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Working Paper Series Series editor: Linda Sheldon, SFU; Krishna Pendakur, SFU and Daniel Hiebert, UBC, Co-directors No. 11-06 June 2011 The Growing Culture of Exclusion: Trends in Canadian Refugee Exclusions Asha Kaushal and Catherine Dauvergne
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Page 1: Asha Kaushal and Catherine Dauvergneboards.amssa.org/research/members/downloadFile/file:1437682691_W… · n 1987, a Sri Lankan man pled guilty to conspiracy to trafficin a narcotic

Working Paper Series

Series editor: Linda Sheldon, SFU;Krishna Pendakur, SFU and Daniel Hiebert, UBC, Co-directors

No. 11-06

June 2011

The Growing Culture of Exclusion: Trends in Canadian Refugee Exclusions

Asha Kaushal and

Catherine Dauvergne

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Metropolis British Columbia

Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Diversity

MBC is supported as part of the Metropolis Project, a national strategic initiative funded by SSHRC and the following organizations of the federal government:

• AtlanticCanadaOpportunitiesAgency(ACOA) • CanadaBorderServicesAgency • CanadaEconomicDevelopmentfortheRegionsofQuebec(CED-Q) • CanadaMortgageandHousingCorporation(CMHC) • CanadianHeritage(PCH) • CitizenshipandImmigrationCanada(CIC) • FederalEconomicDevelopmentInitiativeforNorthernOntario(FedNor) • HumanResourcesandSocialDevelopmentCanada(HRSD) • DepartmentofJusticeCanada • PublicHealthAgencyofCanada(PHAC) • PublicSafetyandCanada(PSC) • RoyalCanadianMountedPolice(RCMP) • TheRuralSecretariatofAgricultureandAgri-FoodCanada(RuralSec’t) • StatisticsCanada(StatsCan)

MetropolisBCalsoreceivesfundingfromtheMinistryofRegionalEconomicandSkillsDevelopment(RESD)oftheGovernmentofBritishColumbia.GrantsfromSimonFraserUniversity,theUniversityofBritishColumbiaandthe University of Victoria provide additional support to the Centre.

Viewsexpressedinthismanuscriptarethoseoftheauthor(s)alone.Formore information, contact the Co-directors of the Centre, Krishna Pendakur, DepartmentofEconomics,SFU([email protected])andDanielHiebert,De-partmentofGeography,UBC([email protected]).

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3

Table of ConTenTs

I. InTroduCTIon 5

II. The MeanIng of exClusIon In refugee law 7

B.TheNumbers 1• 1

III. TerrorIsM: The fraMework 20

A.International 2• 0

B. Canadian Domestic Law 2• 3

IV. refugee exClusIon and TerrorIsM: InTerpreTaTIVe deVelopMenTs 27

A.DynamicInterpretations:Redefiningthe‘Political’ 2• 8

B. • ConflationaryInterpretations:theContentofInternationalCrimes31

1.TheExpandingCategoryofCrimesAgainstHumanity 33

2. Membership Filtered through the Lens of Complicity 38

3.TheProblemwiththeInterpretationofInternationalCrimes 45

V. reshapIng The ConCepTs of MoralITy and soVereIgnTy 47

A.Morality:theIndividualinRefugeeLaw 4• 8

B.Sovereignty:RefugeeLawand‘Good’States 5• 2

VI. ConClusIon 55

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Working Paper Series

4

The GrowinG CulTure of exClusion: Trends in Canadian refuGee exClusions*1

Asha Kaushal

Faculty of Law, University of British Columbia

Catherine Dauvergne

Faculty of Law, University of British Columbia

*1This research was supported by a grant fromMetropolis British Columbia, funded through the SocialSciencesandHumanitiesResearchCouncilofCanada.Theauthorsaregratefultoboththeseorganizationsfor making this work possible.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 5

I. InTroduCTIon

In1987,aSriLankanmanpledguiltytoconspiracytotrafficinanarcotic

inaCanadiancourt.Uponhisrelease,hefiledaclaimforrefugeestatus.

In1993,therelevanttribunalfoundthemantobeexcludedfromref-

ugeestatusunderArticle1F(c)ofthe1951ConventionrelatingtotheStatus

of Refugees1:drugtraffickingwascontrarytothepurposesandprinciplesof

theUnitedNations.TheSupremeCourtofCanadaquashedtheoriginaldeci-

sion,agreeingthatconspiringtotrafficdrugswasnotaviolationofthepur-

poses and principles of the United Nations.2

Almosttenyearsafterthefirstrefugeedeterminationhearing,in2002,

a second tribunalheard theman’s claim for refugee status.This time, the

tribunal excluded the man from refugee status for supporting a terrorist or-

ganization,namelytheLiberationTigersofTamilEalem(LTTE).3TheFederal

Courtupheldthischaracterization,agreeingthathisdrugtraffickingconvic-

tionamountedtofinancingthecrimesagainsthumanityofaterroristorga-

nization.4Thisshiftinanalysis–fromviewingtheharmasdrugtraffickingto

viewingitasterrorism–reflectsabroaderdiscursiveturninrefugeelaw.The

significanceofthisturnanditsrelationshiptotheloadedconceptofterrorism

is the subjectof thispaper.Over thepastdecade,exclusionshave shifted

from being a minor topic within refugee law to being a focus of considerable

analysisandattention.Oneoftheobjectiveswastoinvestigatetheempirical

basis for this attention and to analyze the extent to which it is primarily a re-

flectionofcontemporarysecuritypolitics.

1Conventionrelatingto theStatusofRefugees,28July1951,189U.N.T.S.150;Protocol relatingto theStatusofRefugees,January31,1967,606U.N.T.S.267[1951Convention].

2Pushpanathanv.Canada(MCI),[1998]1S.C.R.982[Pushpanathan].3TheLTTEisaTamilliberationmovementthatwasengagedinacivilwarwiththerepressiveSriLankangov-

ernment.TheLTTEhasbeenwidelycharacterizedasaterroristorganization.4Pushpanathanv.Canada(MCI),[2002]F.C.J.No.1207atparas.40and55.

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6 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

Atabroadlevel,thisarticletraceshowtheprescientwordsoftheUnited

Kingdom’sImmigrationAppealTribunalhavecometopass:refugeeclaimants

nowexistina‘cultureofexclusion’,whereexclusionistoofrequentlyequated

with terrorism.5ThistrendbeganyearsbeforeSeptember11,2001,although

the events of 9/11 certainly forced terrorism and those who perpetrate ter-

rorist acts onto centre stage.6 State concerns about the entry of terrorists and

the conditions that foster them belie larger fears about the security and safety

of those already snugly within the borders.7 These larger concernsare the

basis for several international and domestic initiatives to surveil, exclude and

detainindividuals,particularlythosethatfindthemselvesatthebordersofthe

nation. Refugee claimants often bear the brunt of these restrictive measures,

andthediscoursesurroundingrefugeesisincreasinglyhostile.InCanadaand

around the Western world, claims for refugee status have become synony-

mous with concerns about abuse of the refugee determination system and the

entry of terrorists and international criminals.

Thisarticleinvestigateshowstatesecurityconcernsplayoutinrefugee

exclusionsinCanada.Article1Fofthe1951 Convention excludes individuals

who have committed international crimes, serious non-political crimes, and

acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations from ref-

ugee protection.8Theseprovisionshavebeensubjectto increasingscrutiny

as governments employ them instrumentally to guard against the entry of

terroristsandcriminals.The result isanevolutionof theexclusionclauses

5Gurungv.SSHD,[2002]UKIAT04870,14Int’lJ.RefugeeL.382(2002).6Itisworthnotingthatnotasingleperpetratorofthe9/11terroristattacksintheUnitedStateswasarefu-

geeorarefugeeclaimant.Thepersistenceofthediscursivelinkagebetweenrefugeesandthe9/11attacksisdiscussedinCatherineDauvergne,“SecurityandMigrationLawintheLessBraveNewWorld”(2007)16:3Soc.&Leg.Stud.533[Dauvergne,LessBraveNewWorld];seealsoCatherineDauvergneMakingPeople Illegal:WhatGlobalizationMeans forMigrationandLaw(CambridgeandNewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2008)at99-101[Dauvergne,MakingPeopleIllegal].

7GeoffGilbert,“CurrentIssuesintheApplicationoftheExclusionClauses”UNHCRBackgroundPaper(2002)at478[Gilbert].

8Article1F,1951Convention,supranote2.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 7

over time and circumstance that has reshaped both refugee law doctrine and

severalimportantconceptsinthefieldofrefugeelaw,includingsovereignty,

morality and humanity.

Theseshiftsandrevisionsareexaminedbyinterrogatingannualstatistics

andcaselaw.Theprincipalempiricalcontributionofthispaperisananalysis

of patterns of refugee exclusion in Canada from 1998-2008. First the numbers

areexamined,andthentrendsinthejurisprudenceofexclusionareidentified.

