerk, MPI – Jena)
I Studying the diversity of the gender systems of the Bantu languages.
I Testing the models of language change that account best forwithin-family variation in this domain of grammar (usingPhylogenetic Comparative Methods).
I Investigating socio-historical correlates of the distribution of thisvariation.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 37 / 52
Correlates of restructuring in Bantu gender systems (withAnnemarie Verkerk, MPI – Jena)
I Studying the diversity of the gender systems of the Bantu languages.
I Testing the models of language change that account best forwithin-family variation in this domain of grammar (usingPhylogenetic Comparative Methods).
I Investigating socio-historical correlates of the distribution of thisvariation.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 37 / 52
Correlates of restructuring in Bantu gender systems (withAnnemarie Verkerk, MPI – Jena)
I Studying the diversity of the gender systems of the Bantu languages.
I Testing the models of language change that account best forwithin-family variation in this domain of grammar (usingPhylogenetic Comparative Methods).
I Investigating socio-historical correlates of the distribution of thisvariation.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 37 / 52
Correlates of restructuring in Bantu gender systems (withAnnemarie Verkerk, MPI – Jena)
I Studying the diversity of the gender systems of the Bantu languages.
I Testing the models of language change that account best forwithin-family variation in this domain of grammar (usingPhylogenetic Comparative Methods).
I Investigating socio-historical correlates of the distribution of thisvariation.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 37 / 52
The Bantu languages and their gender systems
(11) Gender marking in Chichewa (Kiso 2012: 18)
chi-nkhaniracl7-scorpion
cha-chi-kaziass-cl7-female
chi-ku-dzi-kandacl7.sbj-pres-refl-scratch
“The female scorpion is scratching itself”.
(12) Gender marking in Kinshasa Lingala (Meeuwis2013: 30)
a. Mw-anacl1-child
a-ko-kweya3sg.anim-fut-fall
‘The child will fall.’
b. Ndakocl9.book
e-ko-kweya3sg.inan-fut-fall
‘The house will fall.’
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 38 / 52
The Bantu languages and their gender systems
(11) Gender marking in Chichewa (Kiso 2012: 18)
chi-nkhaniracl7-scorpion
cha-chi-kaziass-cl7-female
chi-ku-dzi-kandacl7.sbj-pres-refl-scratch
“The female scorpion is scratching itself”.
(12) Gender marking in Kinshasa Lingala (Meeuwis2013: 30)
a. Mw-anacl1-child
a-ko-kweya3sg.anim-fut-fall
‘The child will fall.’
b. Ndakocl9.book
e-ko-kweya3sg.inan-fut-fall
‘The house will fall.’
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 38 / 52
The Bantu languages and their gender systems
(11) Gender marking in Chichewa (Kiso 2012: 18)
chi-nkhaniracl7-scorpion
cha-chi-kaziass-cl7-female
chi-ku-dzi-kandacl7.sbj-pres-refl-scratch
“The female scorpion is scratching itself”.
(12) Gender marking in Kinshasa Lingala (Meeuwis2013: 30)
a. Mw-anacl1-child
a-ko-kweya3sg.anim-fut-fall
‘The child will fall.’
b. Ndakocl9.book
e-ko-kweya3sg.inan-fut-fall
‘The house will fall.’
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 38 / 52
The Bantu languages and their gender systems
(13) Gender marking in Chichewa (Kiso 2012: 18)
chi-nkhaniracl7-scorpion
cha-chi-kaziass-cl7-female
chi-ku-dzi-kandacl7.sbj-pres-refl-scratch
“The female scorpion is scratching itself”.
(14) Gender marking in Kinshasa Lingala(Meeuwis2013: 30)
a. Mw-anacl1-child
a-ko-kweya3sg.anim-fut-fall
‘The child will fall.’
b. Ndakocl9.book
e-ko-kweya3sg.inan-fut-fall
‘The house will fall.’
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 38 / 52
Questions
I How do we go from the Chichewa type tothe Kinshasa Lingala type?
I Why does this happen?
The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems
I Questions
1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?
2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?
I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree
(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.
Hypotheses
1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.
2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52
The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems
I Questions
1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?
2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?
I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree
(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.
Hypotheses
1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.
2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52
The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems
I Questions
1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?
2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?
I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree
(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.
Hypotheses
1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.
