ASEAN Security Cooperation: Challenges and the Way Ahead

DIGest2013

D IGest2013

MiDAS Digest 2013

Published by:Malaysian Institute of Defence and Security (MiDAS)Ministry of Defence MalaysiaGround Floor Block A, MINDEF 2ZETRO Building, Jalan 9/27CWangsa Maju53000 KUALA LUMPURMalaysia

Visit us at www.midas.mod.gov.myemail: [email protected]

The MiDAS Digest is a compilation of Speeches and Keynote Addresses of the MiDAS Talks and Conferences. It is intended to share knowledge on contemporary issues that engage Malaysia at national, regional and international levels. The Speakers share their thoughts and views in areas of defence and security; and they are of the speakers’ views that do not necessarily represent the views of the institute, the Ministry of Defence and/or the Government of Malaysia.

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without the prior permission of the Malaysian Institute of Defence and Security.

• DYMMPemangkuRajaPerakDarulRidzuan RajaNazrinShahIbniSultanAzlanMuhibbuddinShah 5

‘Pasca Pilihanraya Umum Ke-13: Permuafakatan dan Perpaduan Nasional’

• GeneralTanSriDato’SeriDr.ZulkifelibinMohdZin 25 Chief of Defence Force Malaysia

“Cooperation between MAF and RMP during Op DAULAT: A National Blue Ocean Strategy Effort”

• IGPTanSriDatoSriKhalidAbuBakar 37 Inspector General of Police Malaysia

“Cooperation between RMP and MAF during Op DAULAT: A National Blue Ocean Strategy Effort”

• MrChuckHagel 45 The United States Secretary of Defence

“United States – Southeast Asia Ties”

• TanSriAbdulGaniPatail 57 Attorney General of Malaysia

“SOSMA 2012: It’s Implications on Defence and Security”

• TanSriDato’HjMuhyiddinHjMohdYassin 73 Deputy Prime Minister Malaysia

“National Resilience towards a Developed Nation”

Contents

AddressbyDULI YANG MAHA MULIA

PEMANGKU RAJA PERAK DARUL RIDZUANRAJA NAZRIN SHAH IBNI SULTAN AZLAN MUHIBBUDDIN SHAH

MajlisSyarahanAngkatanTenteraMalaysia2013

‘Pasca Pilihanraya Umum Ke-13:Permuafakatan dan Perpaduan Nasional’

Wisma Perwira ATM, Kuala Lumpur8 Jul 2013

MIDAs DIGest 2013

AddressbyDULI YANG MAHA MULIA

PEMANGKU RAJA PERAK DARUL RIDZUANRAJA NAZRIN SHAH IBNI SULTAN AZLAN MUHIBBUDDIN SHAH

MajlisSyarahanAngkatanTenteraMalaysia2013

‘Pasca Pilihanraya Umum Ke-13:Permuafakatan dan Perpaduan Nasional’

Wisma Perwira ATM, Kuala Lumpur8 Jul 2013

MIDAs DIGest 2013

DYMM Pemangku Raja Perak Darul Ridzuan Raja nazrin shah Ibni sultan Azlan Muhibbuddin shah

6 | M iDAs D iges t 20 13

AssalamualaikumWarahmatullahiWabarakatuh

SalamSejahtera

Segala puji milik Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala. Selamat dan salam ke atas Junjungan Besar, Nabi Muhammad Sallallahu Alaihi Wassalam, ahli keluarga dan para sahabat Baginda, serta para ulama dan para tabiin. Semoga memperoleh ihsan sehingga ke hari kebangkitan.

Pilihan Raya ialah satu mekanisme demokrasi, memberikan hak kepada rakyat untuk memilih Kerajaan. Prinsip demokrasi, menghormati kebebasan rakyat untuk memilih Kerajaan, berakarkan konsep, ’Kerajaan rakyat, oleh rakyat, untuk rakyat’; konsep yang bersumberkan ucapan bersejarah Presiden Abraham Lincoln, bertarikh 19 November 1863 yang dikenali sebagai ’Amanat Gettysberg’. Oleh itu pilihan raya wajib dilaksanakan secara berintegriti, mencerminkan hak asasi rakyat terjamin, menurut yang termaktub di dalam Perlembagaan Negara.

Pilihan Raya Umum Ketiga Belas atau rujukan ringkas PRU-13, telah berlangsung pada 5 Mei. Tiga belas perpuluhan tiga (13.3) juta (13,268,002) rakyat telah mendaftar sebagai pengundi, meningkat 2.5 juta (2,527,775) atau 23.5 peratus, daripada bilangan 10.7 juta (10,740,227)pengundi dalam Pilihan Raya Umum Kedua Belas (PRU-12). Peratus yang menunaikan tanggung jawab mengundi meningkat dari 76 peratus dalam PRU-12 kepada 85 peratus dalam PRU-13; peratus tertinggi dalam sejarah Pilihan Raya Umum di negara ini, memecah rekod 79 peratus yang tercatat dalam Pilihan Raya Umum Kedua yang berlangsung pada 25 April 1964.

Peratusan tinggi yang turun mengundi ialah petanda positif, bukti keyakinan rakyat akan hak yang diberikan kepada mereka untuk memilih Kerajaan. Bilangan pengundi berdaftar yang meningkat dalam tahun 2013 dan peratus tinggi yang mengundi, mencerminkan kepercayaan rakyat bahawa ini mengamalkan demokrasi. Petanda positif ini perlu terus ditingkatkan dengan perhatian kepada perkara-perkara yang telah mencetuskan kecurigaan, disamping merintis kaedah pembetulan, menangani sebarang keraguan.

BARISAN NASIONAL berjaya menguasai 133 kerusi, sementara PAKATAN RAKYAT memenangi 89 kerusi dari jumlah 222 kerusi Parlimen yang dipertandingkan. Meskipun BARISAN NASIONAL menguasai 60 peratus kerusi Parlimen untuk membolehkannya menubuhkan

Majlis syarahan Angkatan tentera Malaysia 2013

7MiDAs D iges t 20 13 |

Kerajaan Persekutuan, undi popular BARISAN NASIONAL menurun 51.4% yang diperoleh dalam PRU-12 kepada 47.4% dalam PRU-13. Di peringkat Dewan Undangan Negeri, BARISAN NASIONAL memenangi 275 kerusi, berbanding kemenangan 230 kerusi oleh PAKATAN RAKYAT dari jumlah 505 kerusi yang dipertandingkan. BARISAN NASIONAL berjaya menubuhkan sembilan Kerajaan Negeri sementara PAKATAN RAKYAT berjaya mengekalkan kuasa untuk terus membentuk Kerajaan Negeri Kelantan, Pulau Pinang dan Selangor tetapi gagal mempertahankan kuasa di Kedah.

Meskipun BARISAN NASIONAL mencapai kejayaan menubuhkan Kerajaan Persekutuan dan sembilan Kerajaan Negeri, kekecewaan terukir di wajah kepimpinan parti. BARISAN NASIONAL berjaya kembali berkuasa di Kedah dan berjaya menambah bilangan kerusi Dewan Undangan Negeri di Kelantan, tetapi pencapaian majoriti kerusi yang diperoleh untuk menubuhkan Kerajaan di negeri-negeri Johor, Perak dan Terengganu tentunya tidak terlepas dari mencetuskan rasa kurang selesa di kalangan pemimpin BARISAN NASIONAL. Tambahan pula, majoriti kerusi di negeri-negeri Selangor dan Pulau Pinang yang dimenangi oleh PAKATAN RAKYAT, begitu juga pertambahan majoriti di kerusi-kerusi yang dimenangi PAKATAN RAKYAT di Selangor dan Pulau Pinang disamping kejayaan mengurangkan undi majoriti di kerusi-kerusi yang dimenangi oleh BARISAN NASIONAL, telah meningkatkan tahap keyakinan pimpinan PAKATAN RAKYAT bahawa mereka kini berada dalam posisi yang semakin bertenaga menawarkan alternatif kepada rakyat; dan berkeyakinan bahawa rakyat semakin terpikat dengan haluan politik yang mereka pelopori. Walaupun berjaya meningkatkan prestasi pencapaian, namun kegagalan menawan PUTRAJAYA, tidak mengecualikan pemimpin tertentu PAKATAN RAKYAT berasa kecewa, bertindak mempertikaikan kesahihan keputusan PRU-13, mendakwa berlakunya manipulasi, lalu menganjurkan siri perhimpunan atas nama Perhimpunan Hitam 505.

Reaksi spontan dan reaksi awal, kepimpinan dari kedua-dua pihak, baik BARISAN NASIONAL begitu juga PAKATAN RAKYAT bernada kecewa; kerana BARISAN NASIONAL telah melaksanakan pelbagai usaha untuk membangunkan negara – untuk meningkatkan taraf hidup rakyat; sementara PAKATAN RAKYAT pula telah menimbulkan pelbagai isu, mendedahkan kelemahan Parti Permerintah, ditambah keyakinan keterlaluan (over confidence) bahawa rakyat kali ini akan melakukan perubahan untuk menukar kerajaan. Pada hakikatnya, prestasi pencapaian, ternyata berada di bawah sasaran yang diunjurkan oleh kedua-dua pihak.



Keputusan PRU-13 bukan satu kejutan. Keputusan PRU-13, pada hakikatnya tidak menyimpang jauh daripada ramalan ramai pihak. Kejutan sebenarnya, berlaku semasa keputusan PRU-12 diumumkan. PRU-12 bukan sahaja mengejutkan BARISAN NASIONAL kerana kehilangan majoriti dua pertiga di Parlimen dan kuasa di empat negeri lain di samping Kelantan, malah gabungan parti PAS DAP dan PKR turut dikejutkan dengan pencapaian luar jangka; berjaya membentuk Kerajaan di negeri-negeri Kedah, Perak, Pulau Pinang dan Selangor, di samping kekal berkuasa di Kelantan.

Secara keseluruhannya, majoriti rakyat menerima keputusan PRU-13. Terdapat pertikaian di beberapa kawasan. Ruang mencabar keputusan yang diragukan, diperuntukkan di bawah Perkara 118 Perlembagaan Persekutuan untuk membolehkan rayuan dikemukakan ke Mahkamah Tinggi. Kedua-dua pihak, BARISAN NASIONAL dan PAKATAN RAKYAT masing-masing dalam tindakan menggunakan saluran undang-undang untuk mencabar keputusan beberapa kawasan Parlimen dan Dewan Undangan Negeri. Langkah tersebut selaras dengan semangat yang mencerminkan budaya berpolitik yang matang lagi bertamadun.

Dalam wawasan mahu membawa negara ke altar lebih tinggi, agar diiktiraf berbudaya maju, agar dihormati sebagai negara yang menjunjung prinsip demokrasi, hendaklah dipastikan bahawa prinsip meluhurkan Perlembagaan dan prinsip mendaulatkan undang-undang tidak sama sekali dikompromikan. Pendirian berkecuali dan tidak partisan Mahkamah ketika mengadili kes-kes rayuan, akan dapat meningkatkan keyakinan rakyat di samping membantu pohon demokrasi tumbuh subur di taman politik negara.

PRU-13 dan keputusan darinya boleh ditafsirkan secara subjektif atau secara objektif, secara negatif atau secara positif. Hanya disebabkan rakyat di negara ini terdiri dari pelbagai kaum – pelbagai agama, minda jangan terlalu taksub untuk terlalu cepat mentafsirkan sesuatu fenomena melalui dimensi kaum – dimensi agama, hingga padi dikatakan antah, hingga emas dianggap suasa.

Adakah sebenarnya tertanam rasa benci – rasa jijik hingga mencetuskan permusuhan yang meluap di antara kaum dan di antara penganut berlainan agama di negara ini, seperti yang berlaku dalam tahun 1994 diantara puak Hutu dan puak Tutsi di Rwanda, mengakibatkan pembunuhan 800,000 puak Tutsi dan 200,000 puak Hutu. Adakah hubungan kaum dinegara ini menyamai



senario yang sedang dilakukan terhadap umat Islam Rohingya oleh kaum Arakanese yang direstui oleh sami Budha dan pihak berkuasa Kerajaan Myanmar. Adakah tertanam kebencian di kalangan rakyat berbilang kaum di negara ini hingga keperingkat merencanakan pembunuhan beramai-ramai seperti yang dilakukan oleh tentera Serbia terhadap umat Islam di Bosnia. Adakah PRU-13 telah meluapkan suhu pemusuhan lebih panas di antara kaum di negara ini. Adakah PRU-13 telah menjejaskan semangat permuafakatan dan semangat perpaduan dikalangan rakyat. Adakah ia telah memisahkan rakyat dari dapat hidup dalam suasana aman, rukun lagi harmoni; atau sebenarnya, terkandung elemen lain yang lebih perlu dihalusi dan difahami.

Analisis mengenai sesuatu pilihan raya dapat dilakukan secara lebih tepat dengan kesediaan melakukan penilaian objektif, mengetepikan sentimen dan emosi; kesediaan melakukan penelitian komprehensif akan pelbagai urutan peristiwa, akan sebab dan akibat, akan perkara-perkara asas yang mungkin telah terlepas pandang. Lebih penting kesediaan menerima maklumbalas secara positif, memeriksa kelemahan dan kesilapan diri, bukan untuk menyalahkan sesiapa, tetapi dengan niat tulus untuk membolehkan langkah penambahbaikan yang bermakna dapat dirintis.

Keputusan PRU-13 diumumkan pada malam 5 Mei. Pada pagi 6 Mei, di bandar Ipoh, rakyat Malaysia berketurunan Melayu, Cina dan India kelihatan bersantai di warung nasi lemak milik pengusaha Melayu. Pada pagi 6 Mei, rakyat Malaysia pelbagai kaum bergaul mesra, bersarapan pagi menikmati roti kaya dan white coffee di kedai kopi Cina di Ipoh. Pada pagi 6 Mei, rakyat Malaysia pelbagai kaum memenuhi kedai milik India, duduk semeja dan bersebelahan meja, bergurau jenaka sambil menikmati tosei dan teh tarik. Beta percaya senario harmonis yang sama turut berlaku di Kuala Lumpur, Petaling Jaya, Johor Bharu, Seremban dan Pulau Pinang. Beta percaya senario harmonis yang sama turut berlaku di antara pelbagai kumpulan etnik Cina, Melayu, Iban, Dayak, Bajau, Murut dan Kadazan, samada di Kota Kinabalu, Kuching, Tawau atau Sandakan. Persoalannya, bersifat rasis kah rakyat Malaysia di bumi ini?

Keharmonian, sikap hormat dan toleransi adalah sebahagian daripada sifat semulajadi dan identiti budaya rakyat Malaysia. Pada hakikatnya rakyat di Malaysia hidup dalam suasana muhibbah dan saling menghormati. Semangat muhibbah rakyat Malaysia bukan saja berlaku sesama warga malah rakyat Malaysia memperlihatkan



toleransi yang tinggi terhadap warga asing hingga membolehkan berjuta warga asing bebas bekerja mencari rezeki di bumi ini. Diakui, sekali-sekala ada berlaku peristiwa yang mencetuskan kurang keselesaan di kalangan rakyat, tetapi tidak sampai ke peringkat membenci dan bermusuh kerana semangat menghargai kerukunan – menghargai keamanan, mendapat tempat lebih utama di hati sanubari warga Malaysia.

Secara natural, rakyat Malaysia tidak bersifat perkauman. Di hospital, doktor Melayu, doktor Cina, doktor India, doktor Dayak, doktor Kadazan merawat semua pesakit; pesakit juga tidak pernah mencurigai untuk dirawat oleh doktor yang tidak dari kaumnya atau berlainan agama. Wanita Melayu, Cina, India, Bajau dan Iban ke salon yang sama untuk berdandan rambut, ke butik yang sama untuk menempah pakaian tanpa menghiraukan kaum manakah yang mendandan rambut atau menjahit pakaian. Anak-anak Melayu, Cina, India, Murut dan Bajau tidak pernah ragu untuk membeli aiskrim walau siapa juga penjualnya. Di sekolah dan di universiti, tenaga pengajar menyampaikan ilmu pengetahuan kepada semua murid. Hartawan Cina – hartawan India melantik pengawal peribadi (bodyguard) Melayu untuk melindungi keselamatan diri dan keluarga mereka. Orang Melayu tidak meragui untuk mendapat khidmat pekerja Cina membetulkan atap bocor atau lantai retak di rumah mereka. Tidakkah ini bukti permuafakatan; tindakan ini bukti perpaduan yang terjalin secara semulajadi, menjalar segar, melata indah, subur serata di bumi Malaysia; sayang sekali kesuburannya sering dibantutkan oleh racun politik.

Dalam negara yang memiliki komposisi rakyat yang begitu pelbagai, permuafakatan dan perpaduan dipengaruhi oleh banyak faktor, tidak terbatas kepada faktor kaum – faktor agama. Oleh itu memilih untuk merumuskan masalah permuafakatan dan perpaduan nasional semata-mata atas faktor kaum – faktor agama terlalu simplistic pendekatannya.

Di samping warga Malaysia terdiri daripada pelbagai latar belakang kaum dan agama, mengamalkan pelbagai budaya, bertutur pelbagai bahasa, terdapat perbezaan di antara warga bandar dengan warga desa, di antara generasi tua dengan generasi muda. Wujud perbezaan yang dipengaruhi oleh faktor-faktor tahap pencapaian akademik, tahap pencapaian sosioekonomi, di antara yang kaya dengan yang miskin; ditambah dengan perbezaan pendedahan yang dialami oleh anak-anak yang mengikuti aliran



persekolahan berlainan; sekolah kebangsaan, sekolah vernakular, sekolah swasta dan sekolah antarabangsa. Begitu pula dengan tenaga kerja di sektor swasta dengan tenaga kerja di sektor awam, perbezaan sejarah di antara warga di Semenanjung dengan warga di Sabah dan Sarawak yang berada dalam lokasi geografi yang terpisah jauh; ditambah pula pada hari ini perbezaan antara budaya berkerajaan di peringkat Persekutuan dengan budaya berkerajaan di peringkat negeri terutama di negeri yang tidak dikuasai oleh kumpulan politik yang sama dengan Kerajaan Persekutuan.