Particular attention is paid to the subset of exclusion cases that make overt

orobliquereferencestoterrorism,andwithinthesetheinfluenceofcontem-

porarysecuritypoliticsistraced.Thisapproachyieldsbothquantitativeand

qualitativeconclusions.Whileexclusionnumbershaveincreaseddramatically

in our time frame, it remains the case that, political rhetoric notwithstanding,

an infinitesimallysmallnumberof refugeeclaimantsareactuallyexcluded.

Inanalyzingthejurisprudenceaccompanyingtheseexclusions,itwasfound

that the concept of terrorism has expanded considerably over our eleven year

timeframe.Thefinalsectionofthepaperexaminestheconsequencesofthis

expansion.

II. The MeanIng of exClusIon In refugee law

The1951 Conventiondisqualifiesindividualsfromrefugeestatusforserious

transgressions committed, in principle, prior to seeking asylum.9Exclusionis

the most extreme sanction in international refugee law: it is an exception that

precludesrecognitionoftheclaimant’srefugeestatus,thusdenyingprotec-

tion against refoulement to a country where one is at risk of being perse-

cuted.10Thisisseparatefromthestate’spowertodeportor“refouler”once

9MichaelKingsleyNyinah,“ExclusionUnderArticle1F:SomeReflectionsonContext,PrinciplesandPractice”,(2000)12Int’lJ.RefugeeL.295[KingsleyNyinah].

10 In contrast, the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or DegradingTreatmentorPunishmentprohibitionagainstrefoulementapplieswithoutexception.

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8 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

refugeestatushasbeenrecognized.Article1Fallowsstatestoexcludefrom

refugee status any individual with respect to whom there are serious reasons

for considering that:

(a)hehascommittedacrimeagainstpeace,awarcrime,oracrimeagainst

humanity,asdefinedintheinternationalinstrumentsdrawnuptomakepro-

vision in respect of such crimes;

(b)hehascommittedaseriousnon-politicalcrimeoutsidethecountryof

refuge prior to his admission to that country as a refugee;

(c)hehasbeenguiltyofactscontrarytothepurposesandprinciplesofthe

United Nations.11

Therearevariousrationalesofferedfortheexclusionclauses.Theprimary,

overarching rationale is that the perpetrators of these acts are undeserving

of protection as refugees.12Asecondrationaleisthattheclausesensurethat

perpetrators of ordinary crimes or acts contrary to the purposes and principles

of the UN do not escape prosecution.13 Finally, there is the implicit rationale of

safeguarding the country of refuge from dangerous individuals.14

A. The Role of External Standards

Thecontentandapplicationoftheexclusionclausesdependuponother

fields of international and national law.15 Each one of the three exclusion

11Article1F,1951Convention;StatesmayalsoexcludepersonsfromthescopeoftheConventionbyArticles1DandE.Article33(2)oftheConventionisnotanexclusionclause;itpermitsstatestorefoulearecog-nized refugee who is a danger to the security or community of the country.

12Gilbert,supranote8;JamesHathaway,TheLawofRefugeeStatus(Toronto:Butterworths,1991)at189etseq.

13Gilbert,supranote8.14UNHCR,TheExclusionClauses:GuidelinesontheirApplication(December1,1996)atpara.41etseq.

(supersededbyUNHCR,GuidelinesonInternationalProtectionNo.5:ApplicationoftheExclusionClauses:Article1Fofthe1951ConventionrelatingtotheStatusofRefugees(September4,2003)HCR/GIP/03/05)but see James C. Hathaway & Colin J. Harvey, “Framing Refugee Protection in the New World Disorder” (2001)34CornellInt’lL.J.257[Hathaway&Harvey](arguingthatconcernsaboutthesafetyandsecurityoftheasylumstateshouldbeconsideredunderArticle33(2)aspartoftheprotectiondecision).

15PeterJ.vanKrieken,“Introduction”inPeterJ.vanKrieken,ed.,RefugeeLawinContext:theExclusionClause(TheHague:T.M.C.AsserPress,1999)[vanKrieken].

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 9

clauses contains external standards and cannot be interpreted without refer-

encetointernationaltreatiesanddomesticstatutes.Article1F(a)makesex-

plicitreferencetotheinternationalinstrumentsdefininginternationalcrimes.

Theseincludeinstrumentsofinternationalcriminallawandinternationalhu-

manitarian law.16 For example, the meaning of “crime against humanity” is

derivedfromtheInternationalMilitaryTribunalatNuremburgand,morere-

cently,fromthestatutesoftheinternationalcriminaltribunals.Article1F(b)

relies on both bilateral extradition law and domestic criminal law.17Theserious

nature of a non-political crime is determined by recourse to whether it consti-

tutes an extraditable crime and whether it would be considered a serious of-

fenceunderCanadianlaw.Article1F(c)isthebroadestinscopeandtheleast

appliedofalltheclauses,atleastinCanada.Itcoversactsratherthancrimes

butrequiresthattheindividualbeguiltyofthem.Itdependsonstandards

of international law generally and international human rights law in particular.

InPushpanathan,theSupremeCourtsimultaneouslyextendedtheapplica-

tionof1F(c)toindividuals(despitethefactthatUnitedNationsinstruments

enumerateprinciplesthatgoverntheconductoftheirmemberstates)andto

“sufficientlyseriousandsustainedviolationsoffundamentalhumanrightsso

as to amount to persecution”.18

Historicalstatepracticereveals,andourreviewconfirms,thatall three

categoriesofexclusionarebleedingintocriminallaw.Anindividualaccusedof

crimes against humanity, a serious non-political crime, or terrorism is subject

to much of the weight of the criminal law apparatus without any of its con-

comitant protections. Refugee law selectively incorporates and applies crim-

inal lawconceptsbutemploysavery lowstandardofproof, requiringonly

16Gilbert,supranote8.17Gilbert,supranote8.Somesuggestthatthepoliticaloffenceexceptioninextraditionlawshouldoverlap

withthepoliticalcrimeexceptioninArticle1F(b):seeHathaway&Harvey,supranote15.18 Pushpanathan, supra note 3.

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10 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

“serious reasons for considering”, a threshold lower than the civil standard of

balanceofprobabilitiesandfarbelowthethresholdrequiredininternational

ordomesticcriminallaw.Courtshavebeeneasilysatisfiedthatthereare“se-

rious reasons” for excluding a claimant.19Tosomeextent,“itislaxitywiththe

standardofproofthatcallsintoquestionhowStateshaveimplementedArticle

1F”.20Thegrowingpoolofexcludedclaimantsisthusenabledbytheselective

use of criminal concepts together with a very low standard of proof.

Thistrendisaccompaniedbyemphasisonwhatmightbecalledthe“penal

function”ofexclusionclauses.Itdoesnotmakesensetouserefugeelawfor

prosecution or punishment, nor is it logical for states to use non-criminal law

mechanisms to punish international and serious non-political crimes, which is

arguably the current posture of the exclusion clauses.21 States may permit ex-

cludableclaimantstostaywithoutbestowingimpunity.Theinternationallaw

principleofautdedereautjudicarerequiresstatestoprosecuteorextradite

potential offenders. Developments in international criminal law mean that indi-

viduals suspected of committing international crimes may be prosecuted by the

adhoccriminaltribunalsestablishedbytheSecurityCouncil,theInternational

Criminal Court, or the use of universal jurisdiction in domestic courts.22 In

Canada, universal jurisdiction is now written into the Criminal Code, and some

prosecutions have taken place under these provisions.23 Despite this, Canada

rarely responds with prosecution to concerns of serious or international crimi-

nalitybyrefugeeclaimants. Instead,the individual is typicallyreturnedto

19Gilbert,supranote8at471.20Gilbert,supranote8.21 For a description of non-criminal remedies, see Joseph Rikhof, “War Criminals Not Welcome; How Common

LawCountriesApproachthePhenomenonofInternationalCrimesintheImmigrationandRefugeeContext”(2009)21Int’lJ.RefugeeL.453[Rikhof].

22Gilbert,supranote5at430.23CriminalCodeofCanadaR.S.1985,c.C-46,s.418.2;CrimesAgainstHumanityandWarCrimesAct,S.C.

2000,c.24.Canada’sfirstsuccessfulprosecutionunderthisActoccurredintheQuebecSuperiorCourtin2009:R.c.Munyaneza2009QCCS2201.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 11

their country of nationality without considering either their risk of being per-

secutedortheirlikelihoodofescapingcriminalconsequences.

InterpretationsofArticle1Finlightoftheseexternalstandards,particu-

larly in the criminal context, have coalesced around the rationales for exclu-

sion to suggest a simplistic, moralistic bind. Public and legal discourse pres-

ents exclusion as a binary choice: states cannot meet their moral and legal

obligationstofighthumanrightsviolationsandcrimesagainsthumanitywhile

simultaneously granting refugee status to individuals who may have been

perpetrators.