2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52
The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems
I Questions
1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?
2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?
I Quantitative data analysis
I The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.
Hypotheses
1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.
2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52
The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems
I Questions
1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?
2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?
I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree
(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.
Hypotheses
1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.
2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52
The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems
I Questions
1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?
2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?
I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree
(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.
Hypotheses
1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.
2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.
(Wald 1975)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52
The evolution of Bantu gender marking systems
I Questions
1. Which word classes carry gender marking besides nouns (e.g.,pronouns, verbs, adjectives)?
2. Are animacy-based distinctions part of the gender system?
I Quantitative data analysisI The coding will be mapped on the Bantu phylogenetic tree
(Grollemund et al. 2015) to estimate transition probabilities betweenattested systems.
Hypotheses
1. Animacy-based distinctions encroach the gender marking system startingfrom anaphoric pronouns and gender markers on verbs.
2. Marking on nouns is more stable than marking on other word classes.(Wald 1975)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 39 / 52
Sociohistorical correlates
I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages
Hypotheses
1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.
2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).
3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52
Sociohistorical correlates
I Variables we plan to work with:
I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages
Hypotheses
1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.
2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).
3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52
Sociohistorical correlates
I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages
Hypotheses
1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.
2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).
3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52
Sociohistorical correlates
I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages
Hypotheses
1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.
2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).
3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52
Sociohistorical correlates
I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages
Hypotheses
1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.
2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).
3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52
Sociohistorical correlates
I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages
Hypotheses
1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.
2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).
3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52
Sociohistorical correlates
I Variables we plan to work with:I Population sizeI Proportion of L2 usersI Presence/absence of gender systems in neighboring languages
Hypotheses
1. Large populations with high proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict reduction and/or loss of gender marking.
2. Small populations with low proportions of L2 users and intense languagecontact predict retention of gender marking (group identity marking) orits reduction/loss (shift-induced interference).
3. Geographic proximity between related and unrelated languages predictsconvergence in the domain of gender marking.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 40 / 52
What we’ve done so farI Defined the coding procedure
I Collected data for 130+ Bantu languages.
0 10 20 30 40 50
−30
−20
−10
0
0 500 1000 km
scale approx 1:32,000,000
Languages sampled so far
A15A15A15A15
A31, A221
A51A601
A72
A74
A75, A751
A83
A84A841, A842
A91
A92
A93
B202
B25B251 B252
B304B305B42
B52
B61
B77b, B78 B85B85
C12 C13
C14
C25
C30A
C30bC30b
C33
C36e
C37C43, C44
C441C52
C63, C62
C71C83
D13
D22
D26D27
D301
D33
E55 E56H10?
H14 − H16
JE15
JE42
L31
R20 (R21 − R24, R11−R118 R421−R422)
S407
A101A13 / A141A21A24−26
A33a
A42 A53
A81, A801
B11B201
B21
B22
B22
B23B24B31
B32
B41, B411B51
B62
B71
B73B81
C16
C21 (C23)C22C24
C31C31
C36
C401
C41 C45C54
C61 C611 C36hC74, C75
C81
D11
D201D211, D311, D313
D23
D25 D251
D28
D304
D308
D32
G24
G42 G43
G42 G43
K11
L52
S11 − S15
S20 (S21)
S31S32 S301 − S304
S33S41
S42S43
S53 (S52)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 41 / 52
What we’ve done so farI Defined the coding procedure
I Collected data for 130+ Bantu languages.
0 10 20 30 40 50
−30
−20
−10
0
0 500 1000 km
scale approx 1:32,000,000
Languages sampled so far
A15A15A15A15
A31, A221
A51A601
A72
A74
A75, A751
A83
A84A841, A842
A91
A92
A93
B202
B25B251 B252
B304B305B42
B52
B61
B77b, B78 B85B85
C12 C13
C14
C25
C30A
C30bC30b
C33
C36e
C37C43, C44
C441C52
C63, C62
C71C83
D13
D22
D26D27
D301
D33
E55 E56H10?
