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Arms and the Men; 14th Century Japanese Swordsmanship Illustrated by Skeletons fromZaimokuza, near Kamakura, JapanAuthor(s): Myra ShackleySource: World Archaeology, Vol. 18, No. 2, Weaponry and Warfare (Oct., 1986), pp. 247-254Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/124618
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A r m s a n d t h M e n
4 t h e n t u r y
Japanese
swordsm nship
illustrated
y
skeletons f r o m Zaimokuza
n e a r Kamakura J a p a n
Myra Shackley
Historical background
In
July
1333
troops
of
the
Emperor Go-Daigo
won a
famous
victory
after a
five
day
battle
against
the
armies
of
the
Hojo regents defending
their
headquarters
in
Kamakura
(Fig.
1).
The battle
cemetery
at Zaimokuza
(Suzuki
1956) dates
from
one phase
of
the attack
on
Kamakura,
the defence
of
Midare-bashi
bridge where,
after stubborn and
heroic
resistance lasting
several
days,
the defenders
began
to waver
against
the
Imperial troops
and
eventually
retired
in
confusion
(Lu 1974).
Their defeat ended the Kamakura
(Minamoto) period
of
Japanese history (1185-1333)
and the
government
was
transferred
back to
Kyoto during
the
Kemmu
Restoratiorn
1333-1336).
During
late Kamakura
times
the Hojo family had technically been only regents acting as advisors to a young and
ineffective
Minamoto
military
commander
(the Shogun),
himself
nominally ruling
on
behalf
of
the
Emperor.
In
practice they
controlled
all
real
power,
the
Emperor
in
Kyoto
being merely
a
figurehead.
The
success
of
the
Emperor Go-Daigo was, however,
shortlived
and in 1336 one of his own
generals
rebelled and
the
subsequent power
shuffle
led
to the two rival courts
of
the Nambokucho
era
(1336-1392)
and
eventually
to
the rule
of
the
Ashikaga Shoguns
in
the
succeeding
Muromachi or
Ashikaga period (1392-1568).
Weapons,
armour and
swordsmanship
Against
this
background
of civil disturbance
it is
not
surprising
that
during
the Kamakura
period Japanese
swordsmiths achieved their
highest
level of technical
expertise.
The
character of
battlefield
combat
changed during
the 14th
century,
with
the
mounted
warriors
equipped
with
long
tachi
being gradually replaced by infantrymen (Fig. 2).
This
change
in
emphasis
was
largely
a
result
of the
Mongol
invasions of 1274 and
1281,
when
the 'classic'
ideal of formal
heroic
single
combat
proved
ineffective
against opponents
with
less
elevated chivalric
principles.
One result
was
the
eventual
development
of a
new
type
of sword
called
a
katana,
carried
edge upwards
thrust
through
a
sash
(obi),
to
World
Archaeology
Volume
18
No.
2
Weaponry
and
warfare
(
R.K.P. 1986
0043-8243186118021247
1.50/1
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248 Myra Shackley
Mt
Fl
HO
A
Kamtakra
HOKKAIDO
A X
~~~PENINSULA .
PEN
INSUL
ZAIMOKUZA
\X'
0
TOKYO
C)
0
C)
.KYUSHU
0
300 km
Figure
1
Location
of
Kamakura.
supplement
and
ultimately replace
the
tachi, slung edge
downwards from
the belt
(Joly
and
Hogitaro 1913).
A
warrior of this
period may
often
have carried more than one sword in
addition to the
bow
which was his
principal weapon,
one tachi at
his
side with a shorter
sword thrust
through his obi, and occasionally with a long sword (no-tachi) carried across his back
(Fig. 2).
A
typical mid 14th century tachi would
have
been about 2ft.
6ins. long
(Harris,
pers. comm.) although
the
length
of a sword varied with the
height
of the
wearer,
and its
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Arms and the Men 249
Figure 2 14th century Japanese
armour.