[O]bligationstowardtheinternationalcommunitytoprosecutetheperpetra-

tors, by definition meanthatwecannotextendthebenefitsoftherefugee

convention to that particular group.24

Thisbinary,ofcourse,castsgoodonthesideofhumanrightsandevilonthe

sideoftheperpetratorsofabuse.Ithasnotshiftedsignificantlysincethein-

ception of the Convention. What appears to have changed, however, is the

states’interestsinexclusion,andthusthecomplexityofcircumstanceswhich

are compressed into these binary categories.

B. The Numbers

Refugee claimants may be prevented from remaining in Canada at mul-

tiple points in the determination process by any of three government enti-

tiesworking separately or in concert: the Canada Border Services Agency

(CBSA),CitizenshipandImmigrationCanada(CIC),ortheImmigrationand

RefugeeBoard(IRB)25 However, refugee claimants may only be formally ex-

cludedwithin themeaning of the 1951Convention by the IRB. Exclusion

24Dr.Cohen,“OpeningAddress”,citedinvanKreiken,supranote16atIX[emphasisadded].25Thegovernmentviewsitspowerstoprevententryandtodeportascomplementary:seeCanada’sWar

CrimesProgram,SixthAnnualReport,2002-2003.

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12 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

means that theprotectionsof the1951Conventionarenot available. This

determination occurs in the context of adjudicatory proceedings in front of the

RefugeeProtectionDivisionoftheIRB,thetribunalwhichdeterminesrefugee

statusatfirstinstanceandwhichisalsochargedwithadjudicationwhenthe

governmentappliesto“vacate”someone’srefugeestatus.Thisarticlefocuses

ontheIRBinthispaperbecauseitisthebodythatemploysajurisprudence

of exclusion.26

TheexclusionissueattheIRBisusuallyraisedbytheMinisterofCitizenship

andImmigrationbasedonthenatureofanorganizationtowhichtheclaimant

belongedor thenature of the claimant’s crime. The tribunal considers the

testimony of the refugee claimant and any evidence presented by any party

to the theoretically non-adversarial process.27 Based on this evidence, the

IRBmakesfindingsoffactandcredibility.Thesearecrucialdeterminations,

which include the nature of the organization, the terrorist acts committed by

theorganization,andthenatureofanindividual’sinvolvementintheorgani-

zation.Thereisnomerit-basedappealofIRBdecisions.28Thedecisionsmay

bejudiciallyreviewedbytheFederalCourtandtheFederalCourtofAppeal

butthisreviewislimitedinbothcoverage(becausetheFederalCourtmust

firstgrantleavetohearthecase,whichisgrantedinonlyasmallnumberof

cases)29andinscope(becausetheFederalCourtmayonlyreviewthedecision

26ThedatasetofFederalCourtdecisionsthatwecollectedincludedprimarilyjudicialreviewsofIRBdecisions,butalsoincludedsomedecisionsatotherstagesoftheprocessincludingPre-RemovalRiskAssessment(PRRA)applications,HumanitarianandCompassionate(H&C)applications,andapplicationstovacaterefu-geestatus.BothPRRAapplicationsandH&Capplications,neitherofwhichallowforreviewofarefugeedetermination, have been used as avenues for unsuccessful refugee claimants. Despite this original array, once we culled the dataset for references to terrorism, our review of Federal Court decisions ended up con-sistingalmostexclusivelyofjudicialreviewsofIRBdecisions,with2PRRAdecisionsand1H&Cdecision.

27Otherwitnessesmaybecalledbuttypicallyarenot.28Beginning inDecember2011,ameritbasedappealwillbepossible through thenewRefugeeAppeal

Divisionof the IRB. ThisDivision comes into force18months following thepassageof theBalancedRefugeeReformAct,S.C.2010,c.11,inJune2010.Throughoutthetimeframeofourdataset,therewasno merit appeal provision in operation.

29Leavewasgranted inapproximately13percentofcasesduringthetimeframeofourdataset. Thisestimate is generated from the statistics reported on the Federal Court of Canada website: http://cas-ncr-

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 13

forunreasonablenessanderrorsoflaw).30Thestoryoftherefugeeclaimant,

then,istypicallyfinalatthetribunallevel.

WebeganthisstudybyfilingAccesstoInformationActrequestsforthe

numbers of refugee claimant exclusions for the eleven-year period from 1998

to 2008.31TheIRBnumbersrevealedadramaticincreaseinexclusions,which

peakedin2004beforeslowlyreturningto2002levelsby2008.

Table 1: IMMIgraTIon & refugee board exClusIon nuMbers.1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008

TotalExclusions

2 24 63 71 74 87 114 99 79 65 79

Thesenumbersshowtheestablishmentofahighermedianovertheyearsof

thestudy.Thedecreaseinnumberssince2005,albeittolevelsstillhigherthan

the year immediately following 9/11, may be explained by several factors,

includingCanada’sSafeThirdCountryagreementwith theUnitedStates,32

changes in source countries, and lower overall claim numbers from 2005 to

2007.Chinahadthehighestnumberofexclusionswithfiftyoneexclusions

over the data period, followed by Colombia, Pakistan, and then Lebanon,

Mexico, Sri Lanka, Peru and Cuba.33Approximatelyhalfoftheindividualswere

excludedunderArticle1F(a).

nter03.cas-satj.gc.ca/portal/page/portal/fc_cf_en/Statistics.30DunsmuirvNewBrunswick,[2008]1S.C.R.190,inwhichtheSupremeCourtofCanadaheldthatthere

should be only “two standards of review, those of correctness and reasonableness”, and that reasonable-ness “is a deferential standard”.

31R.S.C.1985,c.A-1.32AgreementbetweentheGovernmentofCanadaandtheGovernmentoftheUnitedStatesofAmericafor

cooperationintheexaminationofrefugeestatusclaimsfromnationalsofthirdcountries,C.T.S.2004/2,entryintoforceDecember29,2004.

33IRBdataonfilewithauthors.

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14 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

Table 2: IMMIgraTIon & refugee board arTICle 1f(a) exClusIon nuMbers.1998–2008

Total Exclusions 757 claimants Exclusions under Article 1F(a) 269 claimants Exclusions under Article 1F(a) and 1F(b) or 1F(c), where Article 1F(a) is claimed in combination with either Article 1F(b) or 1F(c) 95 claimants

Despiterisingnumbers,theoverarchingstoryofthesefiguresisthatrefugee

exclusionsarevery rare inCanada. In eachof theseyears total claimant

numbersareintheneighbourhoodof25,000.Itwouldbeinstructivetofind

out how often the Minister argued for exclusion of a refugee claimant and lost,

but this information was not available.

Thenumbersforrefugeeclaimantineligibilitydeterminationsforthesame

periodwerealso requested. Ineligibility is a summarydeterminationmade

after an initial interviewwith an immigration officer, often at the border.34

Ineligibility isdeterminedby reference toanumberof statutoryprovisions

that overlap with the exclusion provisions. Potential refugee claimants may be

ineligible on various grounds, including “grounds of security, violating human

or international rights, serious criminality or organized criminality”.35 In the

wake of 9/11, the Canadian government transferred authority over border eli-

gibilitydeterminationsfromCitizenshipandImmigrationCanada(CIC)tothe

newCanadaBorderServiceAgency(CBSA).ThisoccurredinDecember2004,

midway through our dataset.36

TheCBSAAccess to Information Actrequestyieldedlittleusefulinforma-

tion.Theagencyprovidedonlytotalnumbersfortherelevantfour-yearpe-

34IfanindividualmakesarefugeeclaimafterarrivinginCanada,theinitialinterviewwillbeheldataCICorCBSAoffice.

35SeeImmigrationandRefugeeProtectionAct,S.C.2001,c.27ats.101(1)(f)[IRPAorImmigrationAct].36TheCanadaBorderServicesAgencyAct,(2005,c.38)receivedRoyalAssentonNovember3,2005.It

establishestheCBSA,whichwascreatedbyOrderinCouncilonDecember12,2003.Theenablingauthor-ityforCBSAissetoutinsection4(2)oftheIRPA.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 15

riod, which do not permit a sense of the evolution over time, and several of the

spreadsheetsprovidedweremonthlynumbersobtainedfromCIC.However,

the spreadsheets disclose that CBSA has found 2,401 individuals ineligible

fromitsinceptioninOctober2004toDecember2008.Althoughmuchhigher

than the IRB’s exclusion numbers, this isbelow the number of individuals

foundineligiblebyCIC,evenremovingthe2004numbersfromthecalcula-

tion.37 Refugee eligibility screening can occur either at the border38 or weeks,

monthsoryearslaterataCICoffice.Thelegislativecriteriaforineligibility

are the same in both cases.