Demikian kompleksiti lanskap demografi rakyat Malaysia hari ini. Faktor-faktor kepelbagaian dan elemen-elemen perbezaan sudah pasti meningkatkan cabaran besar terhadap usaha memupuk permuafakatan dan perpaduan. Memastikan permuafakatan dan perpaduan berjaya dipupuk dalam negara yang sedemikian pelbagai memerlukan denominator bersifat sejagat yang dapat diterima oleh semua pihak. Memupuk permuafakatan dan perpaduan wajib dijadikan agenda semua pihak; merupakan impian besar dan tugas besar. Impian besar dan tugas besar tidak mungkin dicapai melalui formula yang terlalu permukaan (superficial).

Usaha permuafakatan dan perpaduan memerlukan ramuan yang lebih kreatif, pendekatan yang lebih efektif serta minda yang lebih terbuka. Lebih dari itu ia menuntut kepada program tindakan yang realistik lagi produktif, lahir dari ketulusan hati – diperkukuhkan dengan kesungguhan tekad; dibeningkan dengan sifat rendah diri – diheningkan dengan sifat tidak angkuh. Ia hendaklah mengandungi gerak kerja yang benar-benar dapat menyentuh sanubari warga – dihayati warga, hingga memberikan keyakinan kepada warga akan hasil dan nikmat dari kejayaan perlaksanaannya. Ia tidak akan dicapai melalui program berbentuk kosmetik, sambutan berunsur perayaan – melalui pesta – melalui jamuan – melalui perhimpunan. Ia tidak dapat dicapai melalui slogan – melalui adukan nyanyian dan gabungan tarian dalam irama yang satu; ia tidak dapat dicapai melalui pakaian batik yang seragam dan serupa. Ia tidak akan dicapai melalui program politik yang dilihat berpihak atau program agama yang dianggap berpuak. Ia perlu dilaksanakan secara bersungguh, secara konsisten oleh individu – oleh organisasi – oleh institusi yang dapat diterima oleh semua pihak dan tidak diragui integriti berkecualiannya.

Terdapat beberapa perkembangan yang wajar ditafsirkan secara positif susulan PRU-13. Beta memilih untuk menyentuh tiga perkara.



Pertama: Budaya politik merentasi kaum. Yang Teramat Mulia Tunku Abdul Rahman (Almarhum) bersama rakan seangkatannya telah mempelopori konsep perkongsian kuasa pelalui PERIKATAN seawal menghadapi Pilihan Raya pra Merdeka 1955, diperluaskan kemudiannya melalui penubuhan BARISAN NASIONAL oleh Tun Abdul Razak (Allahyarham) pada tahun 1973. Gagasan perkongsian kuasa yang dipelopori oleh Yang Teramat Mulia Tunku Abdul Rahman (Allahyarham) mendapat tentangan, paling berat serangan Parti PAS (Parti Islam Se Malaya) yang menentang formula UMNO berkongsi kuasa dengan bukan Islam, hingga ke peringkat berlakunya isu kafir-mengkafir sesama umat Islam.

Bermula tahun 2008, setelah 51 tahun negara mencapai kemerdekaan, PAS akhirnya menerima hakikat relevannya formula perkongsian kuasa politik dalam realiti sebuah negara yang rakyatnya terdiri daripada pelbagai kaum, mengamalkan pelbagai pegangan agama, memiliki pelbagai budaya, menguasai pelbagai bahasa. Bermula Pilihan Raya Umum 2008, PAS bukan sahaja bersedia menjalinkan persefahaman ketika pengagihan kerusi untuk bertanding, malah berkempen di pentas yang sama dengan parti-parti bukan Islam, hatta sedia menubuhkan Kerajaan bersama bukan Islam di negeri-negeri Kedah, Perak, Pulau Pinang dan Selangor; memperlihat berlakunya anjakan ideologi yang amat ketara; membuktikan bahawa modul berkerajaan yang dipelopori oleh Yang Teramat Mulia Tunku Abdul Rahman (Almarhum) adalah modul politik yang berpandangan jauh, realistik dan merupakan platform berkerajaan dan bernegara yang dapat memberikan satu kestabilan, satu semangat bersatu, satu semangat bernegara kepada semua rakyat di negara ini.

Fenomena yang sedang berlaku hendaklah ditafsirkan secara positif; bahawa gerakan politik di Malaysia telah mencapai tahap kematangan pemikiran, menerima realiti, relevannya kerjasama antara kaum. Bertolak daripada perkembangan ini, dijangkakan pendekatan politik yang mensensasikan isu kaum dan isu agama akan semakin kurang memberi pengaruh, di sebaliknya ia lebih membawa kesan negatif.

Kedua: Budaya politik yang lebih representatif. Keanggotaan Jemaah Menteri yang dilantik Pasca PRU-13 lebih inklusif lagi representatif daripada segi mewakili wilayah. Tujuh Menteri dilantik dari Sabah dan tujuh Menteri dilantik dari Sarawak. Mereka turut diberikan portfolio penting. Selepas lima puluh tahun berada di dalam Malaysia, rasa terpinggir penduduk Sabah dan Sarawak telah diubati; doa dan



harapan penduduk Sabah dan Sarawak kini dipenuhi. Partisipasi pemimpin politik Sabah dan Sarawak di peringkat nasional kini semakin bermakna. Penyertaan tiga Menteri daripada kalangan profesional yang tidak mewakili mana-mana parti politik merupakan aset kepada negara. Mereka tidak perlu berpolitik; di sebaliknya dapat menumpukan sepenuhnya fokus untuk merealisasikan agenda negara. Komposisi Jemaah Menteri sedemikian akan dapat mengimbangkan antara pendirian kumpulan politik tertentu dengan pendirian pihak-pihak yang mewakili konstituen lain. Komposisi sedemikian, diharapkan berupaya menggubal dasar-dasar negara yang lebih bersifat nasional dan tidak lagi terlalu didominasi oleh satu kumpulan politik.

Ketiga: Budaya politik lebih seimbang. PRU-12, sebenarnya adalah pilihan raya sangat historik, mengubah lanskap politik negara. PRU-12 adalah titik bermulanya era demokrasi baru. Ia mencetuskan iklim kepada permulaan sistem politik dua parti. Ia memperlihatkan kemunculan persaingan di antara dua persepakatan politik yang semakin menyeberangi sempadan kaum – sempadan agama – sempadan wilayah. Ia semakin membuktikan realiti bahawa di Malaysia, tidak ada satu kumpulan politik yang berupaya menubuhkan kerajaan secara isolasi tanpa mendapat sokongan pengundi dari pelbagai kaum – pelbagai agama – pelbagai wilayah.

Parlimen Ketiga Belas dianggotai oleh lapan puluh sembilan anggota Pembangkang. Parlimen telah sekian lama didominasi dengan majoriti besar oleh parti yang menubuhkan Kerajaan hingga ramai yang terlepas pandang bahawa Parlimen adalah entiti yang berasingan dari cabang Eksekutif. Komposisi keanggotaan Parlimen Ketiga Belas, diharap, memunculkan peranan Kuasa Perundangan yang lebih dinamik, memenuhi peranan semak dan imbang kepada Kuasa Eksekutif. Demi kebaikan rakyat, ahli-ahli Parlimen dari kedua-dua pihak, diharap dapat membahaskan isu-isu utama secara kritis tetapi konstruktif dan menolak sebarang cadangan yang tidak mendatangkan manfaat hakiki. Parlimen hendaklah mengambil sikap sebagai Kuasa Perundangan yang bukan sahaja dihargai oleh rakyat tetapi disegani oleh Kuasa Eksekutif.

Apakah cabaran utama yang sedang dihadapi oleh negara ketika ini dalam hasrat memenuhi agenda permuafakatan dan perpaduan nasional? Pada hemat Beta, cabaran paling kritikal yang dihadapi oleh negara ketika ini adalah untuk menjalinkan permuafakatan dan perpaduan di antara Kerajaan dengan rakyat.



Keputusan pilihan raya telah membolehkan parti yang menguasai majoriti satu Parlimen menubuhkan Kerajaan. Ia bukan garis penamat, sebaliknya, ia satu permulaan untuk mengembalikan keyakinan dan meningkatkan penerimaan rakyat. Negara, lebih tepat Kerajaan pada hari ini, sedang menghadapi krisis persepsi lalu mencetuskan krisis keyakinan. Polarisasi ketika ini, sebenarnya berlaku antara pihak yang menyokong dengan pihak yang tidak menyokong Kerajaan, sehingga apa jua usaha yang dirintis oleh Kerajaan, tidak dihargai. Kerajaan terus dihujani dengan pelbagai serangan. Kerajaan amat perlu peka dengan trend perkembangan politik semasa yang berlaku tidak sahaja di negara ini, malah sedang berlaku di serata dunia.

Negara di serata dunia sedang menghadapi konstituen baru dan fenomena baru, kebangkitan partisipasi politik rakyat secara lebih aktif dan tidak lagi bersifat pasif. Era ini memperlihatkan kebangkitan rakyat yang mahukan perubahan dan pembaharuan, era yang menuntut kepada hak kebebasan bersuara, era yang menuntut dilakukan lebih banyak konsultasi. Era anak muda dan kumpulan terpelajar semakin mendominasi. Era yang meletakkan cabaran besar kepada elit politik di setiap negara untuk berupaya memeta persekitaran politik yang lebih berakomodasi, attentive, terbuka lagi konsultatif.

Kaedah menggunakan kekerasan – kaedah ugutan secara menangkap, menahan, merampas bahan cetak, menghitamkan makluman, adalah oder lama yang tidak lagi sesuai diguna pakai kerana rakyat sudah tidak boleh ditakutkan. Lebih mencabar apabila mereka dan masyarakat menganggap diri mereka adalah wira bila mereka ditahan, ditangkap, dihukum dan dipenjarakan. Era politik pada masa ini adalah era yang menuntut kepada kebijaksanaan mengimbangkan formula rundingan dan konsultasi. Elemen tekanan ataupun ‘force’ hendaklah digunakan secara paling selektif, dalam keadaan yang benar-benar memerlukan. Istilah ‘atas sebab-sebab keselamatan negara’ jika perlu digunakan, jangan sampai ke peringkat yang boleh ditafsirkan bermotif untuk menyekat kebebasan politik. Tidak ada jalan singkat yang membolehkan dipintasi prosedur undang-undang kerana jalan singkat lebih cenderung untuk membawa rugi kepada lembaran akaun kira-kira politik.

Banyak yang boleh dilakukan untuk membina jambatan permuafakatan dan perpaduan di antara kerajaan dengan rakyat agar keyakinan dan penerimaan rakyat dapat dikembalikan. Beta memilih memberi fokus kepada enam komponen.



Pertama: Sifat Negarawan Pemimpin. Berpandukan laporan akhbar, kenyataan-kenyataan bernada negarawan telah disuarakan oleh pimpinan kanan beberapa kumpulan politik.

Yang Amat Berhormat Perdana Menteri, memberi jaminan untuk menunaikan semua aku janji yang terkandung dalam manifesto BARISAN NASIONAL kepada segenap lapisan rakyat tanpa mengira sama ada mereka memberikan sokongan atau tidak memberikan sokongan kepada BARISAN NASIONAL. Beliau turut menyatakan BARISAN NASIONAL tidak mempunyai opsyen selain daripada melakukan perubahan mulai sekarang. Ketika menyembahkan ucapan tahniah sempena Ulang Tahun Keputeraan Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Perdana Menteri menyeru seluruh rakyat Malaysia untuk melihat faktor-faktor kebersamaan yang dapat menyatukan rakyat daripada terperangkap dengan nostalgia serta realiti lalu.

Yang Amat Berhormat Timbalan Perdana Menteri, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin ketika berucap di Majlis Kesyukuran BARISAN NASIONAL Wilayah Persekutuan pada 29 Jun 2013, menyeru agar pemimpin BARISAN NASIONAL menilai semula faktor yang membawa kekalahan dan memberikan fokus terhadap tuntutan rakyat, terutama pengundi di bandar, merangkumi pengundi Cina, Melayu dan India. Beliau menyeru supaya dikenal pasti punca sebenar BARISAN NASIONAL ditolak, sama ada berpunca daripada kelemahan sebagai parti pemerintah, dasar yang tidak memenuhi hasrat rakyat, atau isu bandar yang tidak diberi tumpuan. Beliau memilih tidak menyalahkan pengundi kerana menolak BARISAN NASIONAL; di sebaliknya memilih untuk mengkaji mesej yang disampaikan oleh pengundi, untuk benar-benar dapat mengenal pasti punca yang membawa kekalahan atau kemenangan.

Setiausaha Agong PAS, Dato’ Mustaffar Ali menyatakan PAS menerima keputusan PRU-13; PAS menang di sesetengah kawasan dan kalah di sesetengah kawasan. Realitinya kerajaan sekarang tertubuh kerana memenangi pilihan raya. Timbalan Presiden PKR, Yang Berhormat Azmin Ali menyatakan “Panggilan reformasi perlu bermula dari diri sendiri; gagal ke Putrajaya, salah siapa”. Beliau selanjutnya menyatakan bahawa “rakyat semakin bosan dengan politik keterlaluan; terima kekalahan dan fahami kelemahan diri; perlu bergerak ke hadapan dan terima keputusan yang telah diberikan rakyat”. Presiden DAP, Yang Berhormat Karpal Singh menyatakan “DAP berpuas hati dengan prestasi dalam PRU-13 berjaya



memenangi 38 kerusi Parlimen”; katanya lagi “prestasi DAP begitu baik dalam PRU-13 terutama di Gelang Patah yang kami tak jangka akan menang”.

Ahli Parlimen Pasir Mas, Yang Berhormat Nik Abduh Nik Abdul Aziz menyuarakan nada kenegaraan generasi muda, dilaporkan akan mengambil pendirian seorang Ahli Parlimen pembangkang secara konstruktif; di samping menegur, akan bekerjasama dengan pihak kerajaan demi pembangunan negara; dan melihat kerjasama dalam membangunkan negara merupakan asas utama yang perlu dititik beratkan oleh kedua-dua pihak dalam sidang Parlimen.

Ungkapan dan kenyataan bernada kenegaraan yang dilaporkan memperlihatkan petanda sihat yang menyegarkan iklim demokrasi. Ia wajar dijadikan teladan ke arah membina budaya demokrasi yang bertambah matang. Ia mempamerkan semangat inklusif, selaras dengan falsafah di sebalik Gagasan 1Malaysia. Ia mempamerkan berlangsungnya proses evolusi secara positif ke arah membina sebuah negara bangsa yang kukuh bersatu.

Semangat permuafakatan dan perpaduan yang diperlihatkan oleh Rasulullah Sallallahu Alaihi Wassalam wajib dicontohi. Sifat murni Baginda, tidak berdendam malah sedia memaafkan, telah berjaya menjinakkan musuh, hingga lawan menjadi kawan. Negarawan ikonik semasa, yang harus dijadikan rujukan ialah Nelson Mandela. Selama dua puluh tujuh tahun Nelson Mandela ditahan. Sebaik dibebaskan beliau mengungkap kata-kata berikut;

Petikan:“I embrace my former captors and my former oppressors, I believe in one nation, and I believe in judging people on the basis of their character and not their colour”.

Demikian kejernihan dan kemurnian, keheningan dan kebeningan hati seorang insan bernama Nelson Mandela, yang sebahagian usianya, terkurung sebagai tahanan politik di Pulau Robin, tetapi sebaik dibebaskan, memilih permuafakatan demi negara bangsanya.

Suara keinsanan – suara kemanusiaan Nelson Mandela, bergema di serata dunia. Mandela muncul sebagai gergasi ikon moral, memaafkan pihak yang memenjarakan beliau serta menganiaya komuniti beliau. Kebijaksanaan dan perikemanusiaan Mandela dua puluh tahun lepas telah memberikan impak menakjubkan kepada



negara yang amat berpecah belah. Ia amat mengagumkan; rasa kagum akan kemuliaan sifat Mandela terkandung dalam kata-kata yang diungkap oleh Archbishop Desmond Tutu,

Petikan:“Before Nelson Mandela was arrested in 1962, he was an angry, relatively young man. He founded the ANC’s military wing. When he was released, he surprised everyone because he was talking about reconciliation and forgiveness and not about revenge”.

Sesungguhnya, bumi ini memerlukan dan perlu melahirkan pemimpin yang mengamalkan sifat kemanusiaan yang tinggi dan memiliki pendirian negarawan yang unggul, membawa suara perdamaian – menghargai keharmonian – menghormati kerukunan.