The
figure
on
the left is
wearing light d6-maru armour in-
cluding cuirass and tassets, and has
three swords,a
nm-tachi
n his
back,
a
shorter tachi slung from his belt
and
a thirdshortsword, ut he has no
helmet. The bushi on the right has a
simple
helmet
kabuto) omplete
with
neckguard shikoro) and is wielding
a
naginata.
He,
too, has a short tachi
and
wears
light
armour
complete
with greaves. (adapted from con-
temporary
croll
paintings).
width, thickness
and
other
dimensions
were
related
by
a
complex
arithmetic
system. A
fixed relationship existed between
the width
of
the
boshi (point)
of the sword and
its
length,
but
this
varied
with
the
style
of the boshi and thus with
the smith
who created
it.
Any
collection of 14th
century
swords illustrates this
great
variability,
which makes
it
impossible
to
distinguish
katana
from
tachi
injuries
but does
enable cuts made
by the
same weapon to be identified (see below).
During tamashigiri (sword testing),
which ensured
that a blade was at least
capable
of
removing
a
man's head
with a
single stroke,
the
blade
could be tested on
the
body
of
a
criminal,
an
old
iron
helmet
or
a thick bundle
of
straw,
these
last
being tricky; although
the blade
was
very sharp
it
could
be
deflected
sideways by
the
straw,
or
by
the metal
of
a
helmet.
Long
blades were
notoriously
unable
to
make well-directioned cuts.
In
the
book
Kantei
Tokugawa Rippo
the
16th
century
swordtester Yamada
Asayemon
notes
that,
in
edged weapon
trials
involving cutting
the head of a
corpse
across the
temple,
blades
may
be difficult
to extract after the
stroke
(Joly
and
Hogitaro 1913),
a
problem
met
with
by
Zaimokuza
swordsmen,
and
evidenced
by injuries
sustained
during
blade removal
(see below).
Contemporary
illustrations are
rare,
but
scroll
paintings
of
the Heike
Monogatori
(Takada 1964),
accounts
of battles
of the
early
Kamakura
period,
show
infantry
and
mounted
warriors
equipped
with
a
bow,
tachi
and
formidable
gleave
or
halberd
(Fig. 2)
called a
naginata.
Similar
weapons
can
be seen on the scroll
painting
Moko-Shurai-
Ekotoba-Emaki,
painted
around
1300 and
dealing
with the
Mongol
invasions.
Previously,
13th
century
classic combat tradition relied
on
single combat,
with
individual horsed and
armoured
warriors
charging
each
other, aiming
to
kill with a
single
sword
stroke,
a
tradition
which
seems
to have been
only slightly
modified
by
the late Kamakura
warriors
at Zaimokuza.
During the early Kamakurawars it is known that warriorswore lamellar armourof two
different
types;
either
a
'great
harness'
(6-yoroi),
for
high ranking
mounted
nobles,
complete
with helmet
and
large
shoulder
and arm
protectors,
or
lighter
d5-maru armour
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250 Myra Shackley
which
was initially used by infantry
and consisted
mainly
of cuirass
and
tassets.
However,
the changing military tactics of the 14th
century
were also reflected
in
armour;
nobles
who would previously have been mounted now
fought
on
foot,
exchanging
their
heavy
wide-skirted 6-yaroi armour for lighter d6-maru style but often retaining the large
shoulder
guards
and
helmets
of
the former
(Anderson 1968)D
It
therefore
seems
likely
that the armour worn at Zaimokuza would have been
quite
varied
(Fig. 2); the Moko-
Shurai-Ekotoba-Emaki scroll painting referred to above
shows
warriors in a variety of
different
assemblages,
including some in full 6-yaroi armour but
with
the helmet
replaced by a light cloth cap or scarf (hachimaki).
In the 13th
century strict battle rules
applied;
no
supporters
were to aid the
combatants
and
no
retreat
was permitted.