Ineligibilityfindingsarevitallyimportanttounderstandingtheexclusion

landscape.Eligibilitydecisionsaremadewithoutarighttocounselandwithout

reasons. Judicial review is even rarer at this stage than for a refugee deter-

minationattheIRB. Indeed,the2002introductionofthislegislativeframe-

work in the Immigration and Refugee Protection Acthighlightedthebenefits

offront-endlimitson‘undeserving’claimants.Theeligibilitycriterionmost

likelytoencompassconcernsaboutterrorismiss.101(1)(f),whichrendersa

claim ineligible if the claimant is inadmissible on grounds of security, violating

human or international rights and serious criminality or organized criminality.

Only60 individualswereexcludedbyCICon thisbasisbetween2002and

2008.Incontrast,thesingularlymostfrequentbasisforineligibilitybyCIC

overthesametimeperiodwastheSafeThirdCountryAgreementunders.

101(1)(e),followedbypriorrejectionbytheIRBunders.101(1)(b).39

37CitizenshipandImmigrationCanadafound2626individualsineligiblefortheyears2005-2008,inclusive.38Theoretically,thisoccursonarrival,butinpracticetheeligibility interviewisoftenscheduledwhenan

individual arrives at the port of entry, but takes place a day or two later at the same border post.39 During the years 2002-2008, the CIC found 1857 claimants ineligible under the Safe Third Country

Agreement,whichdidnottakeeffectuntiltheendof2004.Duringtheyears2002-2008,theCICfound709claimantsineligiblebecauseapriorclaimforrefugeeprotectionhadbeenrejectedbytheIRB.

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16 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

Table 3: CITIzenshIp & IMMIgraTIon Canada InelIgIbIlITy nuMbers.1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008

Total 97 90 102 83 232 256 234 473 577 687 889Article 101(1)(f) 0 1 1 2 11 6 9 4 11 12 7

TheCICnumbersarealsomuchhigherthantheexclusionnumbers.Thisis

notsurprisingsincetheineligibilityfindingismadebyasingleofficeranddoes

notrequireahearing.Infact,itiscodifiedministerialpolicytofavourineligi-

bilityfindingsoverexclusion-basedinterventionbeforetheIRB.40 Unlike in the

exclusion forum, these numbers have continued to rise steadily since 9/11,

withonlyaslightdipin2004.

Inadditiontolookingatthenumbers,allexclusioncasesatboththetri-

bunalandcourtlevelwerealsosearched.Everycasedecidedandmadepublic

duringthe11yeartimeframewasidentifiedusingthecommercialdatabases

ofQuicklawandLexisNexis,aswellastheFederalCourtwebsiteandtheIRB’s

Reflex database. All Federal Court, Federal Court of Appeal and Supreme

CourtofCanadadecisionsareavailable.Onlyasmallnumberofthethou-

sandsofIRBdecisionseachyeararemadepublicallyavailable.Themethod

used involved a comprehensive survey and analysis, rather than a selection

ofmostinterestingorprovocativedecisions.Intotaapproximately610cases

were examined.41

InthedatasettheissueofexclusionismostoftenraisedbytheMinister.

Tables4and5dividethetotalcasedatasetbyyeartoshowthetotalnumber

ofexclusioncasesbyyear.ThesetwoTablesalsosetoutthenumberofcases

peryearinwhichthestatereceivedtheoutcomesought.Thisresult isde-

40CitizenshipandImmigrationCanada,ENF24:MinisterialInterventions(Dec.2,2005)at8.41Thereisasmallamountofdoublecountinginthisfigurebecausesomecasesappearatseverallevelsof

the tribunal and court system. For example, a claimant may apply to the Federal Court for review of his/herexclusiondecision,andthenlaterforreviewofhis/herPRRAdecision.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 17

scribedintherow“OutcomesSoughtbyState”.AttheIRBlevel,sinceexclu-

sionmayonlyberaisedbytheMinister,caseswheretheIRBexcludedthe

claimantwereclassifiedasoutcomessoughtbytheMinister.AttheFederal

Court level, the judicial review process leads to two primary outcomes: the

application may be dismissed or the case may be sent back for redetermina-

tion by a newly constituted panel. Cases where the refugee claimant sought

review and the case was dismissed, or where the Minister sought review and

theFederalCourtorderedredeterminationwereclassifiedasoutcomessought

bythestate.Inshort,therow“OutcomesSoughtbyState”seekstocalculate

the number of claimants who are excluded once the exclusion issue has been

raised by the Minister.42AsTable4demonstrates,thestateishighlysuccessful

at the tribunal level and considerably less so at the point of judicial review.

Itisimportanttoconsidertheroleoftheleaveprovision:judicialreviewonly

proceeds when a judge has found something of interest in the application for

leave.

Table 4: resulTs of ToTal Case daTaseT aT Irb and federal CourT leVels.1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008

IRB Cases 23 25 49 47 24 24 57 34 30 14 10Outcomes

Sought by State (Minister)

21 23 35 43 21 20 51 30 29 13 8

% successful 91% 92% 71% 91% 88% 83% 89% 88% 97% 93% 80%FedeRal CouRt Cases

16 19 15 21 25 21 15 49 34 36 19

Outcomes Sought by State

(Minister)12 13 8 8 22 14 14 31 22 25 9

% successful 75% 68% 53% 38% 88% 67% 93% 63% 65% 69% 47%

42Itisimpossibletoaccuratelytrackthenumberofcasesinwhichclaimantsaredefinitivelyexcludedfortworeasons:first,itisimportanttorememberthatthisisadatasetofpubliclyavailabledecisions–thereare an unknown number of exclusion cases that are not available in the public realm; and second, once a case has been sent back for redetermination, it is not possible to track the second decision and its corol-lary review applications. Some cases sent back for redetermination may wind their way through the review process again, but the results of that process may not be publicly available.

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18 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

Thenextstepwastocullthedatasetforreferencestoterrorism.Allcasesre-

ferringtoarefugeeexclusionclauseandterrorismwerereviewed.Thissought

to identify the relevant universe of cases and then parse them for changes in

reasoningandresults,whichwouldrequireasenseofjudicialdiscourseover

timeandacrosscases.FortheArticle1Fexclusionprovisions,therewere270

FederalCourtcasesand337IRBcases.43Therewerealmosttwiceasmany

casesunderArticle1F(a)and(c)thanunderArticle1F(b).44Oftheexclusion

cases,56oftheFederalCourtcasesand117IRBcasescontainedreferences

to terrorism. Some of these references to terrorism were peripheral and thus

the cases that feature in our substantive analysis are somewhat fewer.

Table 5: resulTs of “TerrorIsM” Case sub-daTaseT aT Irb and federal CourT leVels.

1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008IRB ‘teRRoRIsm’ Cases

8 8 15 16 7 13 17 16 8 7 2

Outcomes Sought

by State (Minister)

7 7 14 15 6 12 14 16 8 6 1

% successful 88% 88% 93% 94% 86% 92% 82% 100% 100% 86% 50%FedeRal CouRt ‘teRRoRIsm’ Cases

1 2 3 5 6 4 3 12 11 5 4

Outcomes Sought

by State (Minister)

1 2 1 1 4 2 2 9 8 4 2

% successful 100% 100% 33% 20% 67% 50% 67% 75% 73% 80% 50%

43Therewereexactly270FederalCourtcasesand337IRBcasesforArticle1F.Sometimes,thereferencestoArticle1Fwereperipheralsotherelevantuniverseofcasesisactuallyslightlysmallerforeachpoolofresults.

44Article1F(a)and(c)weregroupedtogetherbecauseArticle1F(c)wasrarelyarguedalone.Ofthecasesinthiscombinedcategory,thevastmajoritywereArticle1F(a)cases,andthevastmajorityofthosecon-cernedcrimesagainsthumanity.ItisimportanttorecallthatthemajorityofIRBdecisionsarenotmadepublic and are not therefore included in our dataset.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 19

Thereareanumberof conclusions todraw from thisdata.Our review

reveals that growing numbers of refugee claimants are excluded and that the

groupcoveredbytheexclusionclausesiswidening.Article1F(a),inparticular,

nowcoverstheseniorofficeraswellastheordinarysoldier,thebomberas

wellastheaccomplice,andtheplanneraswellasthefundraiser.Ouranalysis

also showed the increasing unacceptability of violent means, even when di-

rectedtowardpoliticalends.Thesefindingsappeartoconfirmstatementsby

governmentofficials:theCanadiangovernmenthasaggressivelypursuedex-

clusionbyinterveninginIRBcasesandithasemployed‘creative’arguments

at all levels of adjudication.45

The increasingnumbersof ineligibleandexcludedclaimantsmaponto

two trends which undoubtedly contribute part of the explanation for this rise.