Kedua: Meluhurkan Perlembagaan – Mendaulatkan Undang-Undang; adalah kunci penentu untuk menjamin ketenteraman awam dan kestabilan politik. Undang-undang wajib dilaksanakan secara adil – secara saksama. Undang-undang jangan diizinkan untuk dilaksanakan secara selektif. Jika undang-undang dilaksanakan secara selektif akan tempanglah keadilan, akan pincanglah alam dan kehidupan ini, membolehkan yang lemah menjadi mangsa yang kuat. Apabila undang-undang dan keadilan mula diperdagangkan dengan ringgit dan sokongan, dikompromikan kerana tekanan politik, akan menderitalah yang miskin dan yang lemah dan akan bermaharajalela yang kaya dan yang berkuasa. Persepsi bahawa kerajaan kurang tegas dan tidak bersungguh memerangi rasuah dan salah guna kuasa adalah antara faktor utama yang menyebabkan berlakunya krisis keyakinan. Rasuah dan salah guna kuasa ternyata menyalahi undang-undang. Setiap batang pensel atau setiap butir peluru perolehan Kerajaan diuruskan oleh pegawai awam. Dalam era yang siling sudah pandai melihat dan lantai sudah bijak bertutur, amalan tadbir urus yang tidak telus, tidak lagi dapat disembunyikan daripada pengetahuan umum.

Perdana Menteri telah memberi pengakuan untuk memberi tumpuan meningkatkan kualiti tadbir urus dan integriti dan memperhebatkan usaha memeranngi gejala rasuah dan salah guna kuasa. Hasrat Perdana Menteri sewajibnya disambut. Institusi Kehakiman, Institusi Perundangan, Institusi Awam, Institusi Pertahanan dan Institusi Keselamatan perlu berdiri teguh atas prinsip profesionalisme, tegas memberikan nasihat dan berani menyampaikan maklum balas secara tepat dan betul kepada pemimpin. Ketidakberanian memberi



nasihat secara tepat dan betul, akan meletakkan pemimpin berada dalam khayalan cerita indah, Kerajaan bakal bertambah lemah, dan pada akhirnya pemimpin perlu membayar dengan harga tinggi semasa menghadapi Pilihan Raya.

Ketiga: Memahami dan mendalami konsep Federalisme berasaskan Perkara-perkara 73 hingga 95E Perlembangan Persekutuan. Negara Malaysia dianggotai oleh tiga belas negeri dan Wilayah Persekutuan. Ketua kepada sembilan negeri adalah Raja-Raja berdaulat, sementara empat negeri dipertanggungjawabkan kepada Yang di-Pertuan Negeri. Kerajaan Negeri terletak di bawah payung naungan Raja Pemerintah dan pengawasan Yang di-Pertuan Negeri. Amalan mengetepikan status Negeri adalah amalan yang boleh ditafsirkan sebagai tidak menghormati kedaulatan Raja dan tidak menghormati institusi Yang di-Pertuan Negeri. Hubungan di antara Kerajaan Persekutuan dan Kerajaan Negeri menjelmakan dimensi baru; ia semakin memeningkan kepala kakitangan awam yang berkhidmat di negeri-negeri. Mereka kini menghadapi dilema ketika memenuhi tanggung jawab untuk mengimbangkan kesetiaan, di antara Pihak Berkuasa Negeri dengan Pihak Berkuasa Persekutuan, terutama di kalangan mereka yang ditempatkan di negeri yang dikuasai oleh kumpulan politik yang berlainan parti dengan Kerajaan Persekutuan. Telah berlaku keadaan, Pegawai-pegawai awam Persekutuan yang bertugas di negeri, dilarang menghadiri acara-acara rasmi di peringkat negeri termasuk acara yang dihadiri oleh Raja Pemerintah. Demikian juga dilaporkan bahawa Pegawai-pegawai Negeri juga turut dilarang menyertai acara anjuran Kerajaan Persekutuan. Senario sedemikian nyata tidak menunjukkan kematangan budaya politik negara bangsa dan kurang mendalamnya kefahaman di kalangan penjawat awam akan konsep Federalisme.

Konsep Federalisme wajib difahami – wajib dihormati. Perlu diperkenalkan orientasi baru terutama di kalangan penjawat awam. Kelainan politik, di antara Negeri dan Persekutuan jangan sampai menjejaskan hubungan warga, hingga memungkinkan warga kembali bersifat parokial kenegerian, lalu menghindar dari tercapainya semangat muafakat dan hasrat berpadu.

Formula perhubungan dan rangka kerja baru antara Kerajaan Persekutuan dan Kerajaan negeri wajib diperkenalkan dalam order politik terkini, demi tidak menyulitkan kakitangan awam untuk menyempurnakan amanah dan demi memastikan rakyat tidak menjadi mangsa pertelingkahan politik. Perlu ada garis yang jelas di



antara hubungan yang dipengaruhi kekangan politik, atas dasar parti dengan parti, dibezakan dengan hubungan kerja, antara kerajaan dengan kerajaan.

Keempat : Pendidikan Kenegaraan. Episod Melissa Gooi meningkatkan keyakinan Beta bahawa majoriti rakyat di negara ini tidak bersifat rasis; di sebaliknya mereka adalah insan-insan berjiwa rasional – berfikiran waras. Melissa Gooi dilaporkan ditahan oleh pihak keselamatan untuk membantu siasatan kerana dikatakan menghina Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong dalam Facebook.

Susulan penahanan tersebut Zaini Hassan telah menulis rencana yang diterbitkan di muka surat 11, akhbar Utusan Malaysia bertarikh 5 Jun 2013, bertajuk “Salahkah Melissa Gooi? Ajarlah Asas Perlembagaan di sekolah.” Zaini Hassan telah memulakan rencana tersebut dengan para;

Petikan :“Saya tidak salahkan Melissa Gooi yang mencetuskan kisah menghina Yang di-Pertuan Agong dalam Facebooknya. Sebenarnya Melissa dan rakan-rakan facebooknya Shuh Chien Loo, Hun Kiet Wong, Carol Tay yang berbicara mengenai titah Yang DiPertuan Agong itu mungkin tidak kenal pun siapa Duli Yang Maha Mulia Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong. Mereka tidak tahu pun fungsi-fungsi Baginda...”

Zaini Hassan selanjutnya menulis;

Petikan :“Kisah Melissa Gooi seharusnya menjadi satu teladan oleh kita semua, juga oleh Kerajaan BN yang diberikan mandat baru... Bukan masa lagi mahu menongkat dagu memandang ke langit. Sesuatu harus dilakukan terhadap orang seperti Melissa yang semakin hari, semakin tahun, semakin dekad, semakin generasi, semakin bertambah

Ia memperlihatkan berlakunya fenomena kejahilan atau ignorance mengenai sistem kebudayaan kita, sistem kenegaraan kita yang menjalar kepada sistem Perlembagaan Negara kita...”



Zaini Hassan selanjutnya menyarankan :

Petikan :“Oleh itu saya syorkan Kementerian Pendidikan yang kini sudah disatukan dan mempunyai dua Menteri, termasuk Timbalan Perdana Menteri, dengan Timbalan-timbalan Menteri mula memikirkan soal ini. Ia bukan soal hari ini sahaja, atau untuk penggal ini sahaja, tetapi untuk generasi rakyat Malaysia ... Jika subjek Asas Perlembagaan, tidak diperkenalkan ... maka selama itulah orang kita akan terus menerus mempertikai Perlembagaan Negara.

Saya berharap Kementerian Pendidikan dapat memikirkan perkara ini supaya tidak lagi melahirkan Melissa Gooi dan rakan-rakannya... Ajar subjek Asas Perlembagaan... di semua aliran sekolah.”

Beta tidak kenal Zaini Hassan secara peribadi tetapi mengikuti rencana tulisan beliau. Melissa Gooi adalah rakyat Malaysia berketurunan Cina; sementara Zaini Hassan, wartawan kanan, bukan sahaja berketurunan Melayu, berwajah Melayu, berdarah Melayu malah bertugas dengan akhbar Utusan Malaysia yang dilabel oleh setengah pihak sebagai akhbar yang meniup api perkauman. Zaini Hassan telah mencerminkan jiwa besar dan contoh semangat seorang Malaysian, secara tegas melahirkan pandangan kritis atas prinsip kebenaran, meskipun Beta percaya, Zaini juga tidak kenal Melissa Gooi. Apa jua jenama negatif yang dilabelkan terhadap Utusan Malaysia, akhbar tersebut tidak melakukan diskriminasi untuk tidak menyiarkan rencana yang bernada membela situasi seorang anak gadis keturunan Cina.

Di luar dewan ini, lebih ramai anak muda Malaysia dalam kategori Melissa Gooi. Adakah kaedah tangkapan, tahanan, dakwaan dan hukuman akan menyelesaikan masalah ketatanegaraan yang sedang dihadapi. Berapa ramai lagi pegawai penyiasat diperlukan, berapa banyak lagi jawatan pendakwa yang perlu ditambah, berapa lagi mahkamah yang perlu diwujudkan, dan berapa banyak lagi tempat tahanan yang perlu dibina, jika kita mempercayai kepada pendekatan sedemikian untuk menangani masalah. Jangan disalahkan anak jalan berbogel kalau ibu bapa tidak membekalkan baju.



Apa yang lebih perlu diutamakan adalah mendidik asas-asas kenegaraan bermula dari bilik darjah dan menyemaikan semangat ’Kesetiaan kepada Raja dan Negara’. Raja Pemerintah, Seri Paduka Yang DiPertuan Agong adalah lambang kedaulatan negara; bendera negara; Jalur Gemilang, lagu kebangsaan, ’Negaraku’, adalah simbol kebesaran negara. Hari ini lambang kedaulatan dan simbol kebesaran negara telah dihina.

Ketika Beta di bangku sekolah, Beta diasuh mendaulatkan Raja Pemerintah, menghormati bendera negara dan lagu kebangsaan. Bendera Negara bukan hanya tidak boleh dipijak, malah dipastikan ketika upacara menaikkan bendera, kain bendera tidak tercecah bumi. Bendera Negara dimuliakan, dikibarkan di puncak tiang, dinaikkan pada sebelah pagi, diturunkan sebelum malam; tidak dibiarkan berkelana, tertinggal reput di tiang-tiang sebagai kain usang. Hari ini ia kelihatan berlaku di serata negara; dukacita ia turut berlaku di bangunan sekolah dan di pejabat Kerajaan. Bendera Negara bukan sahaja tidak boleh dipijak, malah turut dilarang dari dipotong-potong untuk dijadikan material baju – material topi – material seluar. Perkara ini amat asas, malangnya telah tidak dititik beratkan, hingga hari ini terdapat kontinjen yang menyertai perarakan sambutan Hari Kebangsaan telah menyalah gunakan pemakaian bendera negara. Bermakna betapa komponen kenegaraan telah tidak diutamakan dalam sistem pendidikan negara. Kurikulum kandungan dan kaedah pengajaran mengenai aspek kenegaraan yang benar-benar dihayati, hendaklah segera diperkenalkan tanpa bertangguh, dijadikan kandungan pengajian bukan sahaja di sekolah, malah di semua maktab, kolej dan institusi latihan; dan diuji dalam urusan lantikan dan kenaikan pangkat pegawai awam.

Kelima : Peranan Media. Media adalah instrumen penting untuk memupuk semangat muafakat – semangat perpaduan. Rakyat hari ini telah menguasai saluran media alternatif. Data menunjukkan pengguna Internet di Malaysia telah meningkat dari 3.7 juta dalam tahun 2000 kepada 17.7 juta dalam tahun 2012, satu perangkaan yang cukup tinggi bagi negara yang mempunyai 29 juta penduduk. Enam puluh satu (61) peratus dari pengguna berada dalam usia 21 ke 40 tahun. Data 2012 juga menunjukkan 13.6 juta penduduk pada hari ini telah mempunyai Facebook.

Media rasmi negara hendaklah menjadi tanda aras mengamalkan cara pengolahan berita yang seimbang lagi autentik, berfungsi



sebagai jambatan penghubung antara kerajaan dengan rakyat, berupaya merentasi dan dapat diterima oleh semua lapisan rakyat. Perlu ada etika pengolahan berita yang bijaksana, membezakan antara kepentingan Kerajaan dengan kepentingan berpihak parti politik. Pengolahan berita yang terlalu memihak, sebenarnya tidak memberi manfaat kepada Kerajaan, bersifat counter productive, semakin memisahkan rakyat dari Kerajaan. Hari ini sebahagian rakyat menolak maklumat yang diuar-uarkan melalui saluran berita rasmi Kerajaan disebabkan rasa mual dengan pengolahan yang keterlaluan memuji atau keterlaluan mengeji sesuatu pihak. Pengarang Timothy B. Tyson, pemegang ”Grawemeyer Award’ 2006, meningatkan “If there is to be reconcilliation, first there must be truth.”

Keenam: Peranan Institusi Raja. Raja adalah payung kedaulatan negara untuk memberi naungan saksama kepada setiap warga tanpa mengira kaum – tanpa mengira agama – tanpa mengira kabilah politik. Raja yang bersemayam di puncak struktur pemerintahan merupakan lambang kuasa dan simbol perpaduan. Raja berperanan sebagai tonggak kestabilan – sumber keadilan, teras perpaduan – payung penyatuan. Untuk itu amatlah penting bagi Raja bersifat berkecuali, memastikan berada di atas segala polemik politik untuk membolehkan institusi Raja berupaya berperanan secara berkesan sebagai penimbang tara yang adil lagi saksama dalam mendamaikan sebarang perselisihan dan untuk memastikan takhta diterima dengan dada lapang dan hati terbuka apabila diperlukan berperanan menurunkan suhu panas yang berkemungkinan mendidihkan lava-lava persengketaan.

Majlis Raja-Raja adalah badan syura yang unik. Setiap Raja yang berangkat menghadiri mesyuarat Majlis, berserta Yang di-Pertuan Negeri, diiringi bersama oleh Menteri Besar dan ketua Menteri masing-masing. Yang Dipertuan Agong berangkat pada hari terakhir mesyuarat, diiringi Perdana Menteri. Badan syura ini, setidak-tidaknya merupakan badan yang telah dapat menggabungkan wakil negeri dan wakil Persekutuan, berbincang dalam suasana musyawarah yang tertib, sopan, beradab lagi bertamadun. Kehadiran Menteri Besar dan Ketua Menteri, disandarkan kepada jawatan rasmi tanpa sebarang identifikasi politik. Memandang ke hadapan, peranan badan syura ini boleh dipertingkatkan – diperluaskan agar berfungsi sebagai forum perundingan yang berkecuali, bebas dan tidak partisan, berada di atas politik kepartian. Potensi badan syura ini sebagai instrumen penyatuan dalam kepelbagaian sewajarnya dioptimumkan untuk mengimarahkan semangat permuafakatan dan perpaduan.



PRU-13 adalah kemenangan rakyat. Partisipasi rakyat serta sifat kenegaraan yang dipamerkan rakyat wajar dihargai. Tanpa rakyat, tidak akan ada negara, tanpa negara, tidak akan ada kerajaan. Maju mundur sesebuah negara dicermikan melalui taraf hidup, taraf pendidikan, taraf sosioekonomi majoriti rakyat. Kukuh lemahnya sesebuah Kerajaan, tertakluk kepada sokongan dan keyakinan, perpecahan dan permuafakatan yang dapat dipupuk di kalangan rakyat. Suara rakyat-suara keramat. Oleh itu, setiap teguran yang disuarakan rakyat, perlu diberikan respons positif, jangan secara impulsif bersifat terlalu defensif, secara terburu-buru melakukan penafian – menyalahkan rakyat. Di sebaliknya teguran rakyat hendaklah diterima dan didengar, diberikan perhatian dan disiasat kesahihannya selaras dengan pendirian Perdana Menteri yang menyifatkan era kerajaan tahu semua telah berakhir. Kesediaan menerima teguran atas kesilapan, kesediaan mengaku masih terdapatnya kelemahan, apatah lagi kesediaan memohon maaf secara terbuka atas kesilapan dan kelemahan, mempamerkan jiwa besar pemimpin.

Negara bakal menyambut ulang tahun kemerdekaan kelima puluh enam. Kedewasaan usia negara hendaklah diselarikan dengan kematangan fikiran rakyat. Sejak memperoleh kemerdekaan, kemajuan negara ini dicapai daripada sikap pemimpin berjiwa rakyat. Diakui tahap kesempurnaan masih belum dicapai. Diakui masih banyak yang perlu dibaiki.

Pilihan Raya telah berlangsung, keputusan telah diumum, kerajaan telah dibentuk. Manusia boleh merancang – manusia boleh berusaha – manusia boleh berdoa. ALLAH Subhanahu Waa’ala juga yang lebih mengetahui lalu telah menentukan. Bersyukur dan redalah dengan penentuan kuasa ILAHI Yang Maha Mengetahui, jadikan peringatan dan panduan akan ayat 165 Surah Al An’aam yang bermaksud,

“Dan Dialah yang menjadikan kamu penguasa-penguasa di bumi dan dia meninggikan sebahagian kamu atas sebahagian (yang lain) beberapa darjat, untuk menguji mu tentang apa yang diberikan Nya kepada mu. Sesungguhnya Tuhan mu amat cepat seksaan Nya, dan sesungguhnya Dia Maha Pengampun lagi Maha Penyayang.”18

Wabillahitaufik,walhidayahWassalamualaikumWarahmatullahiWabarakatuh.

SpeechbyThe Honourable General Tan Sri Dato’ Seri Dr. Zulkifeli Mohd Zin

Chief of Defence Force Malaysia

MiDASTalk4/2013


DoubletreeByHilton Hotel, Kuala Lumpur

2 July 2013

MIDAs DIGest 2013

SpeechbyThe Honourable General Tan Sri Dato’ Seri Dr. Zulkifeli Mohd Zin

Chief of Defence Force Malaysia

MiDASTalk4/2013



2 July 2013

MIDAs DIGest 2013

| M iDAs D iges t 20 13

the Honourable General tan sri Dato’ seri Dr. Zulkifeli Mohd ZinChief of Defence Force Malaysia

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SALUTATION

Praise be to Almighty God for it is with His Blessings that we are able to be enlightened on a landmark incident which has left an indelible mark on Police-Military cooperation in this country. For that, I would like to thank MIDAS for affording me the opportunity to present my views. Needless to mention that the armed incursion in Lahad Datu by the self-styled Royal Sulu Security Forces (RSSF) followed by the Malaysian Government’s response will continue to be remembered by many for a long time to come. It remains a fact that in our 56 years of existence, this is the second time in which such armed incursion threatening national sovereignty has occurred. The first incursion was the Confrontation with Indonesia some 49 years ago. I hope that my observations and views will afford a clearer insight of OP DAULAT, and more importantly, the close cooperation between the Royal Malaysia Police (RMP) and the Malaysian Armed Forces (MAF) against the backdrop of the National Blue Ocean Strategy (NBOS).