However,
some writers have claimed that the
image
of the
classical
warriors
of
the Minamoto
bafuku
(military government)
declined
drastically
in
the
subsequent wars until the resuscitation
of
classical
traditions under
Tokugawa Ieyasu
(1542-1616). Warner and Draeger
(1982) claim
that the wars of the
Hojo regency
were
notorious
for
their martial incompetence and
neglect
of
military
ethics,
partly
as a
result
of
the
degradation
of the morals
of
the classical
warrior (bushi) under
the
nepotic civilian
Hojo regents.
This
opinion
is
not universally supported
(Harris,
pers. comm.).
Tactical
changes undoubtedly included the
gradual replacement
of formalised
single
combat
by
different sized tactical units employed in battle formation and at a later date the
bafuku
became
'morally polluted' (Warner
and
Draeger) by
the
appearance
of
ashigaru
('lightfoot soldiers') who
were
mercenary
adventurers not
bushi,
wearing lightweight
armour and
armed with
naginata
rather
than sword or bow
(Fig. 2).
The Zaimokuza
injuries, however, would suggest that classic equestrian combat was still to be found.
The
injuries
Suzuki et
al. (1956)
comprehensively reported
on the
physical anthropology
of the
Zaimokuza
material, currently located in the University
of
Tokyo Museum.
A
total of
275 skulls were
examined by the writer in
1985,
specifically
for
weapon injuries. Of
these
skulls,
26
(9%)
showed a total of
65
measurable
injuries;
95% of these were cuts
from
sharp edged
weapons,
averaging
2.5
cuts/skull;
69%
of
injured
skulls had received more
than 1 cut, but only 3.6% had healed injuries. Full metrical analysis of these injuries was
undertaken,
the
general outlines being presented
below,
supplemented by
observations
derived from
the writer's
experimental
replication
of ancient
sword
techniques.
The vast
majority of injuries (85%) occurred
on
frontal or
parietal bones,
the
largest
group being
sword
cuts across
the frontal bones
(48%),
with left
parietal
cuts also
common
(36%)
but
right parietal cuts
rare
(16%),
presumably because most swordsmen
were
right-handed. No injuries to the occipital bones were observed. Cuts
could
also
occur
either
singly (Plate 1)
or in
groups (27% skulls)
but
these latter
did not
denote
multiple injuries
but were the result of a
single
blow which 'skidded' over the
cranium,
resulting
in
a small linked group of
2-4
cuts,
generally on the forehead (Plate 2). Within
such groups the first blow struck was the highest on the skull, nearest to the hairline if the
injury
was a
frontal
cut,
and always slightly deeper than the others to
which it was
connected
by grooves and furrows
in
the bone. Such cuts were inflicted by the triangular
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rms an e en
_
:
.....
.......
..N
_
Plate
1
(left)
Sword utacrosshe left frontal
one,
beneath he hairline. he cut was
probably
fataldue o blood ossand
was
nflictedn mounted ombat
y
the
point
ection
boshi),
fa tachi
or
katana.
Zaimokuza.
Plate
(right)
Skid'
uts
across
he left frontal
oneabove he brow
idge.
Theforcebehind
he
blowhascaused he
blade
o
skidacross hesurface f the
skull,
eaving complex
f
progressively
shallowerndnarrowerutsas the blade lidesdown
he victim'sorehead.
Zaimokuza.
boshi(point)of a swordandvarybetween17-22mm n length. Despitethe fact thatthey
have
not
penetrated
the brain it seems
possible
that
they
were
fatal,
immediately
rendering
he warriorunconscious
rom
loss
of
blood. A further
11%of skulls had a
combination of
isolated and
complex
cuts and
8% exhibited
especially deep,
wide
semicircular
uts that were
easily distinguishable
rom the
sharp
boshi
injuries.
The
remaining
11%
of skulls showed differentcombinationsof
these
injuries.
Most
(78%)
of
the
cuts were
relatively
shallow
(1.5mm deep)
and 90% had
not
penetrated
the internal lamella of the
brain.