While the securitization of refugee law is a familiar condition, the sharpening

of state security agendas in the wake of terrorist attacks provided new mo-

mentum. Concerns about terrorism as a threat from outside were brought

intosharpreliefwhenIslamistextremistsattackedtheWorldTradeCentrein

1993 and then again in 2001.46Inaparalleldevelopment,theconflictsofthe

GreatLakes,ex-Yugoslavia,SierraLeoneandSriLankaallcreatedsituations

inwhich both ‘perpetrators’ and ‘victims’ had cause to seek asylum.47 The

creation of international criminal tribunals in their aftermath lent legitimacy

to state concerns about admitting and punishing the perpetrators.48 These

phenomenahaveintensifiedthefocusonmechanismstoidentifyandexclude

45GerryvanKessel,“Canada’sApproachTowardsExclusionGround1F”inPeterJ.vanKrieken,ed.,RefugeeLawinContext:TheExclusionClause(TheHague:TMCAsserPress,1999)at287.

46MatthewJ.Gibney,“SecurityandtheEthicsofAsylumAfter11September”(2002)12ForcedMigrationRev.40.

47 Kingsley Nyinah, supra note 10 at 302.48 See Note on the Exclusion Clauses, UNHCR paper presented to Executive Committee of the High

Commissioner’sProgramme,StandingCommittee,8thMeeting,UNDocEC/47/SC/CRP.29(1997)[NoteontheExclusionClauses].

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20 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

undeserving claims, and have informed the interpretation of the exclusion

categories.

III. TerrorIsM: The fraMework

A. International

Thisstudyhasfocusedonreferencestoterrorisminanalyzingthejuris-

prudencebecausethistermreflectedtheshiftinpublicandpoliticaldiscourse

that it aimed to track. Pressure to exclude terrorists from asylum emanates

from the declarations of United Nations bodies, regional organizations, states

and even the UNHCR.49Thisisproblematicwithinrefugeelawfortworeasons.

Despiteitsfrequentinvocationbypoliticians,thepublic,andeventhejudi-

ciary in the context of asylum seekers, the word “terrorism” does not appear

in the 1951 Convention and is not a listed ground of exclusion.50Thiswould

notbesuchanobstacleiftherewasasettleddefinitionoftheterm,butthere

isnointernationallyacceptedlegaldefinitionofterrorism.Instead,theinter-

nationalcommunityhastakenafunctionalapproach,rejectingumbrelladefi-

nitionsinfavouroflistingspecificacts.51

Therearethirteeninternationalconventionsthatidentifyspecificcatego-

ries of violent acts that amount to terrorism.52 Such acts include hijacking,

49BenSaul,“ExclusionofSuspectedTerroristsfromAsylum:TrendsinInternationalandEuropeanRefugeeLaw”IIISDiscussionPaperNo.26(July2004)[Saul].

50The1946ConstitutionoftheInternationalRefugeeOrganizationexcluded“personswhoparticipatedinanyterroristorganization”.AsBenSaulpointsout,thedraftersofthe1951Conventiondecidednottoexplicitly exclude terrorists.

51SharrynAiken,“OfGodsandMonsters:NationalSecurityandCanadianRefugeePolicy”(2001)14R.Q.D.Int’l7at15[Aiken,OfGodsandMonsters].

52ConventiononOffencesandCertainOtherActsCommittedonBoardAircraft,704U.N.T.S.219;2ILM1042(1963);ConventionfortheSuppressionofUnlawfulSeizureofAircraft,860U.N.T.S.105;10ILM133 (1971);Convention for theSuppressionofUnlawfulActsagainst theSafetyofCivilAviation,974U.N.T.S. 177;10 ILM1151 (1971);Conventionon thePreventionandPunishmentofCrimesagainstInternationallyProtectedPersons, includingDiplomaticAgents,1035U.N.T.S. 167;13ILM41(1974);InternationalConventionagainsttheTakingofHostages,GAres.34/146(XXXIV),18ILM1456(1979);Convention on the Physical Protection of NuclearMaterial, 1456 U.N.T.S. 101; 18 ILM 1419 (1979);ProtocolfortheSuppressionofUnlawfulActsofViolenceatAirportsServingInternationalCivilAviation,

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 21

hostagetaking,terroristbombingandfinancingterroristoffences.Forthese

acts, the motives of the perpetrators are irrelevant for the purposes of the

conventions.53Thefunctionalapproachtodefiningterrorismrevealsthedif-

ficultyofaddressingitsrootcomplexities.Thelabellingprocessishighlypo-

litical and thus subjective; the term has been used to describe “rebellion,

streetbattles,civilstrife,insurrection,ruralguerrillawar,coupsd’etat”,with

the result that it covers almost any kind of violence.54 Moreover, the breadth of

thetermisoverwhelming:terrorismmaybeequatedwithnon-statepolitical

subversion but it may also be employed by governments, terrorist acts may

be prompted by a wide range of motives, and the inherent manipulability of

thelabeldependsheavilyonbothpoliticsandtiming.Thetransitionofboth

YasirArafatandNelsonMandelafromterroriststoNobelPeacePrizewinners

is instructive here.

While the twelve conventions do not mention refugee claimants, more

recent United Nations resolutions and directives have not shied away from

connectingthetwocategories.In1997,theGeneralAssemblypassedadec-

laration that expressly linked terrorism to refugees:

States should take appropriate measures in conformity with the relevant

provisions of national and international law, including international standards

of human rights, before granting refugee status, for the purpose of ensuring

that the asylum-seeker has not participated in terrorist acts, considering in

this regard relevant information as to whether the asylum-seeker is subject

1589U.N.T.S. 473;27 ILM627 (1988);Convention for theSuppressionofUnlawfulActsagainst theSafetyofMaritimeNavigation,1678U.N.T.S.221;27ILM668(1988);ProtocolfortheSuppressionofUnlawfulActsagainsttheSafetyofFixedPlatformsLocatedontheContinentalShelf,1678U.N.T.S.304;27ILM685(1988);ConventionontheMarkingofPlasticExplosivesforthePurposeofDetection,30ILM721(1991);InternationalConventionfortheSuppressionofTerroristBombings,U.N.Doc.A/RES/52/164;37ILM249(1998);InternationalConventionfortheSuppressionoftheFinancingofTerrorism,U.N.Doc.A/RES/54/109;39ILM270(2000);andInternationalConventionfortheSuppressionofActsofNuclearTerrorism,UNDoc.A/RES/59/290(2005).

53 van Krieken, supra note 16 at 37, fn 55.54WalterLaqueur,“Terrorism–ABalanceSheet”inWalterLaqueur,ed.,TheTerrorismReader(Philadelphia:

TempleUniversityPress,1978)at262.

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22 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

to investigation for or charged with or has been convicted of offences con-

nected with terrorism.55

TheDeclarationalso identified terrorismasa violationof thepurposes

andprinciplesoftheUnitedNations.Asthedustof9/11settled,theSecurity

Council passed Resolution 1373 on September 28, 2001, urging states to take

appropriate measures “for the purpose of ensuring that the asylum-seeker

has not planned, facilitated or participated in the commission of terrorist acts”

and to ensure that “refugee status is not abused by the perpetrators, orga-

nizers or facilitators of terrorist acts” and that “claims of political motivation

arenotrecognizedasgroundsforrefusingrequestsfortheextradition”.56 Less

than two months later, the Security Council underlined the obligation of states

to refuse safe haven to terrorists and those supporting terrorism, and reiter-

ated that any form of support for terrorism is contrary to the purposes and

principles of the Charter of the United Nations.57

Noneof these instrumentsprovideadefinitionof terrorism,whichper-

mitsstatestoresorttopoliticalconsiderationsandbroadnationaldefinitions.

Further, the language of the resolutions reinforces the dual impression that

“theinstitutionofasylumissomehowaterrorist’srefuge”andthatstatesare

requiredtoexcludeterrorists.58Thisisamisunderstandingofthelegalmatrix

governing asylum: it is far easier for terrorists to enter states either illegally,

or legally as students or temporary workers because the degree of scrutiny

and the accompanying restrictions are lower than for refugee claimants.59It

isalsoamischaracterizationoftheexclusioncategories:“thequestionisnot

55SeeDeclarationtoSupplementthe1994DeclarationonMeasurestoEliminateInternationalTerrorism,49/60ofDecember9,1994,annexedtoGeneralAssemblyResolution51/210(A/RES/51/210,December17,1996)atpara.3.SeealsoUNSecurityCouncilResolution1269(S/RES/1269,October19,1999).