INTRODUCTION

The cooperation between the RMP and the MAF could be traced as early as 1948 at the beginning of the First Emergency. This collaboration continued in earnest through the Second Emergency (1968 until 1989). The strength of this partnership together with measures taken by other government agencies resulted in the eventual demise of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) in December 1989. On the conclusion of the Emergency and with society enjoying peace that came with it, the Malaysian Government redefined the security threat against the nation. As a result of this, the menace against Human Security, which included drug abuse, smuggling, human trafficking and illegal migration became the primary threat against the nation. This witnessed the inclusion of other government agencies such as the Customs, Immigration, Health and a host of other agencies into the security circle. The MAF, though involved in engaging these new threats through our Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW), focussed more towards modernizing the Force. In this sense, the strong collaboration between the RMP and the MAF as witnessed throughout the Emergency was watered down except in certain areas such as Internal Security Operations and the Preservation of Public Order.

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At the initiative of the Prime Minister, Dato’ Seri Najib Tun Razak, the National Blue Ocean Strategy was launched in 2011. Among the initiatives introduced under this strategy included the collaboration between the RMP and MAF in reducing the national crime index. A number of measures such as the conduct of joint patrols in selected areas, the taking over of the RMP General Operations Force (GOF) area of operations along the national border, the implementation of joint recruit training at two MAF training centres and the induction of ex-servicemen into the RMP to boost their strength. These initiatives produced positive results in the reduction of the national crime index but in a larger picture, it assisted in rejuvenating the close collaboration between the RMP and MAF. The opportunity to work hand in glove with the RMP enhanced public confidence towards the Security Forces (SF) and government as a whole. As these measures were being implemented, a fateful event occurred at the east coast of Sabah where an incursion by so called forces of an archaic Sultanate to lay claim on the state shocked the nation. Government agencies, spearheaded by the MAF and RMP were mobilized to meet this threat from a Non-State actor, a phenomenon unseen before in Malaysian history. Despite the tragic events that followed, the incursion and subsequent responses by the Malaysian Government provided the opportunity to gauge the collaboration between the MAF and RMP in a very challenging environment. Similarly, it provided the prospect of assessing the benefits produced by NBOS towards engaging a critical situation such as what happened in Lahad Datu.

SCOPE

This presentation will be divided into the following areas: a. Brief Overview of OP DAULAT. b. Security Forces Cooperation during OP DAULAT. c. The Role Played by National Blue Ocean Strategy.

BRIEFOVERVIEWOFOPSDAULAT

On the morning of 12 February 2013, the locals of Kg Tanduo, a remote village in Lahad Datu, were awaken by the presence of the RSSF which arrived to claim Sabah on behalf of the self proclaimed Sultan of Sulu. As the actual intent of the RSSF was not ascertained



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during the opening days of this crisis, the act was deemed as a group of criminals with the intention of committing crime in Sabah. This view was formed based on previous experiences with separatist groups from Southern Philippines during their crime spree in Lahad Datu in September 1985, the kidnapping of foreign tourists on the island of Sipadan in April 2000 and the kidnapping of two locals in Lahad Datu in November 2012. As such, the RMP took lead role in line with their powers and the MAF provided close support. The Malaysian government’s initial response to the incursion was the application of ‘soft’ approach where intense negotiations were conducted to influence the group in abandoning their intent without bloodshed. During the negotiations, representatives of the RSSF continuously forwarded demands, which included the presence of their so-called ruler, Sultan Esmail to verbally present a decree for the group to return to the Philippines. The Malaysian government, in close cooperation with its Philippine counterpart, endeavoured to fulfill their requests only to be further met with fresh demands. This was none other than their scheme to bid for time in order to gain international attention and further fortify their positions. Unfortunately, this was all in vain as their self-appointed Sultan was adamant that the group make the last stand in Sabah for his lost cause. Suspecting the ploy in progress, the MAF continued to build up its strength in Eastern Sabah to face any eventualities.

Over a period of time, continued negotiations with the RSSF revealed their actual intent that was to revive an archaic claim over Sabah. Their incursion now constituted a clear and present danger to Malaysia’s sovereignty. With that revelation and the tragic killing of eight Police Officers on the early days of March, the decision to neutralize this threat was made with the launching of an offensive action on 5 March 2013 on to the enemy positions.

The MAF build up was preceded with the enhancement of maritime security operations. Additional naval ships together with vessels from the MMEA were tasked to enhance the existing maritime assets together with the Marine Police (MP) and also the RMAF Maritime Patrol Aircraft (MPA) to form an Integrated Maritime Operations along eastern Sabah waters. These additional forces were required to deter reinforcements to the armed intruders due to the challenges of 1,400km coastlines and close proximity of the islands in Southern Philippines where the armed intruders are known to operate from. Simultaneously, the concentration of 7 battalions supported by


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armoured vehicles, artillery and Special Forces together with an elaborate logistics setup in so short a time was unparalleled in the history of the MAF. Move to establish a Common Operational Picture (COP) and Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) through shared knowledge between the MAF, RMP, MMEA and other government agencies begin in earnest while, the RMP ensured that RSSF terrorists were contained. A sea blockade guaranteed that the terrorists were choked of critical reinforcements and supplies at the same time, prevented the possibility of escape while land operations began in earnest. The subsequent offensive operations by the SF forced the terrorists to be on the run in small groups trying to escape the ever-tightening dragnet. In the process, their combatants suffered heavy losses while the network of supporters was crushed through concerted efforts by the SF during the subsequent ‘Clearance Phase’. When the security situation in the Area of Operations warranted, the people from the affected villages were repatriated and rehabilitated through generous aid from the government and strong assurance from the SF of their wellbeing. Despite losing much of what they have, the local population returned back to their villages with hope to rebuild back their lives and look forward to a more peaceful future. This hope will not be in vain as the ‘Stabilization Phase’ of the operation marked the redeployment of the SF into the vicinity of the affected villages while at sea where many seek their livelihood, maritime forces continue to conduct security operations, particularly in eastern Sabah water, in order to secure the sea areas. It was in no time that schools reopened and public amenities were re-established under the close watch of the SF now located among the villagers. The fear from terror posed by the terrorists has been neutralized through continuous aerial surveillance and patrols by armoured vehicles with direct engagement by the troops on the ground with the local populace. At sea, visible deterrence by maritime forces sent a clear message towards any would be intruders.

The threat from the RSSF was declared over by the Prime Minister on 13 April 2013 when a new agency, East Sabah Safety Command (ESSCOM) was established to oversee security in the Eastern Sabah region. ESSCOM, which is headed by a civilian government officer, has representation from the civil authorities, the MAF and the RMP. Throughout the ordeal an estimated 81 RSSF terrorists were killed at the expensed of 10 members of the SF. Similarly the SF detained 400 suspects linked to the incursion many of whom are now awaiting trials. The local population at the affected areas have since been returned



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to their villages after massive rehabilitation of the infrastructure and services was undertaken with close support from the MAF and RMP. Despite bearing the brunt of the incursion, the local population was adamant in their support for the Malaysian government and helpful of the measures taken by the SF to expel the armed intruders. On the same note, the rehabilitation programs played an important role to gain their confidence towards the government and rally their support in making the district safe from future intrusions. Though it is ‘business as usual’ for them, the continuous presence of the SF in their daily lives provide the much needed assurance that they may not need to experience the dark days of the RSSF debacle any more.

SECURITYFORCESCOOPERATIONDURINGOPSDAULAT

The close collaboration between the MAF and RMP was evident from the onset of the incident. Intelligence obtained by the Defence Intelligence Staff Division (DISD) was shared with the RMP Special Branch (SB) and vice versa since 12 February 2013. Despite initially being categorized as a criminal activity, close coordination continued between both organisations, which afforded the MAF to conduct swift build up of its forces while units of the RMP secured the immediate areas. Joint surveillance by elements of the RMN, RMP and the MMEA ensured that an exclusion zone was created along the waters of the affected areas. After the revelation of their actual intent and with the killing of RMP personnel, the measures taken by the government shifted to the conduct of a joint operation where both the Chief of Defence Force and the Inspector General of Police were re-located at the Joint HQ in FELDA Sahabat, Lahad Datu, with effect from 2 March 2013. A point to observe was that the major shift was conducted seamlessly by both organisations, which is unprecedented in an operation of this quantum.

Areas where close collaboration were evident between the MAF and RMP are as follows:

a. Command and Control. Command and Control (C2) of OP DAULAT was vested to the respective appointed Commanders from the MAF and RMP. The operation was overseen by the CDF and IGP who afforded strategic guidance to their respective organisations continuously throughout the ordeal. The respective organisations maintained their existing Chain of Command while activities were


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generally unhindered despite the movements of large numbers of assets. Similarly, measures undertaken by units of both organisations were closely synchronized, thus preventing redundancy or any overlapping efforts. Command decisions were made at all levels through close consultations and consensus based on the COP, which was continuously developed. Needless to mention that the presence of an efficient C2 from the very onset was a key multiplier to the conduct of the operation.

b. Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance. The main imperative of OP DAULAT was the continuous enhancement of Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR). The effectiveness of the C2 system and subsequently measures undertaken by units from the MAF and RMP would be left wanting if lack of information. Both organisations mobilized their ISR assets from the beginning of the incident. ISR activities were closely coordinated to afford the desired outcome with the MAF and RMP optimizing their various sources and platforms. As an example, continuous surveillance by the MAF through the deployment of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) and Electronic Intelligence (ELINT)in the affected areas provided valuable intelligence, which was shared with the RMP and MMEA. Similarly, RMP Human Intelligence (HUMINT) sources supplied valuable information to both MAF and the MMEA in order to afford shared awareness. This helped contribute towards maintaining a COP.

c. Interoperability. Interoperability between the MAF and RMP, before this, was limited to specific areas such as Preservation of Public Order and Counter-Terrorism. Throughout OP DAULAT, interoperability of MAN, MACHINE and METHODS were evident in a larger spectrum of activities. The personnel of both organisations adapted well to the peculiarities inherent in their respective forces even without undergoing the necessary integration process. Measures undertaken were harmonized through consensus derived from a common mission and strong inter-personal skills. Examples would be the domination of the Land, Air and Maritime dimensions by assets from both Forces. Similarly, the provision of close fire support from the Army, RMN and RMAF to RMP forces was assured throughout the operation. On the same note, the utilization of MAF mobile platforms such as the Adnan Infantry Fighting Vehicles and the Condor Armoured Personnel Carriers by the RMP was evident from the beginning of OP DAULAT. Likewise, there was synchronization in the utilization of Communications systems especially with the application of the Government Integrated



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Radio Network (GIRN) common to both Forces. Finally, an elaborate logistics system was put into place by ensuring interoperability towards achieving sustainment, personnel management and medical care. In short, though operating within their respective spheres of responsibilities, both the MAF and RMP were able to afford concerted measures in achieving operational success.

d. Civil-Military Affairs. Traditionally, both the MAF and RMP’s modus operandi in Civil-Military Affairs (CMA) varies in accordance to the responsibilities of each organisation. This is due to the differing legal powers afforded to personnel from both forces to undertake their role efficiently. Through close coordination, members of the MAF were able to exert authority from additional powers provided by the RMP. On a similar note, Information Operations (Info Ops) were planned in detailed by both the RMP and MAF especially in Media Op where information exposed to the public did not hinder the conduct of OP DAULAT. Further to that, the flow of information to the public was conducted deliberately utilizing the various mediums to shape appropriate public perception. This effort was clearly unmistakable through the enormous public support given by Malaysians from all parts of the country to the MAF and RMP. Finally, relationship with the local population was undertaken judiciously with concerted and holistic efforts to win the loyalty, hearts and mind of the populace being the highest priority. The presence and acceptance of the MAF and RMP as their saviour denoted the efficient conduct of sound CMA policies and continuous confidence building. This is where the RSSF lost the battle before even firing the first shot.

e. Human-to-Human Relationship. The impact of continuous fear, fatigue, uncertainty and danger experienced by personnel in an operation of this nature could be overwhelming especially among the less initiated. This phenomenon however could be reduced through the application of a strong sense of esprit d’ corps. The notion that ‘you are not alone and that one for all and all for one’ would be a force multiplier in the nerve wrecking endeavour to dislodge the RSSF terrorists. Surprisingly, most if not all, of the personnel from both MAF and RMP are not from the Emergency era as a majority has since retired. That notwithstanding, the strong sense of camaraderie displayed gave the notion that they have been operating together for quite some time very much like their forbearers during the Emergency. This is attributed to strong awareness of each other’s organisation and sound leadership in both forces.


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The success in the conduct of OP DAULAT could be attributed to a host of reasons, which would consume much time for me to elaborate. What were mentioned earlier are just the major areas, which has cascaded down the Chain of Command. Needless to mention that the common qualities such as loyalty, sacrifice, courage and esprit d’ corps endeared in both MAF and RMP organizational ethos provided the additional strength to fight together for a just and common cause. On the other hand, I would be the first to admit that there were challenges in MAF-RMP cooperation but these hiccups were amicably resolved through consensus and the willingness of all parties to compromise for a common good.

THEROLEPLAYEDBYTHENATIONALBLUEOCEANSTRATEGY(NBOS)

The idea of initiating NBOS was the creation of ‘Strategic Collaboration’ between government agencies especially among the MAF and RMP. Hence, it would bear long-term results and true to this, the fruits of NBOS could be seen in the successful conduct of OP DAULAT. The impact on the three target groups could be observed in the following manner:

a. The Government. The preparedness, creation of the COP and the high degree of interoperability between the MAF and RMP are testimonies of the government’s efforts to establish ‘Strategic Collaboration’ between the two organisations. The responses, in line with the Government’s stand on the issue, provided Putrajaya with a host of options despite the ambiguity, which plagued the situation at the beginning. Similarly, both the MAF and RMP contributed significantly in enhancing Malaysian-Philippines relationship after mobilizing the existing network with their Filipino counterparts in affording an amicable solution. When this failed, close coordination with our Filipino counterparts ensured a holistic response from both side of the border.

b. The Security Forces. After the end of the Second Emergency, the highly acknowledged term ‘Security Forces’ was rarely used as the MAF and RMP carried on with their new responsibilities of post-Emergency. With the inclusion of other government agencies as stakeholders to National Security, the collaboration had somewhat diluted slightly. The inauguration of the NBOS initiatives especially



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between the RMP and MAF helped rejuvenate this legacy of which results could be seen in Lahad Datu. I am uncertain on how RMP personnel who passed out in MAF’s two Training Institutions were deployed during the operations. Similarly, I am not sure how many ex-Servicemen inducted into the RMP actually served in OP DAULAT. What is clear, in line with the ‘strategic collaboration’ of NBOS, would be the image of the MAF and the RMP operating together under a trying circumstances which would be etched in the mind of every soldier and policemen whether directly or not involved in the NBOS initiatives.

c. The Population. The strategic collaboration between the RMP and MAF has gained the attention of the public especially those directly affected by the initiatives. That notwithstanding, news of the MAF and the RMP operating hand in hand against perpetrators challenging national sovereignty created a strong sense of patriotism among the population throughout the country. I was continuously flooded with messages, wishes, SMS, emails from Malaysians from every walk of life expressing the strong support for, prayers to and expectations of this ‘strategic collaboration’. The display of patriotism was exceedingly evident as the term ‘Security Forces’ placed itself once again in the hopes of every citizen. To the traumatised locals at the afflicted areas, the sight of MAF and RMP personnel created a sense of peace as it generated a feeling of faith in the government’s measures to ensure their wellbeing. The image of the Policeman or the Soldier gave assurance that better days are to come and that it was precious to be Malaysian. These perceptions were, by no small measure, due to the initiatives drawn from the NBOS and applied in more trying circumstances.

It is evident that the initiatives drawn by the Government through the NBOS has contributed significantly towards enhancing the ‘strategic collaboration’ between the MAF and RMP. Personally, I feel that the strengthening of this cooperation would create a strong epicentre in which other agencies will tap its strength to engage Non-Traditional Security as experienced in Lahad Datu. No elaboration is required that there are other numerous multi-agency cooperation as stipulated in the various National Security Agency Instructions. That said, the strong cohesion between the MAF and the RMP would help trigger a chain reaction to drive other agencies towards fulfilling the Government’s objectives.


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CONCLUSION

The Lahad Datu incident, which began on 12 Feb until 13 Apr 2013, was a tragic affair with unwanted loss of lives and wanton destruction. The incursion of the RSSF terrorists into Sabah would leave a stigma in the mind of the local population and provide a ‘wake-up call’ to all Malaysians that their wellbeing would be best served through continuous vigilance especially by the MAF and RMP. Despite this tragedy, OP DAULAT displayed the product of the Government’s NBOS and reiteration that the cooperation between both its main security organisations remain healthy. It afforded the opportunity to LEARN, UNLEARN and RELEARN valuable lessons especially in engaging Non-Traditional Security issues, which are abound in this region. It further validates the interoperability between the Forces and the impact of such collaboration to the wellbeing of the rakyat. In this sense “all glory is but fleeting’ as both the MAF and RMP will be confronted with newer and more trying challenges in the future. Even as we deliberate on the issue this morning, the conduct of OP SANGGAH, which is the successor of OP DAULAT, is being conducted in earnest since 29 June 2013 by ESSCOM. It is for that purpose I urge those responsible to explore further collaborations between government agencies especially the Security Forces to afford appropriate responses to future challenges. I believe strongly that we have yet to tap the fullest opportunity provided by NBOS and that its bounties are for our picking.