Of the
remaining
10% half
were
exceptionally
deep
cuts
through
both
lamellae
nto
the brainwithout
removingany
bone,
but
in
the
remaining
5%
large
pieces
of bone had been
removed,
exposing
the brain.
Suchcuts were sometimes
nflictedat a
shallow
angle,
slicingaway
a
piece
of
the
victim's
head. Several
njuries
were inflicted
by
the
extreme
tip
(kissaki)
of
the
sword,
whichhad
sometimesbeen twisted while
extracting
he
blade,
removing
a
roundelof bone.
Some
depressed
ractures
rom blunt instrumentswere noted
although
hese were rare
(8%
of
skulls);
skull
no.
451,
for
example,
had an
impact
njury
caused
by
a
smalldiameterblunt
instrument
driven nto
the left
eyebrowridge, possibly
a kashira
swordpommel)
or
the
end
of a staff
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252 Myra Shackley
In
some cases the attack pattern could be
reconsrructed,
especially where the skull
showed more than one
cut: 7% of skulls produced
'paired'
cuts,
both
done by the same
weapon,
where an initial cut across the victim's left
temple
caused him to fall
forwards,
carried by the momentum of his attack, a second blow then being struck across the
parietal
bone on
the rear
of his
head,
generally bisecting the sagittal suture. Most
of the
cuts are placed with extreme accuracy; nearly
all neatly bisect suture
lines,
or
are
positioned across the
temple,
just under the hairline. It seems doubtful that
such
standardisation could have
been achieved if the victims had been wearing
a
helmet.
The
angle and location of the majority of the injuries suggest
that they were probably
inflicted
from
horseback,
a
mounted
warrior taking
a
flat but forceful swing
at
his
opponent
and
cutting
him
across the
forehead,
the tremendous momentum
of
such
an attack
resulting
in
the 'skidding'
of
the blade across the
skull.
The large deeper cuts
referred to above could have
been the result
of a
duel between
warriors on
foot;
they are characteristically
more semicircular
in
form,
and
seem
to
have
been
made by
a
heavier,
thicker
sword,
also wielded
with considerable force but without
the momentum which produced
frontal 'skids'. These cuts may
on occasion be
very large
(eg.
no. 106/1 with
length
78. lmm)
which was executed
nearly vertically
downwards,
and
are generally at quite a steep
angle,
in contrast
to
the flat-angled
frontal cuts.
In
the case
of no. 106/1
the sword
has been wrenched
out
complete
with a
large
flake of
bone,
cutting
into the brain.
The Zaimokuza finds contrast
with the
pattern
of
cranial injuries
from the
only
other
large
available
14th
century
war
cemetery,
from the battle
of
Wisby
(1361),
in
Sweden.
Inglemark (1939) noted marked divergences in injury patterns between crania from the
three common
graves at
Wisby,
which he
concluded resulted
from variations
in
protective armour. At
Zaimokuza the cuts were the result
of
straightforward
sword
attacks culminating in the boshi cutting
across the forehead;
at
Wisby
more cuts
were
received on
the
sides
of
the head
as a
result
of
slash-and-parry sequences using
a
heavy
two-handed
sword
and
battle axe.
A
further
important
distinction
occurs
in
the
percentage
of
occipital
cuts,
none at Zaimokuza and
14%
at
Wisby. Inglemark (1939)
suggests that these were struck
when the
victim had
turned
his
back
to
run,
or
when
fallen,
either
suggesting
that
the Zaimokuza bushi were
strictly obeying
the dictates
of
bushido or that the mail curtain (shikoro)
at the back
of
the
helmet
provided
adequate
protection. However, at Wisby the armour worn at the time also involved a collar of
protecting the neck
area,
but occipital cuts were still
made,
indicating that the
difference
in
injury
pattern
must reflect
battlefield ethics rather than
variations in armour.