56UNSecurityCouncilResolution1373(S/RES/1373,September28,2001).57UNSecurityCouncilResolution1377(S/RES/1377,November12,2001).58MonetteZard, “Exclusion, Terrorismand theRefugeeConvention” 13 ForcedMigrationRev. 32 at 32

[Zard];Saul,supranote50at3.59 Dauvergne, Less Brave New World, supra note 7.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 23

whether the appellant can be characterized as a terrorist, but whether the

words of the exemption clause apply to him”.60Theprimaryconsequenceis

thatterrorismmaybefit intoanycategoryofexclusion.Thedanger(since

realized)isthatthelabelofterroristwilldenotealmostautomaticexclusion

without reference to the wording of the exclusion clauses or the context of the

refugee claimant.

B. Canadian Domestic Law

Inlightofthisinternationallacuna,domesticlegislatorsarefreetoadopt

broadandfar-reachingdefinitionsofterroristacts.IntheUnitedKingdom,this

hasincludeddefiningaterroristtobeanyindividualwith‘links’toaterrorist

group,wherelinksmeans‘supportsorassists’.61Thiscomesclosetolabelling

someoneaterroristbasedontheirpoliticalorethnicties.Indeedthiswasa

vitalissueinCanadainlate2009,andagainin2010,whenboatloadsofTamil

asylum seekers arrived on the west coast were subjected to lengthy detention

on suspicion of terrorism.62IntheUnitedStates,theso-called“materialsup-

portbar”barsasylum(andtherelatedbutlessercategoryofwithholdingof

deportation)forpersonswhohaveengagedinterroristactivity,whichincludes

providing any material support, including humanitarian support, or funding to

an individual who has already committed or plans to commit, a terrorist act.63

60Thayabaran,quotedinGurungvSSHD[2002]UKIAT04870,October15,200214Int’lJ.RefugeeL.382at para. 98.

61UnitedKingdom,Anti-Terrorism,CrimeandSecurityAct,2001,c.24,s.21(2)(c)ands.21(4).62Thesearrivalswerecoveredextensivelyinthenationalpressatthetime.Afewexamplesofthecoverage

concerningthefirstboatinclude:ColinFreeze,‘ShipsoffleeingTamilsstirfearofhiddenTigers’October23,2009,TheGlobeandMailp.A18;JaneArmstrong,‘ExpertclaimsmigrantsareTamilTigers;lawyerarguesthey’rerefugeesbeingmalignedbytheSriLankangovernment’November12,2009,TheGlobeandMailp.A9;JaneArmstrong,‘OttawafightsordertofreefivemoreTamilmigrants;DepartmentofJusticesuspiciousmenmaybeterrorists’December18,2009,TheGlobeandMail,p.A6.TheAugust2010arrivalofaboatcalledtheMVSunSeawasadirectcatalystforthegovernment’sintroductionofBillC-49,AnActtoPreventHumanSmugglersfromAbusingCanada’sImmigrationSystem,ostensiblyaimedatpeoplesmugglersbutitsprovisionssharplyrestrictasylumseekerrights.ThisbillisbeforeParliamentasthisarticle goes to press.

638U.S.C.§1182(a)(3)(B)(2005)(INA§212(a)(3)(B)).

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24 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

Terrorismisdefinedmorebroadly,inter alia, to include intention to coerce any

third party, rather than a government or international organization.64

Canada responded to UN Security Council Resolution 1373 and the post-

9/11 fracas with an omnibus anti-terrorism law in December 2001 that amended

several existing statutes.65Thelegislativedefinitionofterrorismcomesfrom

the Anti-Terrorism Act, which became part of the Canadian Criminal Code.

Section83.01definesboth“terroristactivity”and“terroristgroup”:

Thedefinitionofterrorismisintwoparts,incorporatinganumberofspecific

offences set out in various international conventions or protocols as well as

providingamoregeneraldefinition.Thegeneraldefinitionofterrorismin-

volves an act or omission motivated in whole or part by a “political, religious

or ideological” purpose19 with the primary intention ... of either intimidating

part of the public regarding security or economic security, or compelling

any government, “person,” or organization inside or outside Canada to do

ornotdo“anyact.”Thisactmustbeaccompaniedbyoneoffivesecondary

intentions: causing death or serious bodily harm to a person by the use of

violence,endangeringaperson’slife,causingseriousrisktopublichealth

or safety, causing substantial property damage of a sort likely to result in

serious bodily harm, risk to life or public health or safety, or causing serious

interference with any essential “service, facility or system” other than dis-

ruption resulting from advocacy, protest, dissent, or work stoppage that is

not intended to result in harm or threat to life, body, health, or safety of the

public.66

TheCriminal Code also contains provisions related to the financing of ter-

rorism, the establishment of a list of terrorist entities, the freezing and for-

64Hathaway&Harvey,supranote15at269-70;AndrewI.Schoenholtz&JenniferHojaiban,InstitutefortheStudyofInternationalMigration,“InternationalMigrationandAnti-TerrorismLawsandPolicies:BalancingSecurityandRefugeeProtection”(2008)PolicyBrief4.

65KentRoach,“TheRoleandCapacitiesofCourtsandLegislatures inReviewingCanada’sAnti-TerrorismLaw”(2008)24W.R.L.S.I.5(notingthat:“[t]heATAwasnotuseduntil2004,andinthemeantimeCanadareliedonimmigrationlawsecuritycertificatesasitsprimeresponsetoterrorismeventhoughtheseinstru-mentswerenotincludedintheATAorsubjecttosubstantialdebateafter9/11”).

66SeeCriminalCode,R.S.C.1985,c.C-46,s.83.01[CriminalCode].SeealsoW.WesleyPue,“TheWaronTerror:ConstitutionalGovernanceinaStateofPermanentWarfare”(2003)41OsgoodeHallL.J.267atpara.9[Pue].

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 25

feiture of property, and participating, facilitating, instructing and harboring of

terrorism.67Itisremarkableinitsbreadthandhasbeencriticizedforcatching

both non-violent dissent and ordinary violent behaviour within its net.68

In2002,theSupremeCourtofCanadaweighedinwiththeSuresh de-

cision.69ManickavasagamSureshwasaTamilfromSriLankawhowasfound

to be a refugee in 1991. Despite having refugee status, when he applied for

permanent resident status, the Canadian government found him inadmissible

onsecuritygroundsandfiledasecuritycertificateagainsthim.70Thecertifi-

catewasbasedonhisfundraisingactivitiesfortheWorldTamilMovement,an

organizationthatsupportstheLiberationTigersofTamilEalem(LTTE).Suresh

protested that he would be tortured if returned to Sri Lanka, and the Court

agreed that he had proven a prima facie risk of torture.

TheSupremeCourtconsideredthemeaningofterrorismintheimmigra-

tion and refugee law context. Legislative reforms had made terrorism a cate-

gory of inadmissibility to Canada in 1992.71Thetermwasnotdefined,andthe

FederalCourthadthusfarpreferredthe“IknowitwhenIseeitapproach”.72At

issue in Suresh wasthedefinitionofterrorismforthepurposeofinterpreting

theinadmissibilityprovision.DespitetheSupremeCourt’sacknowledgement

that “theabsenceofanauthoritativedefinitionmeans that,at leastat the

margins,‘thetermisopentopoliticizedmanipulation,conjecture,andpolem-

67CriminalCode,supranote54ats.83.01.SeePublicSafetyCanadawebsiteforpubliclistofterroristor-ganizations at http://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/prg/ns/le/cle-en.asp.

68 Pue, supra note 67 at para. 9.69Sureshv.Canada(MCI),[2002]1S.C.R.3[Suresh].70ThisprocedureisusedwhentheCanadiangovernmentseekstodeportsomeoneonseriousgroundsof

inadmissibilityandhasevidencethatitwouldliketokeepsecret.TheprocedurewasmodifiedfollowingtheSupremeCourtofCanada’s2007rulinginCharkaouithatmostaspectsofitareconstitutional,includingthepossibilityofindefinitedetention:seeCharkaouiv.Canada(CitizenshipandImmigration),[2007]1S.C.R. 350.

71ThiswasaccomplishedthroughamendmentstotheformerImmigrationActR.S.C.1985,c.I-2containedinBillC-86of1992.SeediscussioninAiken,OfGodsandMonsters,supranote52.

72AudreyMacklin,“Mr.SureshandtheEvilTwin”(2002)20Refuge15.