In conclusion, I am duly reminded of the dictum by General Douglas MacArthur who proclaimed, “On the fields of friendly strife are sown the seeds that on other days on other fields will bear the fruits of victory”. So it was the field of NBOS in which the seed of victory in OP DAULAT was planted. I would like to take this opportunity to express my bereavement to the families of those who died and who were injured during the operations. My admiration to every personnel whether from the MAF, RMP, MMEA and other agencies who gave blood, toil, sweat and tears to protect Malaysia’s sovereignty during those trying days. Finally, I would like to extend my appreciation to MIDAS for inviting me to present my views on this momentous endeavour. Thank you and God bless.

SpeechbyThe Honourable IGP Tan Sri Dato Sri Khalid Abu Bakar

Inspector General of Police Malaysia

MiDASTalk4/2013


(LessonLearntRMP’sPerspective)


2 July 2013

SpeechbyThe Honourable IGP Tan Sri Dato Sri Khalid Abu Bakar

Inspector General of Police Malaysia

MiDASTalk4/2013


(LessonLearntRMP’sPerspective)


2 July 2013

MIDAs DIGest 2013

the Honourable IGP tan sri Dato sri Khalid Abu BakarInspector General of Police Malaysia


SALUTATION

I am indeed honoured today by the presence of our distinguished members of the Malaysian Armed Forces and personalities who are the bedrock of our country’s future. Your contribution towards the growth and transformation of Malaysia is saluted, recognized and praised by the nation who is looking forward to achieving our Vision 2020 goal as a “Developed Nation”.

It is indeed my special pleasure to be here this morning for the MiDAS Talk which would be an excellent platform for an interactive exchange of views, to share their insights and perspectives in today’s changing global community. I am well aware that the Honourable PAT’s talk today will encompass

- History of collaboration between MAF and RMP under the National Blue Ocean Strategy- Our Collaboration in Op Daulat- Outcome of Lahad Datu Incident namely the establishment of ESSCOM, and- Conclusion

Thus, to avoid duplication of content in our talk, I herewith propose to take the floor to revisit history, examine on cursory view similarities between past & present event, our differences, some weaknesses noted and police investigation before concluding.

INTRODUCTION

Our beloved country generally had a peaceful path into nationhood except for the few isolated tense moments, such as the Western colonization, the Japanese Occupation, the Indonesian Confrontation and the Communist Insurgency.

The beginning of the country’s colonization was by the Western powers namely the Portuguese, the Dutch, followed by the English and the Japanese. The primary motive of colonization was economic because of the rich resources of our nation. The British and the Japanese were the colonialists who left the greatest impact on this

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country. The British first ruled through a policy of intervention and the obvious outcome was the creation of a plural society whilst the manner and enthusiasm with which the Japanese ruled the country brought detrimental social, economic and political effects.

After the defeat of the Japanese and the return of the British, the country went through the period of Emergency with the resistance of the Malayan Communist Party and their dream to turn the country into the Communist Republic of Malaya. However, the communist ideology was unacceptable to a large proportion of the population. Instead, the multi-ethnic population made sacrifices and together put an end to all communist activities and ideology.

The formation of Malaysia on 16/9/63 attracted objection/resistance from Indonesia. The Soekarno regime launches not only political and diplomatic attacks but also subversive incursions in their attempts to dominate Malaysia. Indonesian commandoes landed at several places in Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak.

In the efforts to defend the nation, the RMP together with the Army collaborated well and was assisted by voluntary reserve such as the Tentera Wataniah and Pasukan Pengawal Kampung which acted as the eyes and ears of the police. The intelligence unit played a prominent role in this confrontation leading to the arrest of the numerous spies and agents of our enemies. Changing political scenario and leadership coupled with perseverance and international pressure brought the confrontation to an end on 11/8/66 at Istana Merdeka.

SIMILARITIESBETWEENPASTEVENTSANDTHESULUKINTRUSION

From the above events we can see some similarities. First and foremost, it is obvious that the primary motivating factor for the dominating events were economic in nature whilst the communities at the center of the events were plural and multi-ethnic in nature. Subversion and intelligence gathering played a prominent role which largely determines the outcome of events as was the case in our current Suluk intrusion at Lahad Datu.

However, the long and extended lull between past events and the current Suluk intrusion at Lahad Datu could possibly have moved us



into complacency. The lessons of history seem to have been shelved when the foreigners i.e. Suluks have ease of passage in and out of Sabah with impunity to the total disregard of our immigration laws and process.

DIFFERENCESBETWEENMAF/RMP

Though the MAF and RMP constitute the backbone of our nation’s safety, security and law enforcement, it is not surprising that both agencies have many differences in its objectives and aspirations which also largely explain and contribute towards the different approaches in our training, concepts and approaches in handling our “enemies/targets”.

Having personally observed the operations of Lahad Datu, it is my personal opinion that the MAF/RMP could better maximize their collective output if there is optimum integration of skills and objectives as well as sharing of intelligence.

Allow me to quote Sun Tzu: “What enable the wise sovereign and the good general to strike and conquer, and achieve things beyond the reach of ordinary men, is foreknowledge.” In simple layman terms Sun Tzu is referring to “Spying or more appropriately in our modern context - Intelligence”.

SOMEWEAKNESSESNOTED

With the current convergence of efforts and focus on terrorism and urban warfare centred on Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear and explosives (CBRNe), it is no surprise that we have neglected our strength in guerrilla warfare which we have successfully deployed during the Communist Insurgency.

As is often quoted, Sun Tzu said: “Whoever is first in the field and awaits the coming of the enemy, will be fresh for the fight; whoever is second in the field and has to hasten to battle will arrive exhausted.”

In this context, it is also noted that our operatives must not only have a high level of skills but also the physical endurance necessary to carry

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them through the long drawn out war on the battle field. Their energy level and sustenance must be optimum to last the harsh terrain which will easily sap the toughest of soldiers.

Allow me to again quote Sun Tzu: “If you know the enemy and yourself, your victory will not stand in doubt; if you know Heaven and know Earth, you may make your victory complete.”

In stating Earth, Sun Tzu is merely referring to terrain and in our instance the terrain in Kg. Tanduo is better known to the Suluks - our enemy than us. Can I say that we are decisively at a disadvantage as our enemies not only have superior knowledge of the terrain but also the support of the local populace.

We must always bear in mind that there are not less than 100,000 Suluks in Sabah with even a sizable number in Peninsular Malaysia. May I ask, “Do we envisage any feeling of revenge or sympathy from the local Suluks for their kinsmen and their perception of negative propaganda that the Malaysian Government has been unfair to the Suluks.

POLICEINVESTIGATION

A major component often forgotten or neglected, if I may say, in any conflict or hostilities are the police investigation. Winning the war is not about killing as many as possible. There are those detained for “Intelligence” and the subsequent need to prosecute them which must be supported by admissible evidence.

In this regard, the massive logistical support of interrogators fluent in the linguistic skills of our enemies would be overwhelming and stretches our personnel to the limits. Careful analysis of recovered evidence such as phone chips could bring forth not only evidential value but also operational information which could prove vital to follow-up operations.

On the other hand, enemies slain in battlefield must be positively identified and documented to dispel any negative propaganda of mistreatment as had happened in Ops DAULAT where the Philippine media have played a significant role in distorted and emotional



reporting. In this respect, the police have put up a total of 73 intruders killed, 93 Investigation Papers with a total of 70 detainees charged as of 6/5/13.

Allow me to emphasize that since the repeal of the Internal Security Act 1960 (ISA), the power to detain a person without trial was relinquished in the larger interest of the nation. Though powers of investigation vested upon the police under Chapter 13 of the Criminal Procedure Code are available and subsist, the implication of the abolition of the ISA and detention without trial are manifold.

To start with, our current investigations are carried out under Chapter 6 of the Penal Code read with Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (SOSMA), which literally means that whoever arrested must be investigated within the maximum period of 28 days before he is produced in court. For a person to be charged in court, the police must procure “sufficient” admissible evidence to convince the Attorney General’s Chamber that the police have a case that merits trial.

Looking at the magnitude of the number of Investigation Papers put up, the intricate and delicate nature of offences investigated, the complexities of fulfilling the elements of offences charged, the police are definitely racing against time. As in every trial, each and every piece of evidence will be closely scrutinized by, not only, the presiding judges but also the defense counsel in the hope of rendering evidence tendered inadmissible with the ultimate aim of securing the acquittal of their clients.

CONCLUSION

Malaysia that have experienced among others colonisation, war, a severe communist insurgency and armed confrontation mounted by a close neighbour places a high premium upon peace, security and stability. Can we say that the Lahad Datu incident portray a serious security deficit in the eastern coastal areas of Sabah that needs to be remedied in a sustained and comprehensive fashion.

The knee-jerk and periodic spikes in the attention given to the situation in Sabah in response to specific incidents like piracy and kidnappings, and now armed intrusion, needs to be replaced by long-term and

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strategic measures to transform the security environment in the area. As our Honourable Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak aptly put it, Lahad Datu is a “wake-up call”.

The security problems in Sabah have been traditionally under-estimated. This has led to problems of illegal immigration and smuggling. Small armed groups can infiltrate with relative ease. The high population of non-citizens in Sabah poses a grave cause for concern though they may play an important economic role.

In this regard, the Eastern Sabah Security Command (ESSCOM) that has just been established will bring the much needed concerted civilian, police and military action to bear upon the complex problems prevailing on the ground. Besides population sweeps among the large alien population, there will have to be increased police presence and significant improvements in intelligence gathering, maritime surveillance and border control – “A Delicate Balancing Act.” May I in parting - ask that we ponder, “Why do 200 odd persons, think that they can take on a nation which have far superior logistics and fire power that easily dwarf them.” It is easily seen as a suicide mission.

THANKYOU

SpeechbyThe Honourable Mr Chuck Hagel

The United States Secretary of Defence

MiDASTalk5/2013


Ministry of Defence Auditorium, Kuala Lumpur25 August 2013

SpeechbyThe Honourable Mr Chuck Hagel

The United States Secretary of Defence

MiDASTalk5/2013


Ministry of Defence Auditorium, Kuala Lumpur25 August 2013

MIDAs DIGest 2013

the Honourable Mr Chuck HagelThe United States Secretary of Defence


General [William] Stevenson, thank you for your generous welcome and very kind introduction.

I’m honoured to be here this afternoon at the Malaysian Ministry of Defense and very much appreciate the warm hospitality of my friend, the Defense Minister for Malaysia, Minister Hishammuddin, who I have gotten to know over the last few months very well. And I very much appreciated the time that we had together this morning, as well as the time that I had with Prime Minister Najib.

Let me also acknowledge the guests that have come here for this event, including representatives from the American Malaysian Chamber of Commerce. And I’m particularly proud that Anne Marie Brooks, who was with me in the United States Senate for a few years, who has recently become a senior member of the Malaysian American Chamber of Commerce, and continues to work in her capacity to help build a stronger relationship between our two countries in so many ways. I’m very proud of her and the work that she is doing for both of our countries.

Having the opportunity to visit Kuala Lumpur just a few days before your celebration of independence, I’d like to particularly wish the people of Malaysia a happy Merdeka Day. And as you all know, next month marks 50 years since the formation of modern Malaysia.

At that time, President John F. Kennedy observed that both the United States and Malaysia are “unions composed of a number of states, stretching over great distances, drawn together in the interests of freedom and the well-being of our people.” These enduring realities underpin what President Kennedy called a special bond between the people of Malaysia and the people of the United States. Over the last half-century, this special bond has flourished into a robust diplomatic, economic and security relationship. We’re both multiethnic, multi-cultural, and multi-faith nations, where our peoples live together in harmony, despite their differences. Both our lands are blessed with abundant bounty and many natural resources that we have worked very hard to develop. And we are both trading nations, seeking to improve the lives of our people through the promotion of international commerce.

The United States and Malaysia are now significant regional and global partners, and our two countries share a diverse and expanding

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relationship in trade, investment, education and culture. Our two militaries are also cooperating more than ever before in areas such as maritime security, counterterrorism, non-proliferation, and responding to humanitarian crises and natural disasters. In the future, it’s clear that Malaysia will be playing an even more critical role in helping sustain Asia’s security and prosperity. The strong and thriving relationship of our two nations enjoy [is] a very special bond and a testament to the progress Malaysia and Southeast Asia have made over the last five decades.

Consider that in the years following Malaysia’s formation in 1963, Southeast Asia was a region plagued by conflict and poverty. There was the Emergency and then the konfrontasi between Malaysia and Indonesia, and diplomatic ties between Malaysia and the Philippines were suspended because of territorial disputes. On the mainland, the conflict between North and South Vietnam was escalating, with growing direct involvement by the United States. Millions of American troops -- including my brother, Tom, and me – would be deployed to fight in that long and bloody war. The repercussions were felt for many years afterwards, not only by the Vietnamese, Americans, and others who fought in the war, but also by nations throughout the region.

That period of turmoil and conflict has since given way to a new era, an era defined by growing stability, cooperation and prosperity for the region:

• Southeast Asia’s fast-growing economics and 600 million people now produce more than $2 trillion in goods and services every year, and the region has the world’s busiest trade routes and some of the busiest ports.

• The region is also home to emerging democracies, with

Myanmar’s ongoing transition the latest example of how governments across the region are becoming more responsive to the democratic wishes of their people.

• And Southeast Asia is playing a leading role in helping solve many regional challenges, with the 10 ASEAN nations strengthening key institutions that are helping foster cooperation among countries, and also maintaining stability, and resolving disputes peacefully.



The rise of the Asia Pacific is a tribute to the resilience, the energy, the entrepreneurial spirit of its people. The United States admires what you have achieved, and we are very proud and committed to continue our engagement in this region.

Since World War II, the U.S. has helped build a system of free and open commerce that has assisted in bringing stability to this part of the world. As we look to the future, it is clear that the Asia Pacific region will also help shape the trajectory of global security and prosperity. And because America recognizes that its future will be even more connected to this part of the world, we are rebalancing the weight of our global diplomatic, economic and security engagement toward the Asia Pacific.

Two months ago, in my remarks at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, I noted the logic and the principles of this broader strategy. Today, I want to share my perspective on how the United States is reinvigorating and reshaping its engagement with Southeast Asia. President Obama has made clear that the United States must not only rebalance toward Asia Pacific, it must also rebalance within the Asia Pacific to reflect Southeast Asia’s emerging prominence and importance.

As I said in Singapore, the rebalance should not be misinterpreted. The United States has alliances, interests and responsibilities across the globe. Within the Asia Pacific, our historic alliances in Northeast Asia with Japan and the Republic of Korea will remain cornerstones of regional and global security, particularly as we stand firm in the face of North Korea’s dangerous and destabilizing activities and provocations. But as political, economic and security trends across Southeast Asia evolve, the Obama administration is responding to the strong interests from leaders and publics for increased U.S. security cooperation, economic engagement, and support of ASEAN efforts to adhere to rules and norms in support of regional security and prosperity. This rebalance consists of new diplomatic initiatives.

Since President Obama took office in 2009, the United States has made major advances in the relationships in Southeast Asia and recognized the centrality of ASEAN, joining the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, holding annual ASEAN-U.S. leaders’ meetings, joining the East Asia Summit, appointing a resident ambassador to ASEAN, and standing up a permanent mission to ASEAN, making the

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United States the first non-ASEAN country to do so. I will be attending the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Plus Conference in Brunei later this week. A related diplomatic initiative is our carefully calibrated engagement with Myanmar, as it pursues political and economic reforms. President Obama has expressed our support for Burma’s turn toward democracy, through his historic visit to the country last year and his hosting of President Thein Sein in the Oval Office earlier this year. This week, I will have the opportunity to meet for the first time with my Burmese counterpart at the ASEAN Defense Minister Plus Meeting. My upcoming visit to the ADMM-Plus, and my travel to Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines this week, is an example of how the United States is engaging in defense diplomacy – defense diplomacy in this region. My predecessor, Secretary Gates, attended the inaugural ADMM-Plus in Hanoi in 2010, and we began holding annual ASEAN-U.S. Defense Ministers’ informal dialogues in 2011. I’ve invited ASEAN defense ministers to Hawaii next year for the first-ever U.S.-hosted meeting of this important group of partners. Other senior officials across the United States Government are also making travel to Southeast Asia a top priority.

Earlier this summer, Secretary of State Kerry travelled to Brunei. Secretary Kerry was in Brunei to meet with his ASEAN counterparts. Secretary of Health and Human Services Sebelius visited Thailand and Vietnam. And Vice President Biden travelled to India and Singapore recently. The United States trade representative, Mike Froman, was just in Brunei for talks with other ASEAN economic officials. And this fall, President Obama intends to make his sixth trip to Asia and visit Southeast Asia for the fifth time. In addition to the APEC summit and ASEAN leaders’ summit, his itinerary includes the Global Entrepreneurship Summit here in Kuala Lumpur, where he will be accompanied by our new secretary of commerce, Penny Pritzker, as well as American corporate leaders, entrepreneurs, innovators, educators and investors. The Obama administration has made engagement in this region a priority, a priority because we believe more robust ties with ASEAN countries are very important to America’s economic growth. Last November, President Obama and the 10 ASEAN leaders launched the expanded economic engagement initiative, which is helping boost trade and investment and create new business opportunities and jobs in all 11 countries.