H14 − H16
JE15
JE42
L31
R20 (R21 − R24, R11−R118 R421−R422)
S407
A101A13 / A141A21A24−26
A33a
A42 A53
A81, A801
B11B201
B21
B22
B22
B23B24B31
B32
B41, B411B51
B62
B71
B73B81
C16
C21 (C23)C22C24
C31C31
C36
C401
C41 C45C54
C61 C611 C36hC74, C75
C81
D11
D201D211, D311, D313
D23
D25 D251
D28
D304
D308
D32
G24
G42 G43
G42 G43
K11
L52
S11 − S15
S20 (S21)
S31S32 S301 − S304
S33S41
S42S43
S53 (S52)
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 41 / 52
Maho’s (1999) classification of Bantu noun class systems
Nouns
1= Tr. 2= Tr. + An. 2i = Tr+Pl 3 = An. +Sg/Pl 4= Sg/Pl 5=None
ElsewhereA = Tr.B = Tr. + An.C = An. + Sg/PlD = Sg/PlE = None
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 42 / 52
Maho’s (1999) classification of Bantu noun class systems
Nouns
1= Tr. 2= Tr. + An. 2i = Tr+Pl 3 = An. +Sg/Pl 4= Sg/Pl 5=None
ElsewhereA = Tr.B = Tr. + An.C = An. + Sg/PlD = Sg/PlE = None
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 42 / 52
Maho’s (1999) typology of Bantu noun class markingsystems
Nouns
1= Tr. 2= Tr. + An. 2i = Tr+Pl 3 = An. + Sg/Pl 4= Sg/Pl 5= None
ElsewhereA = Tr. ZuluB = Tr. + An. Swahili LundaC = An. + Sg/Pl Lingala K. Lingala Amba, Bera Pande HomaD = Sg/Pl YansE = None Kituba Komo
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 42 / 52
0 10 20 30 40 50
−30
−20
−10
0
0 500 1000 km
scale approx 1:40,000,000
The languages of the sample based on Maho's types
1A1A1A1A
1A
1B1B1A1A
1A
1A
1A1A1A
3D
3C
1A1A1A 1A
1A1A1A1A
1A
1B 1B1D
4C 4C
1A
1A
1A
1C2'C
1B
1B
1A 1B1A1A
1B
1A1A
1A
3C
1A1A
3C
1B
1A1E
1B
1A
1A
1A
1A
1A
1A1A1A1A
1A
1A 1A
1A
1A1B
1A
1A
1A
1A1A1A
1A
1B1A
1A1A
1B1A
1A
1A1A1A
1A1A1A
1A
1B 1B1A
1B1A
1A
1A
1B3C
3E
1A
1A
5C4E
1A
1B
1B
1B
1B
2B
1A
1A
1A 1A
1A1A
1A1A
1A
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 43 / 52
The northern Bantu borderlands
0 500 1000 km
scale approx 1:26,000,000
Radically restructured gender systems in the Bantu northern borderlands
keb
nra
swc
nda
bsibssbqzmbonkc
bvbewo
bum
fan
mcp
njy
ozm
kwu
sxe
koqsakmhb
picbuwsnq
nzb
mdt
zmx
mdw
bxg
bjabbmsoc
tllbuf
zmq
zmbbnx
kam
lug
guz
lua
bdubwtbridua
yko
abbksf
nmg
mye
syi
zmnwumtsv
kbs
dma
mbm
teg
tii
loq
mdu
akwkoh
mmz
ndw
lse
pae
loo
yel
dez
mdq
lea
hoo
buu
lfabag
ifm
szg
bkt
bww
nxd
nlj
kng
swj
iyx
ngc agh
lol
lik
bou
wmw
swh
cjk
lin
yns
ktu
Nzadi
lun
kkj
kbj
bip brfrwm
pmm
kmw
bkj mdn
boy
hom
Legend
Type 1: N_tr; AG_an
Type 2: N_an; AG_an
Type 3: N_an; AG_sg/pl
Type 4: N_rel; AG_none
No radical restructuring
Atlantic
Ocean
Two possible scenarios:
1. Substratum interference from pre-Bantu populations shifting to Bantulanguages, including Pygmies.
2. Continued contact between Bantu and non-Bantu languages in the area.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 44 / 52
The northern Bantu borderlands
0 500 1000 km
scale approx 1:26,000,000
Radically restructured gender systems in the Bantu northern borderlands
keb
nra
swc
nda
bsibssbqzmbonkc
bvbewo
bum
fan
mcp
njy
ozm
kwu
sxe
koqsakmhb
picbuwsnq
nzb
mdt
zmx
mdw
bxg
bjabbmsoc
tllbuf
zmq
zmbbnx
kam
lug
guz
lua
bdubwtbridua
yko
abbksf
nmg
mye
syi
zmnwumtsv
kbs
dma
mbm
teg
tii
loq
mdu
akwkoh
mmz
ndw
lse
pae
loo
yel
dez
mdq
lea
hoo
buu
lfabag
ifm
szg
bkt
bww
nxd
nlj
kng
swj
iyx
ngc agh
lol
lik
bou
wmw
swh
cjk
lin
yns
ktu
Nzadi
lun
kkj
kbj
bip brfrwm
pmm
kmw
bkj mdn
boy
hom
Legend
Type 1: N_tr; AG_an
Type 2: N_an; AG_an
Type 3: N_an; AG_sg/pl
Type 4: N_rel; AG_none
No radical restructuring
Atlantic
Ocean
Two possible scenarios:
1. Substratum interference from pre-Bantu populations shifting to Bantulanguages, including Pygmies.
2. Continued contact between Bantu and non-Bantu languages in the area.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 44 / 52
Insights so far
I The gender systems of several Bantu languages show a bias towardsthe overt expression of animacy distinctions.
I The spread of this feature within the family is NOT a unitaryprocess.
I Multiple developments must be posited in different subareas of theBantu speaking world, and in response to a diverse spectrum ofsociohistorical scenarios.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 45 / 52
Insights so far
I The gender systems of several Bantu languages show a bias towardsthe overt expression of animacy distinctions.
I The spread of this feature within the family is NOT a unitaryprocess.
I Multiple developments must be posited in different subareas of theBantu speaking world, and in response to a diverse spectrum ofsociohistorical scenarios.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 45 / 52
Insights so far
I The gender systems of several Bantu languages show a bias towardsthe overt expression of animacy distinctions.
I The spread of this feature within the family is NOT a unitaryprocess.
I Multiple developments must be posited in different subareas of theBantu speaking world, and in response to a diverse spectrum ofsociohistorical scenarios.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 45 / 52
Insights so far
I The gender systems of several Bantu languages show a bias towardsthe overt expression of animacy distinctions.
I The spread of this feature within the family is NOT a unitaryprocess.
I Multiple developments must be posited in different subareas of theBantu speaking world, and in response to a diverse spectrum ofsociohistorical scenarios.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 45 / 52
How we’ll continue in the immediate future
I Sampling extensively the northern-most Bantu speaking area (zonesA, B, C, D), where reduced systems abound.
I Running the phylogenetic analysis
I Exploring the language contact situation within these areas.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 46 / 52
How we’ll continue in the immediate future
I Sampling extensively the northern-most Bantu speaking area (zonesA, B, C, D), where reduced systems abound.
I Running the phylogenetic analysis
I Exploring the language contact situation within these areas.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 46 / 52
How we’ll continue in the immediate future
I Sampling extensively the northern-most Bantu speaking area (zonesA, B, C, D), where reduced systems abound.
I Running the phylogenetic analysis
I Exploring the language contact situation within these areas.
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 46 / 52
To be continued...
Aitah!Thanks are also due to:
Anna Ahlstroms och Ellen TerserusStiftelse
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 47 / 52
To be continued...
Aitah!Thanks are also due to:
Anna Ahlstroms och Ellen TerserusStiftelse
Areal, diachronic, and sociolinguistic typology 47 / 52
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Maho, Jouni. 1999. A comparative study of Bantu noun classes. Goteborg: Orientaliaet Africana Gothoburgensia dissertation. Acta universitatis gothoburgensia.
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Trudgill, Peter. 2010. Contact and sociolinguistic typology. In Raymond Hickey (ed.),The handbook of language contact, 299–319. Chichester: Willey-Backwell.
Walchli, Bernhard. under revision. The feminine gender gram, incipient gendermarking, maturity, and extracting anaphoric gender markers from parallel texts. InDi Garbo, Francesca and Bernhard Walchli (ed.), Grammatical gender and linguisticcomplexity, To be submitted to: Berlin: Language Science Press.
Wald, Benji V. 1975. Animate concord in northeast coastal Bantu: Its linguistic andsocial implications as a case of grammatical convergence. Studies in AfricanLinguistics 6. 267–314.
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