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26 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

icalinterpretation’”73,itproceededtoadoptthestipulativedefinitionfromthe

International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism.74

For the purposes of the former Immigration Act, terrorism means:

Any...actintendedtocausedeathorseriousbodilyinjurytoacivilian,orto

any other person not taking an active part in the hostilities in a situation of

armedconflict,whenthepurposeofsuchact,byitsnatureorcontext,isto

intimidate a population, or to compel a government or an international orga-

nization to do or to abstain from doing any act.75

TheSupremeCourtpreferredthisdefinitiontothefunctionalapproachofin-

ternationallaw,whichprohibitsspecificacts.76Itrejectedtheargumentthat,

undefined,thetermwassovagueastobeunconstitutionalunderCanada’s

Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

Ultimately, the justices held that a refugee could be deported to torture in

exceptionalcircumstances,providedthattheMinistercertifiedthathewasa

substantialdangertoCanadaandhewaslinkedtoterrorism(bothinherently

discretionarycertifications).ItdidnotexplainhowfundraisingfortheWTM

madeSureshamemberoftheLTTE,addingtotheuncertaintysurrounding

membership. TheSupremeCourtultimatelyordered theMinister to recon-

sider the case for reasons of procedural fairness. Mr. Suresh faced the great

misfortuneofhavingarguedhiscaseinMay2001.The9/11attacksoccurred

while the Court was deliberating and the ruling was handed down in January

2002.ThisisalowpointforCanadianjurisprudenceregardingterrorismand

73Suresh,supranote70atpara.94.74 Ibid.; see also International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism, General

AssemblyResolution54/109(A/RES/54/109,February25,2000).75 Ibid. at para. 98. This approach is followed in inadmissibility cases under the present legislation as

well:see,e.g.,Jalilv.Canada(MCI),[2006]4F.C.R.471andNaeemv.Canada(MinisterofCitizenshipImmigration),[2007]4F.C.R.658.

76 Suresh, supra note 70 at para. 97.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 27

itisamarkeddeparturefromtheinternationallawoftheConventionAgainst

Torture.Thecasehas,ofcourse,attractedsignificantattention.77

Similar tensions are visible in Canadian terrorism legislation and inter-

nationalrefugeelawwithrespecttobreadth,discretion,andthesignificant

scope for interpretation.Thedistinctionbetween legitimateand illegitimate

resistanceanimatesbothfields.Definitionsaregivenmeaningonlyinappli-

cation, and resort to political considerations inevitably occurs when decision

makersinterprettheconceptofterrorism.AndwhereCanada’scriminalap-

proach to anti-terrorism now situates the statute within a broader trend of the

“criminalization of politics”, refugees in general, and refugee exclusion law in

particular, have always been aligned with security and criminality concerns.78

Itmakes sense, then, that immigrationand refugee lawmechanismshave

become the instruments of choice to combat terrorism wherever the suspects

are non-citizens.

IV. refugee exClusIon and TerrorIsM: InTerpreTaTIVe deVelopMenTs

Theevolutionofa“cultureofexclusion”hasaffectedtheinterpretationof

theexclusioncategoriesinanumberofways.Thissectionturnstothesub-

stantive content of the cases examined and outlines the principal interpreta-

tivedevelopmentswithparticularfocusontherolesplayedbyterrorism.The

77Somecontributionstothisdiscussioninclude:DavidJenkins,“RethinkingSuresh:RefoulementtoTortureunderCanada’sCharterofRightsandFreedoms”(2009)47Alta.L.Rev.125;GeraldP.Heckman,“SecuringProceduralSafeguardsforAsylumSeekersinCanadianLaw:AnExpandingRoleforInternationalHumanRightsLaw?”(2003)15:2Int’lJ.RefugeeL.212;ObioraChineduOkafor,&PiusLekwuwaOkoronkwo,“Re-configuringNon-refoulement?TheSureshDecision, ‘SecurityRelativism’, and the InternationalHumanRightsImperative”(2003)15:1Int’lJ.RefugeeL.30;KentRoach,“DidSeptember11ChangeEverything?StrugglingtoPreserveCanadianValuesintheFaceofTerrorism”,(2002)47:4McGillL.J.893;Dauvergne,Less Brave New World, supra note 7.

78KentRoach,“TheDangersofaCharter-ProofandCrime-BasedResponsetoTerrorism”inRonaldJ.Daniels,PatrickMacklemandKentRoach,eds.,TheSecurityofFreedom:EssaysonCanada’sAnti-TerrorismBill(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2001)at138-9.Arguably,therestrictiveatmospheretowardrefu-geessince9/11providedtheimpetusrequiredforCanadaandtheUnitedStatestoconcludea‘safethirdcountry’agreement.

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28 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

next section considers the subtle but pervasive effects of these developments

on the dynamic notions of morality, sovereignty and humanity that underlie

thefieldofrefugeelaw.

A. Dynamic Interpretations: Redefining the ‘Political’

Themeaningandoperationofthepoliticalintherefugeeexclusioncon-

textmattersbothfortheapplicationof1F(b)andforjudicial interpretation

moregenerally.Thecasesandtrendsobservedinthissectionoriginateinthe

difficulttaskofdistinguishingbetweenpoliticalactsofresistanceandprotest,

ontheonehand,andactsofterrorism,ontheother.Twobroadfindingswere

made with respect to the interpretation of the political in Canadian refugee

exclusion jurisprudence. First, courts and the tribunal characterize legal issues

aspolitical oneswith increasing frequency.This characterizationeffectively

removes the issue from their purview. Second, courts and the tribunal have

beendefiningviolentactsasnon-politicalacts.Thisdefinitionredefinesthe

political to exclude any acts of violence.

Intherefugeeexclusioncontext,thefirstandmostobviouslocationfor

thepoliticalisArticle1F(b),whichexpresslyexcludesindividualsbecauseof

“serious,non-politicalcrimes”.Theclearimplicationisthatclaimantswillnot

be excluded where their crimes are political in nature. Canadian courts and

tribunalsemployafour-parttestwhichrequirespoliticalmotivation,apolitical

uprising, a rational connection between the offence and the uprising, and a

proportionality of means as measured against the nature of the regime.79

AsBenSaulpointsout,terroristactsoftenfailthesetestsforbeingdispro-

portionate, remote or barbarous.80Thedifficultinterpretationissuesarisein

79Gilv.Canada,[1994]1F.C.508(FCA).80 Saul, supra note 50 at 6.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 29

instances of severe state repression and legitimate resistance, as well as in in-

stances where the targets of abuses use their status as victims to justify their

ownpersecutoryactions.Anasylumseeker fromSri Lankaor Turkeymay

be both a victim of abuse and a perpetrator of the same.81Theline-drawing

exercise in these situations is inherently political and thus coloured by the

discourses of security and terrorism that follow the refugee claimant in the

post-9/11 world.

Thecharacterizationoflegalissuesaspoliticalonesamountstothepo-

liticizationofcertainissuesintherefugeedetermination.Thisre-description

is most prevalent in cases where the Canadian judiciary has refused to dif-

ferentiatebetweenfreedomfightersandterrorists,andhasnotsoughtguid-

ance in international humanitarian law to delineate the conditions in which

national liberation movements may resort to force.82InSuresh,theFederal

Court refused to consider expert testimony concerning the characterization of

theLTTEasaliberationmovemententitledtoself-determination,ortodistin-

guishbetweentheorganization’sattacksonmilitarysitesandthosethattar-

getedcivilians.ThiswouldhaverequiredtheCourtto“resolvepoliticalissues

that exist between groups of people in another country”.83 But the conduct of

aliberationstruggleisverymuchalegalissue,involvingquestionsofinter-

national law.84Inanycase,refugeedeterminationnearlyalwaysinvolvesthis

invidious dilemma.

Thedefinitionofviolentactsasnon-political isanextensionofexisting

jurisprudentialagreementthatterroristactscannotbepolitical.Thisextension

stems largely from public and political pressure to locate and punish interna-

81 Kingsley Nyinah, supra note 10 at 303.82ThisobservationparallelsSharrynAiken’sfindingsinOfGodsandMonsters,supranote52at17;Seealso

UnitedNationsConventionfortheSuppressionoftheFinancingofTerrorism,Article21,supranote53.83ReSuresh,[1997]F.C.J.No.1537(TD).84Aiken,OfGodsandMonsters,supranote52at19.

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30 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

tionalcriminalsandterrorists.Thepoliticalisreservedforcivillydisobedient

individuals whose circumstances are free from complexity and thus clearly

resideonthesideofgood.MahatmaGhandiwouldfitthebox.

Thelawconstructsrefugeesasterroristsinseveralways.Undertheex-

clusion clauses, decisionmakers have redefined the political as criminal.85

Themostcommonmoveistolocatetheviolenceofapoliticalactororgani-

zation, and then use that violence to characterize the act or organization as

non-political,criminal,andterrorist.Thisignoresthelegitimateusesofvio-

lentresistanceunderinternationallaw.Theterroristlabelisthusa“political

choice rather than legal analysis”, used for the purpose of distinguishing the

act fromother,possiblyacceptableconductby the freedomfighter.86Other

times,thecharacterizationfollowsfromthemanipulabilityoftheArticle1F(b)

test. InZrig, thetribunal foundMTI/Ennahdatobeaterroristorganization

engaged in terrorist acts.87 Ultimately, this characterization meant that de-

spite therepressivenatureof theTunisianregime, therecouldbenoclose

and direct causal link between the arson at issue and the political objective of

establishinganIslamiststate.88Itwas“grosslydisproportionate”andnot“an

acceptable form of protest”.89 Similarly, in M96-04265, the tribunal found that

the claimant acted out of political conviction and the crimes were committed

during a political uprising but there was no objective rational nexus between

the crimes and a change in government.90Thenexusbetweenthecrimeand

the political objective is very malleable.