Conclusions
It
is
both
surprising
and interesting
to
find
that the
pattern
of
sword cuts on
the
Zaimokuza bushi
reflects
swordsmanship along
classical
lines,
dominated
by
a
light
sword,
either tachi or
katana (the
two are
differentiated
only by their
method of
carrying,
not by blade widths) used from horseback. Most attacks seem to have been made by a
mounted
warrior
using
a
stroke aimed
directly
at
the centre
of an
opponent's
head,
cutting
him
across the temple
with
the
boshi of the sword.
The concentration of these
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Arms
and the Men 253
injuries
at such a
location
suggests
that a metal
helmet
(kabuto)
was
not
being
worn,
perhaps
indicating
that the combatants were
not men of
high rank.
An
alternative
explanation,
that
the kabuto was insufficient
protection
for the
head,
must be
rejected
as
the nature of the cuts suggests that there had been no impediment to the stroke, which
would
certainly have been
deflected,
if
not
completely
blocked, by
the
iron
helmet and
its
attachments.
Although some historians
(eg.
Warner
and
Draeger
1982)
have
suggested a general
slovenliness of
warfare
at
that
time,
individual
sword
training
was
still,
apparently,
being carried
out
in the
classical
tradition,
a
hypothesis
supported by
the lack
of occipital cuts
or
blunt
instrument
injuries
which
coordinates well
with the
warrior code.
The
Zaimokuza warriors
clearly
included
both
cavalry and
infantrymen,
using several
different
types of
swords, which confirms that
the
supposedly 'bureaucratised
bushi'
(Warner and
Draeger
1982)
of late
Kamakura
times still
fought
according
to
the
martial traditions
of
the
classic
hero-warriors of
the Minamoto
bafuku,
more than a
century previously.
Acknowledgments
I
am most
grateful to the
following
individuals and
institutions who
have
contributed to
this
project; Professor Kimio
Suzuki
(Keio
University,
Japan),
Mr
Joe
Earle (Victoria
and
Albert
Museum),
and
Dr
Sarah Bevan
(H.M.
Armouries,
Tower of
London);
Messrs
John
Anderson
and
Victor
Harris
read
through
a
draft
of
this paper and
contributed many useful ideas and suggestions.
The
Zaimokuza skulls are
now in
the
University of
Tokyo Museum, and
were
examined
by the writer with
the kind
permission of
Emeritus
Professor
H. Suzuki and
with the
assistance of Prof. T.
Azakawa
(Tokyo
University,
Japan) during the
tenure of a
Royal
Society
Study
Visit
to
Keio
University, Tokyo.
14.xii. 1985
Department of
Archaeology
University of Leicester
References
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Japanese Armour. London: Arms
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Thordeman). Stockholm: Vitterhets
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Akademien, pp. 149-210.
Joly, H.
L. and
Hogitaro,
I.
1962. The Sword Book (In
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Lu, D. J.
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Burial Site at Zaimokuza, Kamakura City. Tokyo: Anthropological Society of Nippon, Iwanami
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Takada,
I.
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Kedokawa
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254 Myra Shackley
Warner,
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Swordsmanship. New York and
Tokyo:
Weatherill.
Abstract
Shackley, Myra
Arms and
the Men: 14th century Japanese swordsmanship illustrated by skeletons from
Zaimokuza,
near
Kamakura,
Japan
The 14thcentury n Japanwas a time of complexand protracted eudal
warfare,
accompanied y
changes
n
swordsmanshipechniquesaway
from
the 13th centuryclassical deal. Cranial njuries
on warriorsburied in
the Zaimokuzacemetery (A.D. 1333) suggest
that
single-combat avalry
fightingwas still prevalent,with a lightsword tachi)as the favouredweapon.Thereare indications
that
a heavier blade was also
used,
probably by infantry soldiers. The pattern
of
injuries,
dominated
by cuts across
he
forehead,
mplies
hat the
complexJapanese
helmet
(kabuto)
was not
being
worn and
that the burialsare probably hose
of
mounted
soldiers,
perhaps
of low rank.