A related effort is the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a high-standard trade agreement. This agreement will eliminate market access barriers to goods and services and establish a stronger rules-based economic framework for Asia Pacific nations. The United States welcomes Malaysia’s decision to join these negotiations, which partnership nations are trying to complete by the APEC Summit in October.

The United States also strongly supports ASEAN’s own economic integration goals, its vision of increased political cohesion, and security cooperation, including the launch of the ASEAN community in 2015, during Malaysia’s chairmanship. This summer in Brunei, Secretary Kerry pledged that the United States will continue to invest significantly in technical assistance to support this effort. We are strongly supportive of ASEAN’s success.

These diplomatic and economic initiatives are designed to bring greater prosperity to all of our nations by building trade and investment, increasing our cultural and societal ties, educating our people, and fostering innovation to provide better health care, more renewable energy, and a sustainable environment. But success in every one of these areas is underpinned by peace and security. The security of our nations help to ensure that people enjoy sustained prosperity. The U.S. and regional defense and security cooperation supports the diplomatic, economic and cultural goals that we all share and we all work toward.

Security is a critical foundation of prosperity. Trade cannot flourish in waters that are contested by force; societies cannot thrive under the threat of terrorism; and commerce cannot be sustained in areas devastated by natural disasters.

The security and prosperity of Southeast Asia – like all regions of the world – will depend on how we confront persistent and emerging threats, including terrorism; weapons proliferation; the illicit trafficking of people, drugs, protected wildlife, and dangerous materials; the growing threat of disruptions in space and cyberspace; natural disasters and environmental degradation; competing maritime claims; the curse of poverty and disease; and ethnic strife.

Our Southeast Asian partners recognize that these complex threats and challenges cannot be resolved by any single country. They require bilateral and multilateral political will and capability to

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confront them. A key component of U.S. security strategy is to help nations and institutions across Southeast Asia improve their capabilities to address these threats. One of the most important ways in which we do this is through joint military exercises and engagements. These build trust, let us exchange best practices, and better prepare our militaries to work together in response to crises. As part of the rebalance, we are making these exercises more robust and inclusive. Last month’s successful Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training exercise with Malaysia incorporated the USS Freedom, a new Littoral Combat Ship now deployed in Singapore. This exercise built on last year’s first-ever visit to Sabah by a U.S. Navy aircraft carrier, the USS John C. Stennis.

We’re including more nations across the region in these exercises, as we have done with Cobra Gold. What began as a bilateral military exercise between the United States and our treaty ally Thailand in 1980 has since evolved into a large multilateral exercise involving more than 13,000 personnel from the United States, Thailand, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, and South Korea, all training together in areas such as jungle warfare, counter-proliferation, and combined arms.

Another example is RIMPAC, the U.S. Navy’s largest multilateral exercise, which features 46 navy vessels, 200 aircraft, and over 25,000 personnel. India joined this exercise in 2012, and in 2014, Brunei and China will participate for the first time. Over the past year, the United States has placed a priority on sustaining these exercises and engagements during a period of unprecedented budget turmoil at home. Despite these fiscal challenges, we will continue to strengthen these exercises and engagements, particularly as the end of the war in Iraq and the drawdown in Afghanistan allow us to shift focus and capacity from these wars to our presence in the Asia Pacific. The U.S. is helping its partners improve their capabilities by providing new defense technology and equipment. Our most recent budget includes $90 million for Foreign Military Financing and International Military Education and Training programs in Southeast Asia, an increase of more than 50 percent compared to four years ago.

We’re also increasing commercial defense trade and ultimately envision moving towards co-production and co-development of new



platforms with our closest partners in the region. This will allow us to share American technology and expertise which will further deepen our security partnerships. We are currently working with Japan and Singapore on these kinds of initiatives, and we are looking to expand this important engagement with other countries in the region.

In addition to helping improve the capabilities of our Southeast Asian partners, we’re encouraging them to cooperate more effectively with each other and other nations in the region, including our close allies Australia, Japan, and South Korea, as well as emerging powers, like China and India.

This multilateral cooperation is essential to meeting transnational security challenges. For example, counter-piracy efforts in the Straits of Malacca, those were largely ineffective, until Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, and Singapore began cooperating routinely to share information and coordinate patrols. Now this threat has been virtually eradicated.

To further this kind of cooperation, we are making new investments in the Asia-Pacific region’s growing security architecture, particularly the ASEAN-led institutions like the ADMM-Plus, which is now Asia’s primary multilateral defense ministerial. Enhancing U.S. contributions to regional institutions is a key pillar of our strategy in the region. Over the past three years, the ADMM-Plus has demonstrated remarkable progress. This year, the ADMM-Plus is hosting its first-ever multinational field exercises in three areas – humanitarian assistance/disaster relief and military medicine; counterterrorism; and maritime security. The just-concluded humanitarian assistance and disaster relief exercises hosted by Brunei – involving 18 nations and more than 3,000 troops – were very successful and were an example of the promise of the ADMM-Plus to facilitate these increasingly complex and real-world exercises.

While this cooperation is encouraging, we cannot lose focus on what still remains to be accomplished. For regional security institutions like the ADMM-Plus to successfully achieve tangible solutions to shared problems and build a common framework for overcoming differences, much more hard work will be required, including at this week’s meetings in Brunei.

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Two particular areas I want to focus on in our discussions this week in Brunei will be cyber security and maritime security, both of which are complex regional issues that stand directly at the intersection of security and prosperity. Disruptions to either domain could put lives at risk and threaten our economies, like a cyber attack inflicted on banking networks and critical infrastructure or a naval confrontation in disputed waters.

ASEAN institutions have an important role to play in reducing risks in these areas. Forums like the ADMM-Plus can be part of the process to establish norms of behaviour in cyberspace. The United States is helping nations across the region bolster their cyber defenses to make sure we are protected against cyber threats and to reduce the risks stemming from cyber attacks, but ultimately there is no substitute for effective regional cooperation that establishes strong rules of the road.

On maritime security, the United States is troubled by the increase in tensions and incidents in waters throughout the region, including in the South China Sea. We continue to call on all parties to exercise restraint, in keeping with the 2002 Declaration of Conduct, and to resolve any incidents peacefully, without use of intimidation, coercion or aggression.

We have made clear that we strongly support ASEAN’s efforts to start formal negotiations on a binding Code of Conduct for the South China Sea. As for the underlying claims, we support peaceful means of settling territorial disputes consistent with international law, including the Law of the Sea.

We must not let disagreements in areas like maritime security undermine the tremendous progress this region has made over the recent decade. Instead, we should ensure that ADMM-Plus emerges as a venue where nations put aside animosity in favour of practical cooperation, where leaders discuss their differences candidly and transparently, where our military officers can share best practices, and where young soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines of many nations can get to know one another through regular joint exercises, side by side.

A strong ADMM-Plus supports our vision for a future of shared peace and prosperity, in a world where nations of the Asia Pacific region – including the United States and the ASEAN community – are bound



together by strong economic ties, mutual security interests, and respect for rules, norms, and the institutions that underpin them.

No security architecture in Southeast Asia can succeed without the active involvement and participation of the two large emerging powers that border this region, China and India. As part of our rebalance, the United States is committed to pursuing a positive and constructive relationship with China. We have very open discussions with China, including a productive visit last week by my counterpart, Defense Minister General Chang, whom I hosted at the Pentagon. He and I agreed that we must increase our cooperation and our mutual understanding, including through more defense exercises and the recently established U.S.-China Cyber Working Group. And we continue to encourage China to work toward greater transparency.

We are clear-eyed about the challenges of the U.S.-China relationship and will continue to work to implement through dialogue and engagement the vision laid out by our two leaders at their June meeting in California. I enthusiastically accepted General Chang’s invitation to visit China next year, and I look forward to further progress in this relationship in the months ahead.

The United States is also building on our close partnership with India. I had a very positive meeting with Indian National Security Advisor Menon last week in Washington. India’s role as a stabilizing power in the region is of growing importance with the increase of trade and transit between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. The United States considers India’s efforts to enhance its military capabilities a welcome contribution to security in the region, and we are working to move our defense trade relationship from that of a buyer-seller to one of co-development and co-production. This will be on the agenda for Prime Minister Singh’s upcoming visit to the United States, which was announced last week.

Together, the United States and all the nations of this region are defining a new future, one where we embrace the obligation to conduct ourselves responsibly and identify ways to work together to solve common challenges. In that spirit of cooperation, we can ensure that the peace and prosperity that this region has so far experienced will continue into the future.

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I’d like to close my remarks today with a story that reflects the complex but hopeful history of this region and our shared hope for a better future for all of us. It is the story of a young man named H.B. Le, who was born in Vietnam and was only 5 years old when the North Vietnamese army overran Saigon. He and his family fled, like thousands of others, on overcrowded fishing trawlers. One of those trawlers was commanded by his father, who was an officer in the South Vietnamese Navy.

They were rescued by a U.S. Navy ship and resettled just outside Washington, D.C., where H.B. and his many brothers and sisters grew up. It was nearly 35 years before H.B. returned to Vietnam, no longer a child or a refugee, but instead the commander of a United States Navy destroyer on a goodwill port visit to Da Nang.

Commander H.B. Le’s story is a testimony to the strength and resilience of the United States, Vietnam, and nations across the region, and I’m very proud that he now serves as one of my military assistants. In fact, he’s accompanying me on this trip, and he is here with us today.

Commander Le, please stand up. Thank you.

H.B.’s presence here, and his story, is evidence of people determining their own future, and moving beyond the past, and embracing the promise of a more secure and prosperous future for all people. Whether the future of Commander H.B. Le is the future for all of Asia depends on what we all do today, at this time, at this time in history, as we define our own destinies. Thank you all for being part of that effort and for helping us build a better world for all our people for the 21st century.

Thankyouverymuch.Thankyou.

SpeechbyThe Honourable Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail

Attorney General of Malaysia

MiDASTalk6/2013


Hotel Prince and Residence, Kuala Lumpur18 December 2013

SpeechbyThe Honourable Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail

Attorney General of Malaysia

MiDASTalk6/2013


Hotel Prince and Residence, Kuala Lumpur18 December 2013

MIDAs DIGest 2013

the Honourable tan sri Abdul Gani PatailAttorney General of Malaysia


INTRODUCTION

Ladies and gentlemen,

AssalamualaikumWarahmatullahiWabarakatuhand a very good morning.

First of all, allow me to express my gratitude to Malaysian Institute of Defence and Security (MiDAS) for inviting me to this momentous occasion. I am indeed very delighted to be here today at the Malaysian Institute of Defence and Security (MiDAS) Talk 6/2013.

I was asked to talk on The Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 or SOSMA for short, which came into force on 31st July, 2012 particularly on its implication on defence and security. SOSMA and Malaysia’s security threat are interlinked.

SOSMA addresses the security concern of Malaysia by classifying two chapters of the Penal Code as security offence i.e Chapter VI – Offences Against The State and Chapter VIA – Offences Relating to Terrorism. The two chapters are so directly linked to the matter of defence and security.

PROCEDURALPROVISIONSOFSOSMA

SOSMA 2012 has often been misconstrued as a substantive law that provides penal offences and their punishments. On the contrary, SOSMA as a procedural law only prescribes the method of trial to be followed and all matters incidental thereto such as arrest, investigation, bail, etc to implement the substantive law.

PowerofArrestandDetention

SOSMA as a piece of procedural legislation has included a number of notable provisions that has huge influence on the matter of defence and security. Part II of SOSMA 2012 provides special powers for arrest and detention on security offences. On the power to make an arrest, section 4 of SOSMA empowers the police to extend the normal 24 hours arrest without remand up to 28 days for the purpose of investigation.

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Section 5 of the Act entitles any person arrested or detained to immediately notify his next-of-kin on the arrest and to consult a legal practitioner of his choice. The exercise of these rights however, may be delayed for not more than 48 hours if there are any reasonable grounds for believing that the exercise of that right will interfere with evidence connected to security offence, or that it will lead to harm to another or that it will lead to the alerting of other person suspected of having committed such an offence but who are not yet arrested.

PowertoInterceptCommunication

Modern investigation’s techniques are incorporated in SOSMA 2012 such as the power to intercept communication. Such exercise is efficient not only upon procurement of high-tech gadgets and infrastructures but will become effective only with good coordination and sharing of intelligence amongst all relevant quarters.

The power to intercept communication under SOSMA can be done even without prior authorization by the Public Prosecutor in urgent and sudden cases where immediate action is required leaving no moment of deliberation. The Public Prosecutor nevertheless, shall be immediately informed of interception and the exercise will be deemed to have acted under the authorization of the Public Prosecutor.

SpecialProceduresRelatingtoSensitiveInformation

Most of the intelligence gathered on security offences is highly sensitive and classified as its exposure can compromise the ongoing operation and threatened the lives of people involved in it. Such is the reason behind the un-readiness of many enforcement agencies to allow the intelligence to be shared and adduced in courts of law. Nevertheless, it must be understood that the best evidence are often derived from the classified information and helps in the prosecution of those accused under the offences. Having said so, protection of sensitive information especially when it involves matter of defence and national security is ensured under the provisions of SOSMA.

Part IV of SOSMA 2013 talks about special procedures in dealing with sensitive information as defined under section 3 of the Act to be disclosed and used as evidence in court either by the prosecution, the accused or in any event sensitive information arises during trial.



In summary, the provisions under section 8 to section 10 in SOSMA will ensure that no classified or sensitive information to be exposed neither to the accused nor the public or to be revealed by the accused as his defence during trial. Should in any event the sensitive information must be disclosed then the trial will be held in camera so as to preserve its confidentiality.

Section 11 of the Act provides that no courts may compel the Public Prosecutor to produce any statements that contain sensitive information or summary of the sensitive information if the Home Minister certifies that the production of the statement or summary is prejudicial to national security or national interest.

DenialofBail

Section 13 of the Act provides that no bail shall be granted for a person charged with a security offence irrespective of whether such a person is under the age of eighteen-year-old, a woman or sick or an infirm person; being a category of people normally released on bail making it an exception for a no-bail-rule for those who are charged with security offences under Chapter VIA of the Penal Code.

SpecialProceduresrelatingtoProtectedWitness

Part VI of SOSMA 2012 provides for witness protection. Section 14 to section 16 of the Act enlisted special procedures relating to the manner a protected witness may give evidence in court, to be identified during the trial and the protection as to his identity. This is vital considering the extend of violence demonstrated in the Lahad Datu’s intrusion for example and the possibility of revenge by the followers or sympathizers of the accused simply cannot be ignored.

In general, evidence of protected witness shall be given in such manner that he would not be visible to the accused and his counsel, but would be visible to the court; and if the witness fears that his voice may be recognized, his evidence shall be given in such manner that he would not be heard by the accused and his counsel. The court may also disallow such questions to be put to the witness as to his name, address, age, occupation, race or other particulars or such other questions as in the opinion of the court would lead to the witness’s identification.

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Section 28 of the Act provides for the identity of the informer to be equally protected. No record that may compromise the identity of a protected witness may be allowed to be made. Any breach of this provision may result to a custodial sentence for a term of not more than 5 years and shall also be liable to a fine of not more than RM10, 000.00.

In PP v. HASSAN HJ. ALI BASRI [2013] 1 LNS 717 wherein Kpl Hassan, an RMP personnel attached to the Special Branch (SB) and a Semporna local was charged under section 130M of the Penal Code for hiding information relating to the impending intrusion by the so-called “Royal Sulu Sultanate Army” in Kampung Tanduo, Lahad Datu, Sabah, the High Court Judge has granted “protected witness” status to two prosecution witnesses who were thenceforth known as Protected Witness No. 1 (P.W. 1) and Protected Witness No. 2 (P.W. 2). The Judge has also made the following ruling:

“I deliberately did not record the questions I posed to the witnesses or their answers during the inquiry in the notes of proceedings as that could give clues to their identity. It should be noted that even during cross-examination, questions that could lead to the identification of a protected witness are barred (see section 14(4) of the SOSMA). When the protected witnesses gave evidence, they were not visible to the accused and his counsel. The protected witnesses had been placed in a secured room in the court premises. The secured room was connected to the Open Court via a video and audio link. The video images were displayed only on the computer screen of the Judge. The audio link was made available to the Judge, DPP and the court interpreter. The questions of the DPP and counsel for accused were posed to the protected witnesses through the court interpreter who relayed the questions through the audio link to the protected witnesses. The answers of the witnesses were also relayed back to the court through the same manner. This procedure was adopted in order to comply with section 14(3) that I reproduced above.”

Kpl. Hassan was found guilty on 6th of August, 2013 and was sentenced to 7 years of imprisonment by the High Court in Kota Kinabalu.

ProtectionofInformer

SOSMA also provides for the protection of informer and under section 28 it is provided that no complaint by an informer as to a security



offence under the Act shall be admitted in evidence in any civil or criminal proceeding whatsoever, and no witness shall be obliged or permitted to disclose the name or address of any informer, or state any matter which might lead to his discovery.

Sub-section (2) of section 28 further provides that if any books, documents or papers which are in evidence or liable to inspection in any civil or criminal proceeding whatsoever contain any entry in which any informer is named or described or which might lead to his discovery, the court before which the proceeding is had shall cause all such passages to be concealed from view or to be obliterated so far as is necessary to protect the informer from discovery.

Evidence

Part VII of SOSMA 2012 covering section 17 to section 26 are enacted to enable the admission of evidence in court contrary to the normal criminal proceedings.

Section 20 provides for all documents seized during a raid or in the course of investigation and the contents of the documents shall be admissible as evidence whereas section 22 make way for search list of all documents and things seized during a raid to be admissible as evidence in court to prove the existence of the documents and things seized that were not produced in court due to the nature of the documents and things.

Section 23 further provides for the non-production of the actual exhibit protected under sections 8 and 11 shall not be prejudicial to the prosecution’s case. These provisions under SOSMA helps to preserve the confidentiality of any sensitive documents intended to be used by the prosecution during the trial without the necessity of having it tendered and risked of being compromised with.

In any case where a person is charged for a security offence, any information obtained through an interception of communication under section 6 shall be admissible as evidence at his trial and no person or police officer shall be under any duty, obligation or liability or be in any manner compelled to disclose in any proceedings the procedure, method, manner or any means or devices, or any matter whatsoever with regard to the manner the interception is being carried out. This is to ensure that the method of operation is not exposed and dampen future operations.

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Another departure from standard practice under SOSMA 2013 is that evidence of the identification of an accused or other person prior to the trial shall be admissible as evidence even though the identification was by photographs or other methods or held in circumstances in which the witness identifying the accused or other person is not visible to such accused or other person. This makes an exemption for the witnesses especially protected ones from risk of exposing their identities to the accused should they were required to identify the perpetrators through a normal identification parade.

These departures from the general rule on admissibility of evidence during trial are made in recognition of the fact that these provisions will come in handy to assist investigation and gathering of evidence in ground zero when the offensive is still ongoing. In the Lahad Datu’ intrusion for instance, the investigative officers (IO) from the RMP were tested for the first time to carry out investigations and making sure that every piece of evidence gathered is preserved when at the same time members of the Armed Forces were engrossed in the operations to flush out and disarm the intruders.

The Lahad Datu’s standoff posed serious threat to the security and sovereignty of our Nation; as such failure to bring those responsible to justice is not an option. Having said so, there are few notable obstacles in the application of SOSMA in the investigative side. In order to remedy that, section 17 expressly excludes the provisions in Evidence Act 1950 where there is inconsistency of Part VII of SOSMA and Evidence Act. The principle of generalia specialibus non derogant applies in Section 17 of SOSMA: where a specific provision in a specific statute overrides a general provision in a general statute. Therefore, any subsequent provision come under Part VII of SOSMA is not invalidated by the Evidence Act due to its inconsistency.

DetentionPendingExhaustionofLegalProcess

Under Section 30 of SOSMA, it is provided that notwithstanding Article 9 of the Federal Constitution, if the trial court acquits an accused of a security offence the Public Prosecutor may make an oral application to the court for the accused to be remanded in prison pending a notice of appeal to be filed against his acquittal by the Public Prosecutor. Upon application by the Public Prosecutor under subsection, the court shall remand the accused in prison pending the filing of the notice of appeal. When the Public Prosecutor files a



notice of appeal against the acquittal, the Public Prosecutor may apply to the trial court for an order to commit the accused remanded in custody of the police to prison pending the disposal of the appeal. Upon application by the Public Prosecutor under subsection (3), the court shall commit the accused to prison pending the disposal of the appeal.

If the appeal of the Public Prosecutor is dismissed and the order of acquittal is affirmed, the Public Prosecutor may make an oral application to the court for the accused to be remanded in prison pending a notice of appeal to be filed against the decision of the Court of Appeal by the Public Prosecutor. Upon application by the Public Prosecutor under subsection (5), the court shall remand the accused in prison pending the filing of the notice of appeal. An accused committed to prison under this section shall be held until all appeals are disposed of.

Continued detention upon application of the Public Prosecutor pending disposal and exhaustion of appeal process is one of the most distinct features of SOSMA 2012. This is necessary as to ensure that no chances for a person accused of the security offence to flee the jurisdiction especially if he is a non-citizen. Should there be no such safeguard under SOSMA, the defence and security of our Country would be in jeopardy.

A person detained under SOSMA 2012 may also be released after being arrested and upon application by the Public Prosecutor under section 4, the Court shall order the person to be attached with an electronic monitoring device for a period as the Court may determine but which shall not exceed the remainder of the period of detention allowed under subsection 4(5) which is twenty-eight days for purposes of investigation. The suspect can be effectively monitored with the assistance of the monitoring device and the incident such as in Yazid Sufaat’s case where his accomplice Halimah binti Hussin, a religious teacher who was charged with abetting Yazid in the same case was issued with a warrant of arrest by the Court of Appeal for her failure to appear in court after she was released by the High Court.

SECURITYOFFENCESUNDERPENALCODE

Alongside the enactment of this legislation, major amendments to the Penal Code and Criminal Procedure Code were also made. The

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intention of these amendments is to make consistent the provisions of the Penal Code and Criminal Procedure Code with the SOSMA. The amendments to the Penal Code provide for new offences including activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy, sabotage, espionage and organized crime as well changes to the existing provisions on conspiracy. Amendments were also proposed to the Criminal Procedure Code to bring in line the provisions of the SOSMA. These amendments principally touch on interception, definition of ‘communication’, search and seizure without warrant, attachment of an electronic monitoring device, meaning of an electronic monitoring device and access to computerized data.

The introduction of these parallel amendments to Malaysia’s Penal Code is aimed to enhance its counterterrorism capacities following the introduction of SOSMA to replace the ISA. The Code was amended to introduce 13 new offences into Chapter VI (Offences against the State). 7 of these are new offences namely activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy, attempt to commit activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy, dissemination of information, sabotage, attempt to commit sabotage, espionage and attempt to commit espionage. Section 124D, 124E, 124F, 124G, 124I and 124J deal with offences which used to be in the Internal Security Act 1960 but with modifications.

There are two chapters under the Penal Code that provide for security offences. Chapter VI ranging from section 121 to section 130A covers offences against the State while Chapter VIA starting from section 130B to section 130T spells out offences relating to terrorism. Offences listed under both of these chapters are extra-territorial in nature.

Section 3 defines “security offences” to mean the offences specified in the First Schedule. Two categories of security offences are listed in the First Schedule. Both categories are also found in the Penal Code. The first category is “Offences against the State” which appears in Chapter VI of the Penal Code, that is, from Sections 121 to 130A. The second category is “Offences relating to Terrorism” which can be found in Chapter VI A of the Penal Code, that is, from Sections 130B to 130T.

“Offences against the State” includes waging or attempting to wage war against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Rulers or Yang di-Pertuan Negeri (“the Rulers”), hurting the Rulers, deposing the Rulers,



overthrowing by criminal force the government of Malaysia or of any of the states, assaulting Members of Parliament or State Legislative Assemblymen in their exercise of their duties and activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy. All these offences share a common theme of force being used or intended to be used in order to obtain their objectives, which are to overthrow the government or to harm members of the different branches of government.

“Offences relating to terrorism” concern acts of “terrorist”, who is defined as a person who commits or attempts to commit any terrorist act or participates in or facilitates the commission of any terrorist act. Section 130B (2) of the Penal Code defines a “terrorist act” to mean “an act or threat of action within or beyond Malaysia” where -

• act done or threat made with the intention of advancing a political, religious or ideological cause; and

• act or threat is intended or may reasonably be regarded as being intended to:i. intimidate the public or a section of it; orii. Influence or compel any government, whether in Malaysia

or elsewhere, or any international organization to do or refrain from doing any act.

Under Section 130 B(3) an act or threat of action includes causing death, serious bodily injury, serious damage to property, use of firearms, interference with any computer or communication systems, interference with police, or actions which prejudice national security or public safety. The specific terrorist offences provided for in the Penal Code from sections 130C to 130T include committing terrorist acts, providing explosives, recruiting persons to join terrorist groups, providing training or facilities to terrorists, giving of support, directing terrorist activities and criminal conspiracy.

In a nutshell, both Chapter VI and VIA of the Code provides us with adequate provisions for both high intensity conflict and low intensity conflict to tackle security offences and to prevent security breach.

The notorious Al-Mau’nah’s case of PUBLIC PROSECUTOR v MOHD AMIN BIN MOHD RAZALI & ORS for example, is one of the cases where the charges were framed under this section and tried under ESCAR

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- Essential (Security Cases) Regulations which was introduced on October 4, 1975 prior to SOSMA.

The Al-Mau’nah’s incident was Malaysia’s largest military weapon heist that turned into a hostage crisis and a 5-day standoff with the police and army. On July 2nd 2000, 15 men disguised as high-ranking army officers stole over 100 military-grade weapons and thousands of ammunition rounds from two Malaysian army camps. Police suspect the weapons were for regional terrorist groups. But not far from the crime scenes, Sauk villagers report gunfire behind their school.

Two Special Branch police officers were sent to investigate but end up as hostages instead. In the unfolding crisis, more hostages are taken, two of them tortured and murdered.

Malaysian police and army intelligence reveal the Al-Ma’unah, an Islamic deviationist cult responsible for the heist and hostages. Psychological warfare is used to persuade the cult to surrender peacefully. But an ultimatum from Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad to end the hostage crisis by Day 5, leads to a police-army confrontation with Mohamad Amin, leader of Al-Ma’unah.

The court held among others that the specific role played by an accused person in a rebellion or in the staging of an insurrection, as in the present case, was not a vital ingredient to be proved. All the accused persons, as members of the Al-Ma’unah group who had gathered at Bukit Jenalik regardless of their degree of involvement, were responsible in the commission of the offence of waging war against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. Its leader Mohd Amin Bin Mohd Razali and 2 of his right-hand men were sentenced to death while sixteen other Al-Mau’nah members are now serving life-imprisonment.

The following are some other offences under Chapter VI of the Code that involve high intensity conflicts:

Section 121A Offences against the person of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Ruler or Yang di-Pertua Negeri.

• Section 122 Collecting arms, etc., with the intention of waging war against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, a Ruler or Yang di-Pertua Negeri.



• Section 123 Concealing with intent to facilitate a design to wage war.

• Section 125 Waging war against any power in alliance with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

• Section 125A Harbouring or attempting to harbour any person in Malaysia or person residing in a foreign State at war or in hostility against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

• Section 128 Public servant voluntarily allowing prisoner of State or war in his custody to escape.

• Section 129 Public servant negligently suffering prisoner of State or war in his custody to escape.

• Section 130 Aiding escape of, rescuing, or harbouring such prisoner.

Offences involving low intensity conflict among others are offences relating to terrorism, espionage, sabotage and activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy (subversive).

The provisions in SOSMA were invoked for the first time in the case of Yazid Sufaat, Halimah binti Hussien and Muhammad Hilmi bin Hasim upon their arrest for the offence of promoting the commission of terrorists act under section 130G(a) of the Penal Code.

The High Court Judge Kamardin Hashim however, ruled that the Act could not be used against the three, as it went beyond the scope of Article 149 of the Federal Constitution, which covered only domestic terrorism. He also ruled that SOSMA could not be used as a procedure to prove the charge against Yazid, 49, Muhammad Hilmi, 33, and Halimah, 52.

The decision was appealed by the Attorney-General’s Chambers and the Court of Appeal has ordered the terrorism case of former Internal Security Act (ISA) detainee Yazid Sufaat to be remitted back to the Kuala Lumpur High Court and to be heard before a new High Court Judge. The panel led by Justice Abu Samah Nordin allowed the prosecution’s appeal against the Kuala Lumpur High Court’s decision to acquit and discharge Yazid and cafeteria helper Muhammad Hilmi

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Hasim of charges of promoting acts of terrorism in strife-torn Syria. The panel, which also included Justices Zawawi Salleh and Azhar Mohamed ruled among others that the learned judge had erred in his interpretation of the charges and failed to give cognizance that the charge against the respondents (Yazid and Muhammad Hilmi) are within the scope of Article 149 of the Constitution. The Court of Appeal had also, on May 31, issued a warrant of arrest for Halimah, who is the second respondent in the prosecution’s appeal and has so far failed to appear in court.

Yazid who graduated from the California State University, Sacramento in 1987 with a degree in biochemistry served in the Malaysian army as a medical technician, reaching the rank of Captain was detained under the ISA in 2001 for seven years on suspicion of being involved with the Jemaah Islamiyah militant group believed to be one of al-Qaeda’s main anthrax researchers.

Another example of offence relating to terrorism prosecuted under SOSMA is Public Prosecutor v. Kpl/D Hassan bin Hj. Ali Basri. Kpl Hassan, an RMP personnel attached to the Special Branch (SB) and a Semporna local was charged under section 130Mof the Penal Code for hiding information relating to the impending intrusion by the so-called “Royal Sulu Sultanate Army” in Kampung Tanduo, Lahad Datu, Sabah. He was found guilty on 6th of August, 2013 and was sentenced to 7 years of imprisonment by the High Court in Kota Kinabalu.

PUBLIC PROSECUTOR v ATIK HUSSIN BIN ABU BAKAR & 29 OTHERS is another case involving Lahad Datu’s intrusion wherein twenty-two accused are charged with the offence of waging war against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and as members of a terrorist group. One of the accused is charged under section 130E of the Penal Code for recruiting persons to be members of terrorist groups and under section 130K for harbouring persons committing terrorist acts. Five other accused are charged under section 130KA while the rest of them are charged under section 130K read with section 511 of the Penal Code. The case is scheduled for trial at the High Court in Kota Kinabalu on January and February, 2014.

It is undeniable that one of the most effective ways to gather data and information about the enemy or potential enemy is by infiltrating the enemy’s ranks. This is the job of the spy (espionage agent). Spies can bring back all sorts of information concerning the size and



strength of an enemy army. They can also find dissidents within the enemy’s forces and influence them to defect. Nearly every country has very strict laws concerning espionage, and the penalty for being caught is often severe. In order to further strengthen the law to combat security offences, espionage has also been made as a security offence after the amendment to the Penal Code with the insertion of Section 124M and section 124N in Chapter VI.

Section124K and section 124L in Chapter VI of the Penal Code made an offence any act of sabotage or any act preparatory thereto shall be punished with imprisonment from fifteen years up to life imprisonment.

The Code was also amended by inserting section 124B and 124C that made it a criminal offence for any activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy or any attempt to commit activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy which was an offence under the repealed Internal Security Act. Section 124B provides for whoever, by any means, directly or indirectly, commits an activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy shall be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to twenty years. Any attempts to commit an activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy or does any act preparatory to it is punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to fifteen years under section 124C.

We shall not forget the case of Karam Singh s/o Kaher Singh where the Legal Adviser of the Malayan Workers’ Welfare Society (MWWS) was detained under section 8(1)(a) of the ISA for openly support the armed struggle of the illegal Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) and assisted one Zainuddin Karim a leading member of an organisation known as the Pusat Perjuangan Kebangsaan Rakyat Malaysia, an illegal pro-Indonesian underground organisation dedicated to the violent overthrow of the Malaysian Government by providing him with funds to secretly exfiltrate to Indonesia to join forces with the anti-Malaysia elements there in their ‘crush MALAYSIA’ campaign.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, the introduction of SOSMA 2012 empowers the Armed Forces and other enforcement agencies in this Country to acquire and develop intelligence on internal and external threats to the

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nation. SOSMA’s implication to the defence and security cannot be underestimated. In essence SOSMA was designed to address the very issue at the heart of defence and security. Malaysian security forces namely the Armed Forces and the Police must truly understand and appreciate the operation of SOSMA in the legal landscape in order to assist prosecutors in cases involving act of warfare, terrorism, subversive, espionage and sabotage.

Thankyou

KeynoteAddressbyThe Right Honourable Tan Sri Dato’ Hj Muhyiddin Hj Mohd Yassin

Deputy Prime Minister Malaysia

MiDASConference2013


Istana Hotel, Kuala Lumpur28 November 2013

KeynoteAddressbyThe Right Honourable Tan Sri Dato’ Hj Muhyiddin Hj Mohd Yassin

Deputy Prime Minister Malaysia

MiDASConference2013


Istana Hotel, Kuala Lumpur28 November 2013

MIDAs DIGest 2013

the Right Honourable tan sri Dato’ Hj Muhyiddin Hj Mohd YassinDeputy Prime Minister Malaysia


INTRODUCTIONANDSALUTATION

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim, Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh. Salam Sejahtera dan Salam 1 Malaysia.

Selamat Datang ke konferensi ke-2 Institut Pertahanan dan Keselamatan Malaysia (MiDAS). Saya telah dimaklumkan bahawa YAB Perdana Menteri, Dato’ Seri Najib Tun Razak pada majlis yang sama pada September 2011, telah menyampaikan ucaptama pada konferensi MiDAS yang pertama. Pada konferensi yang lalu kita telah membincangkan isu bertemakan “Memperkukuh Pertahanan dan Keselamatan Nasional: Suatu Sorotan” (“Reinforcing National Defence and Security: A Revisit”). Pada hari ini kita berkumpul sekali lagi untuk menggarap satu lagi isu penting melibatkan Negara iaitu hasrat untuk mencapai status Negara Maju melalui Ketahanan Nasional (National Resilience). Tema konferensi pada kali ini iaitu ‘Memperkukuh Ketahanan Nasional’ (Strengthening National Resilience) adalah sejajar dengan tajuk ucaptama ini iaitu ‘Ketahanan Nasional kearah mencapai Negara Maju’ (‘National Resilence towards a Developed Nation’) yang sangat bersesuaian dengan situasi masakini. Dalam usaha mencapai kearah matlamat ini, pelbagai bentuk cabaran dan rintangan perlu negara hadapi termasuk situasi keselamatan yang tidak menentu pada abad ini.

Hadirin sekalian, sepertimana yang kita maklum bahawa negara telah melancarkan Program Transformasi Kerajaan (Government Transformation Programme) dan juga Model Ekonomi Baru (New Economic Model) bagi menggerak dan mendorong usaha negara kearah mencapai status negara maju pada tahun 2020, yang mana kurang tujuh tahun daripada sekarang. Bagi mencapai aspirasi ini, usaha ini memerlukan kerjasama utuh daripada pelbagai peringkat termasuk masyarakat keseluruhannya. Sesungguhnya usaha ini bukan suatu yang mudah, pelbagai bentuk inisiatif yang diperkenalkan bagi menyatukan masyarakat majmuk berbilang kaum negara ini seringkali dicabar dan dipersoalkan keikhlasannya oleh pihak tertentu. Namun, saya percaya bahawa kita mampu menerap dan mengukuhkan faktor kepelbagaian ini melalui sikap toleransi dan kepercayaan yang tinggi di kalangan individu masyarakat dalam mengharungi cabaran-cabaran yang mendatang.

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Usaha ini memerlukan kesepakatan kukuh daripada semua pihak tanpa mengira bangsa, kaum, suku, adat dan budaya. Keharmonian dan semangat setiakawan yang dicapai di zaman nenek moyang kita dahulu yang menjadi landasan kukuh pembentukan masyarakat, perlu dikekalkan dan dipelihara dengan apa cara sekalipun. Saya percaya bahawa ini merupakan titik permulaan yang menjadi batu loncatan bagi membina ketahanan nasional yang mana telah dipamerkan semasa menangani pelbagai krisis keselamatan diawal pembentukan negara serta semasa menghadapi krisis bencana. Dalam apa jua keadaan, kita mesti bersatu untuk menghadapi bersama-sama segala ketidak tentuan dan cabaran keselamatan di masa akan datang.

ResilienceDefinition

Ladies and Gentlemen, the concept of resilience is not new and one which I believe is evident in the national fabric of most nations. Over the past decades, the term resilience has evolved from the discipline of materials science, the ecology and environmental studies to become a concept used liberally and enthusiastically by policy makers, practitioners and academics worldwide. In countries, particularly those who had been colonised before and especially so those who had to fight for their independence, resilience is a concept embedded in their society and political outlook.

There are many literatures defining resilience. Two of the commonly used are “the ability to bounce or spring back into shape or position after being pressed or stretched” and “the ability to survive and prosper in the face of adversity and change”. As a concept, National Resilience also means “ to support own citizens and first responders to ensure that as a nation we work together to build, sustain and improve our capability to prepare for, protect against, respond to, recover from and mitigate all hazards.” In short, resilience is not only the ability to recover from disasters and misfortunes but is also the ability to get stronger as a result of adversity.

Resilience-TheIndividualMalaysian

This brings me back to the Concept of 1Malaysia which we have embraced since 2008. I am reminded that 1Malaysia is not a new concept or formula. Rather, the ultimate goal of 1Malaysia which is NationalUnity has been the main vision of our country’s leaders of



the past in view of our multi ethnic society. I believe, this concept is vital in creating a harmonious and productive population that will come together in times of need and adversity without fear or favour. Above all, our people must be able to put aside differences and misunderstandings which are bound to occur in our plural society; and together strive and work together in facing adversities.

Now I must admit that this is easier said than done. How do we apply these nationalistic principles and the principle of accepting one another to all Malaysians? This is where I believe that it must first start with the resilience of each and every Malaysian, regardless of creed and colour. We must first inculcate the values and mental resilience that should be distinctive in every Malaysian. We must also blend and nurture the importance of tolerance, acceptance and the need to respect and embrace one another which in turn will strengthen the overall resilience of the nation. Whilst much has been said about this, how do we actually achieve this? How do we inculcate the values and mental strength of our population?

I believe the first and of upmost importance will be the role of parents and educators to instil the importance of tolerance (which in context means all aspects of tolerance such as religion, culture, racial and political orientation), acceptance and respect amongst the young. As the nation celebrated her 56th birthday recently, I am encouraged to note the enthusiasm shown by our younger generation in the various celebrations nationwide. As the Education Minister, I take responsibility in ensuring our younger generation is given every opportunity to equip and prepare themselves to face the needs of the 21st century.

When the New Education Blue Print was launched recently, I envisaged our future generation not only being given the platform and necessary education for this, but above all to have the necessary attitude and mental resilience to face the challenges in future. This education blueprint regards ‘unity’ as one of its five aspirations which has remained one of the cardinal goals since the Razak Report of 1956. It further emphasises that a strong sense of national identity is important for the success of the nation. It is my fervent hope therefore that, as future leaders and guardians, they will have the distinctive traits of a Malaysian. And that trait is one which is friendly, hospitable, polite, diligent, and tolerant and yet has the necessary attributes in times of hardship and adversity which are to be vigilant and resilient. Only with these qualities can an individual contribute to societal



resilience which I believe is vital to the nation’s survivability in times of adversity.

WhatUnitesUs?AndSocietalResilience

“If we are together, we will be strong”

Prime Minister Najib on 5 Oct 2013

As I have stressed before, 1Malaysia is a concept to foster unity amongst the multi-ethnic rakyat of Malaysia, substantiated by key values that every Malaysian should observe. Since its inception, there have been individuals who would try to give their own interpretations on what Prime Minister Najib is promoting. There are even some who have hijacked this term to serve their self interests. Nevertheless, I am happy to note that Malaysians have indeed united in many instances when our national pride is at stake.

Take sport as an example of a unifying factor. Many of you will recall when Dato’ Lee Chong Wei played Lin Dan in both the 2008 and 2012 Olympics Badminton finals, the nation from all walks of life wished him well. When he lost on both occasions particularly so closely in the 2012 edition, the nation felt for him. The outpouring of support is testimony of our population coming together for a common cause.

Talking of funds and donations, it is evident that our society will contribute to a worthy cause and this has been proven in the many donation drives organised. As an example, during the many disasters or mishaps that have affected the nation and a portion of our society, our people and organisations contributed generously. Similarly, this aid has also been rendered to countries globally affected by a disaster. Most recently this year the Tabung Wira Lahad Datu received such tremendous response. All these is a clear reflection that our people is sensitive and will come together to show their support to a fellow Malaysian and even to the international community when the need arises. But contributing monetary funds is not only the attributes needed to nurture community resilience nor is it a reflection of a community’s resilience.

Promoting the resilience of communities especially in our multi racial society is complex as it involves the interaction of individuals, families, groups and the environment they are exposed to. I have no doubts



that the resilience of our multi racial community is dependent on social interactions and collective action based on reciprocity, trust and influence. Equally important is the economic wellbeing of our community which is closely tied to development and progress made by the nation. In this aspect, I can’t remember of a better example than during the Emergency period where our people withstood the perils of communist terror and stood as one against a common foe.

This was not easy but with systematic plans such as the Briggs relocation of certain communities and the Security and Development Plans or rather known in the Malay Acronym of KESBAN, our people understood what the government was doing and that it was in their best interests. As such they cooperated and had faith in the ruling government which eventually led to the demise our common enemy. In hindsight, What I am stressing here is that if our people realise that whatever actions/regulations undertaken by our leaders is in good faith, it will strengthen their belief and their resilience. As such, much emphasis must be given to those who lead-be it by example or simply by their actions which must demonstrate a clear devotion to duty and the people they lead.

ResilienceandSecurity

Ladies and Gentlemen, whenever we mention about resilience, we will certainly talk about security as both resilience and security is intertwined in the stability, well being and national security of our nation. National Security is a vital component to our stability as a nation which in turn complements the environment for economic growth and prosperity. It is important that our policies implemented over time are able to preserve, maintain and ensure that our nation is free from all threats, be it the traditional or non-traditional security threats. In hindsight, our national security is inseparable from political stability, economic success and social harmony. Without these elements, our nation would not be able to prevent a potential enemy from intruding and making us vulnerable.

To ensure that we are always prepared with the security challenges that are bound to occur over time, it is important that our nation has a total defence capability that not only involves the Malaysian Armed Forces, but the Royal Malaysian Police, other enforcement agencies as well as the entire population. This concept called TotalDefence or HANRUH has been in place since 1986 when the threat of



the Malayan Communist Party was still looming in our jungle fringes and border areas. Over time, this concept has been reviewed and revisited to address new security threats which were often unseen and unpredictable. Total Defence/HANRUH therefore is about our ability as a nation to garner the support of every levels of our society in order to strengthen our resilience as a nation in times of crisis.

For this to happen, firstly, we need to have a coherent Security Cooperation between the security forces and all enforcement agencies integrated in a systemic manner where they are able to respond to a crisis in a coordinated effort effectively, efficiently and above all in the quickest manner possible. There is no doubt that the Malaysian Armed Forces and Royal Malaysian Police already enjoy such cooperation which is evident from the days of the First Malayan Emergency and until most recently, during the Lahad Datu intrusion early this year. However, what is of most important is to build on from these and include other agencies and our society in addressing future security threats which may not only come from non-state actors but in a non-traditional manner such as human trafficking, terrorism, cyber security threats and even trans-border crimes. This is because these threats will appear in the most unexpected circumstances and with such speed and venom that any delay in response may be detrimental to the security and well being of our nation and our people.

Secondly, on the same leverage, I strongly believe that such cooperation must also be extended and imbued in the responses to humanitarian and disaster relief operations when the nation is affected as well as when our help is needed elsewhere. Whilst we have in place an effective mechanism to address the yearly occurrence of floods or minor disasters, it must be pointed out that future environmental disasters or even pandemics may require greater resolve and vigilance from our society. Whilst our security forces and relevant agencies are battling these security challenges, it is vital for our society and private sector organisations to play their part and support these measures by participating in whatever mobilisation or volunteering activities activated. For this to materialise and be effective in times of crisis, we must ensure that the society and all agencies are frequently tested. They must take part in mobilisation exercises to upgrade their skills and promote better understanding and strong bonds with each other.



CapabilityandPreparedness

Ladies and gentlemen, much has been written and debated about the Lahad Datu incident and the subsequent Ops Daulat to repel the intruders. There are many lessons that could be gained from this incident and certainly one that is most prominent is the threat from non-state actors and in a non-traditional manner. The Lahad Datu incident was indeed a “Wake Up Call” to our nation and security forces in particular to put it mildly. It is not wrong for me to say that Malaysia is a peace loving country and that Malaysians are peace-loving people. It is also a fact that we have never been known to be an aggressor and very often, diplomacy and restrain are chosen means of our approach when faced with an aggressor. However, when such avenues are exhausted, and when the lives of our people are threatened and lost, we must be able to react in a manner that supersedes our friendly demeanour. Our military and police must be able to crush our enemies with such ferocity and vigour that this in itself will be a deterrent to any aggressor in future.

Our security forces must also have the resilience to be involved in a protracted security operation not only in our homeland but away from our shores when the need arises. For this to happen, I urge both our Armed Forces and Police to always remain vigilant and constantly engage in training simulations and to be prepared for any eventualities. To be fully equipped with the latest weapons and equipment is never enough if one does not have the mental resilience and necessary skills. On this score, I congratulate the MAF in their recent 80th anniversary parade last 21st Sept with the theme of ATM Perkasa-Kedaulatan Negara Terpelihara (A FormidableMAF,SovereigntySafeguarded) which is most apt in describing the role of the MAF. Similarly, I congratulate the RMP for their efforts particularly in ensuring the domestic security scene is always in control. The efforts of these two prominent security agencies as well as other supporting government agencies will ensure that we are prepared to response to any crisis effectively in future.



Nation Building-Incorporating the National Blue Ocean Strategy(NBOS) “The role of the Malaysian Armed Forces is a very challenging one. Apart from national defence, it is also involved in the process of nation-building.”

Former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammed

The MAF has been a central pillar in the defence policy of our nation and played a pivotal role in the implementation of all its foreign and defence policies since the early formation of Malaysia. Most recently, under the NBOS, the MAF in collaboration with the Royal Malaysian Police has been involved in several initiatives to ensure that our internal security is maintained. What is important is that our society is able to enjoy the benefits of progress and peace in a safe environment. Then again, we must never take security for granted. As such, I am pleased that several initiatives such as the Community Policing which integrates the Police, Army and fellow citizens have been implemented in stages in residential areas nationwide. This is just the beginning as we remind our society that everyone has a part to play in maintaining the peace and security in this beloved country of ours. There is no doubt that when such initiatives are expanded, we will contribute towards the societal and security resilience of the nation as a whole. Here I am again compelled to mention a quote by our Prime Minister Najib when he said, “I believe the biggest challenge facing us in the Asian region is domestic stability. International conflicts have often been caused by internal instability.”

EconomicResilience

Ladies and gentlemen, on 25th October 2013, Prime Minister Najib unveiled the National Budget 2014 with the fervent hope of strengthening the economy to ensure the country is resilient in the light of global uncertainties.

A key facet of this is enhancing domestic resilience as it was important for the country to sustain its economy in our transformation towards our goal of a fully developed high income nation in 2020. With the rakyat and everyday people in mind, it is hoped that this budget would enable the majority of the lower income group of our population enjoy the benefits of the initiatives undertaken by



the government. When speaking of economics, I must mention two significant measures undertaken by the government this year which may not be popular to some and to the cynics.

On 3 September this year the price of petrol in Malaysia went up by 20 cents which were met by groans and unhappiness everywhere. This is understandable given the fact that we have enjoyed premium petrol at below market prices for a long time. But what I must stressed here is that the economic well being of our country do not grow steadily and continuously in a set pattern. It is a known fact that economic activity tends to be dynamic, with periods of relatively rapid growth followed by periods of stagnation, contraction or recession. We have experienced several downturns the past decades such as in 1986 and 1997. During these periods, I remember vividly the hardships faced particularly by some of our local entrepreneurs and drastic measures undertaken by our government then.

Nevertheless, with prudent spending and continued resilience, we were able to withstand the downturn without getting financial aid or monetary bonds from others such as the IMF. What I wish to stress here is that whilst providing subsidies to essential goods and petrol is a noble and responsible deed by the government, it must not be done at the expense of leaving us vulnerable and unable to address the fiscal deficits we may face in future. To me it is simple economics that we remain vigilant yet pragmatic when it comes to prudent spending and getting our priorities right no matter what the cynics may say.

Another milestone in the same month of Sept was the launching of the Bumiputera Economic Empowerment Plan. This plan, in the same mode as the NewEconomicModel, was not designed to take away the rights of other races but instead allow everyone to enjoy the spill over effects. As PM Najib reiterated, this policy will be implemented in a fairer and market-friendly manner, whereby strong attention will also be given to help the non-bumiputera.

The government had also introduced the Government Transformation Programme and Economic Transformation Programme to form a national economic development ecosystem which is strong and resilient. As a result of the transformation programme, the national economy had recorded a strong growth in an uncertain global economy. In 2011 and 2012, the rate of growth of the national economy was 5.1 and 5.6 respectively. What is pertinent here is that



continuous growth such as this is crucial because only with such growth can we distribute the benefits to all Malaysians.

As such, I urge all of you to be fully aware and understand the measures and initiatives undertaken by the government to prepare ourselves for any eventualities in future. Such measures or initiatives adopted is always in the best interest of the people and will allow us to be resilient in overcoming future setbacks. The simple adage of “saving for a rainy day” or another proverb in Malay “sediakan payung sebelum hujan” is most appropriate to instil these values in our society as we continue to work hard and enjoy the fruits of our labour. It is important for us to have the economic prowess in order to prosper as a nation but at the same time, we must also have the ability and resilience to withstand some of the uncertainties which are bound to recur in future.

Penutup

Hadirin sekalian, kita telah mengecapi kemerdekaan selama 56 tahun. Negara yang kita cintai ini telah berkembang dengan pesat walaupun menempuh cabaran hebat di awal pembentukannya dan melalui pelbagai insiden yang telah mengancam keselamatan nasional pada masa yang lalu. Kita telah membuktikan bahawa apabila tiba pada ketikanya kita bersatu teguh dalam menghadapi pelbagai kesukaran dan kesulitan bersama. Negara kini di pusingan terakhir untuk menuju kearah matlamat negara maju berpendapatan tinggi pada tahun 2020. Saya sangat percaya bahawa kita boleh bersama-sama menangani segala cabaran dan ancaman yang menghalang impian kita. Saya mempunyai keyakinan penuh bahawa rakyat mampu bangkit dan bersatu untuk menghadapi cabaran ini. Inilah peri pentingnya Daya tahan (resilience) sebagai ciri utama yang perlu diterap dan disuburkan di dalam diri setiap individu masyarakat di semua peringkat.

Saya perlu mengingatkan kepada semua, walaupun kita telah menggubal pelbagai dasar keselamatan dan ekonomi, kita mesti sentiasa berwaspada terhadap sebarang ancaman dengan pendekatan yang komprehensif. Pengalaman telah mengajar kita bahawa ancaman keselamatan boleh muncul daripada pelbagai punca dan dalam bentuk bukan tradisional. Begitu juga dengan ketidaktentuan ekonomi global yang mempunyai kesan spiral terhadap keadaan ekonomi Negara yang kita harus pantau secara



dekat dan mengambil tindakan punitive apabila diperlukan.

Saya mengucapkan tahniah kepada MiDAS di atas penganjuran konferensi ini dan saya setuju dengan pemilihan tajuk-tajuk perbincangan yang diketengahkan yang berkaitan ketahanan nasional, tindak balas terhadap krisis dan pengukuhan keselamatan. Saya yakin bahawa melalui penceramah dan pemudahcara yang berpengalaman, perbincangan ini akan dapat melahirkan idea-idea baru bagi melengkapkan lagi usaha-usaha yang diambil Kerajaan untuk memperkukuhkan Ketahanan Nasional.

Dengan demikian, dengan lafaz Bismillahirrahmanirrahim, saya merasmikan MiDAS Conference 2013 yang bertema, ‘National Resilience towards a Developed Nation’.

Sekian,Terimakasih.

Date post:	03-Feb-2022
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