85PrakashShah,“Takingthe“Political”OutofAsylum:TheLegalContainmentofRefugees’PoliticalActivism”inF.Nicholson&P.Twomey,eds.,RefugeeRightsandRealities(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1999).

86Gilbert,supranote8at440.87IRBCaseM92-10133(2000),[2002]1F.C.559(T.D.),[2003]3F.C.761(C.A.).88Zrigv.Canada(MCI),[2001]F.C.J.No.1433.OntherepressivenatureoftheTunisianregime,seeJaouadi

v.Canada,(2006)305F.T.R.122atparas.39-40.89Ibid.atpara.114.90M96-04265(March8,2002).

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 31

Thus,therearetwocontradictorydynamicsoperatingintheinterpretation

oftheexclusionclauses.Ontheonehand,thereisanefforttopoliticize the

legaldeterminationsintegraltotheexclusionclauses.Thisisaccomplishedby

characterizing legal issues as political ones, thereby removing the examina-

tionoforganizationsandconflictsfromthepurviewoftribunalsandcourts.

TheresultisthespaceforlegitimateresistanceinArticle1Fisfurthercircum-

scribedbythejudicialrefusaltotacklecomplexquestionsaboutthenatureof

organizationsandconflicts.Thispoliticizationoflegaldeterminationsapplies

toalloftheexclusioncategoriesandisemployedselectivelybythecourts.On

the other hand, there is a nearly unanimous effort to depoliticize terrorist and

violentcrimestoremovethemfromtheprotectivesub-clausewithinArticle

1F(b).Thisisaccomplishedbymaking“politicalcrime”and“non-violent”co-

eval. Violence is increasingly cast as irrational and disproportionate, rendering

itnon-politicalregardlessofmotive.Theresultisthatitisnearlyimpossible

tocommitapolitical crimeofviolent resistancewithin the termsofArticle

1F(b).Forrefugeeclaimants,oneconsequence is thatpoliticalactivitythat

is lawful for citizens may be the basis for their exclusion.91Thisisoneofthe

many places in refugee law where we seem to expect refugee claimants to be

better than ourselves.

B. Conflationary Interpretations: the Content of International Crimes

The cases demonstrate an increasingly broad characterization of who

should be excluded. Many of these trends began before 9/11; the signifi-

canceof9/11 lies inthemanner inwhich itsolidifiedwhatAudreyMacklin

calls the “exteriorization of threat and the foreigner as the embodiment of its

91SharrynJ.Aiken,“Manufacturing“Terrorists”:Refugees,NationalSecurity,andCanadianLaw”19Refuge54at55[Aiken,ManufacturingTerrorists].

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32 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

infiltration”.92Thisshiftindiscoursemeantthatcertainfactualcharacteriza-

tions and legal interpretations of the refugee gained and maintained traction

overothers.Theemphasisontheinsecureandmenacingrefugee‘Other’is

accommodated through the broad discretion present in the legal framework.93

Existingtermsarebroadenedandreinterpreted,exceptionsbecametherule,

and references to terrorism become predictors that exclusion will follow.

Theunderlyingcharacterizationhere,oneofrefugeesasterrorists,isen-

abledbythenewplaceofterrorisminthelegalrealm.Atbase,terrorismisa

politicalposition,notalegaldefinition.Itisembeddedinaparticularcultural,

social and tactical context.94 Rosalyn Higgins writes:

Terrorismisatermwithoutlegalsignificance....Itisatonceashort-handto

allude to a variety of problems with some common elements, and a method

of indicating community condemnation for the conduct concerned.95

Whileitmaybepossibletolegallydescribeaspecificactasterroristinnature,

the term itself doesnothaveanybroader legal purchase. In contrast, the

term “refugee” isthelegaldefinitionofanindividualfleeingpersecutionon

certaingrounds.Specificactsorspecificgroundsofpersecutiononlyserveto

supportthelegalfindingofrefugeestatus.Intherefugeecontext,terrorism

acquiresthecloakoflegalityintwoframes:fromthelabellingofspecificacts

of violence as terrorist and from the superimposition of terrorism onto crimes

against humanity.96

92 Audrey Macklin, “Borderline Security” in Ronald J. Daniels, Patrick Macklem & Ken Roach, eds., TheSecurityofFreedom(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,2001)383at392.

93CatherineDauvergne,“EvaluatingCanada’sNewImmigrationAct”(2003)41Alta.L.Rev.725atpara.27.

94JosebaZulaikaandWilliamA.Douglas,TerrorandTaboo:Thefollies,fables,andfacesofterrorism(NewYork:Routledge,1996)at96-99.

95RosalynHiggins,“TheGeneralInternationalLawofTerrorism”inRosalynHiggins&MauriceFlory,eds.,TerrorismandInternationalLaw(London:Routledge,1997)at28.

96SeealsoNancyWeisman,“Article1F(a)ofthe1951ConventionRelatingtotheStatusofRefugees inCanadianLaw”,(1996)8Int’lJ.RefugeeL.111at125;Aiken,ManufacturingTerrorists,supranote92at126.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 33

1.TheExpandingCategoryofCrimesAgainstHumanity

Article1F(a) isnowthesiteofmostrefugeeexclusions inCanada,and

crimesagainsthumanityisthemostfrequentlyreferencedcategoryofharm

under that article.97Scholarlyarticlesandcaselawsuggestthat1F(b)isthe

appropriatecategoryforexcludingterroristsorat leastthemost ‘tradition-

ally relevant’.98 But Canada’s current exclusion numbers and cases contra-

dictthistradition.Instead,actscharacterizedasterroristinnaturearebeing

adjudicatedascrimesagainsthumanity.Thisisparticularlysurprisinggiven

the Supreme Court pronouncement in Pushpanathan that terrorist acts had

been declared contrary to UN purposes and principles and generally fell under

Article1F(c).99

Crimesagainsthumanityhavebeendefinedinseveralinternationallaw

instruments.100In2005,theSupremeCourtestablishedtheparametersofsuch

crimes for the purposes of Canadian law in the Mugesera decision.101Thecase

concerned the Rwandan genocide and the Supreme Court hewed closely to the

jurisprudenceoftheInternationalCriminalTribunalfortheformerYugoslavia

andInternationalCriminalTribunalforRwanda.Crimesagainsthumanitycon-

sistoffourelements:(1)oneoftheenumeratedproscribedactsiscommitted;

(2)theactoccursaspartofawidespreadorsystematicattack;(3)theattack

isprimarilydirectedagainstanycivilianpopulationoranyidentifiablegroup;

97SeeTable2:Immigration&RefugeeBoardArticle1F(a)ExclusionNumbers.Itisimportanttore-empha-size that we are talking about the universe of publicly available decisions.

98Zard,supranote59;GuyGoodwin-Gill&JaneMcAdam,TheRefugeeinInternationalLaw,3rded.(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2007).

99 Pushpanathan, supra note 5at para. 66.100 RomeStatuteoftheInternationalCriminalCourt,U.N.Doc.A/CONF.183/9(1998);Statuteofthe

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, adopted by S.C. Res. 955, U.N. Doc. S/RES/955 (1994);StatuteoftheInternationalCriminalTribunalfortheFormerYugoslavia,adoptedbyS.C.Res.827,U.N.Doc.S/RES/827(1993)(seealsoupdatedStatute);CharteroftheInternationalMilitaryTribunal,AnnexoftheAgreementfortheProsecutionandPunishmentoftheMajorWarCriminalsoftheEuropeanAxis,8August1945,82U.N.T.S..279.

101 Mugeserav.Canada(MCI),[2005]2S.C.R.100.SeealsoCrimesAgainstHumanityandWarCrimesAct,S.C.2000,c.24.

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34 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

and(4)theaccusedhasknowledgeoftheattackandthatheractscomprise

partofitortakestheriskthatheractswillcomprisepartofit.International

lawnowacceptsthatcrimesagainsthumanitymaybecommittedinconflict

andnon-conflictcontexts.102 Further, exclusion for crimes against humanity

doesnotrequireaconnectionwithstateauthority,permittingthescrutinyof

guerrillas or militias for exclusion.

From the point of view of international criminal law, the legal character-

ization of terrorism as a crime against humanity is problematic. Terrorism

offences have not been categorized as crimes against humanity at the in-

ternationallevel,andArticle1F(a)isaninternationalstandard.Noneofthe

internationaleffortstodefineterrorismhaveequateditwithcrimesagainst

humanity.103 Recently, when some states proposed that terrorism be consid-

ered an international crime subject to the jurisdiction of the International

Criminal Court as a crime against humanity, many countries objected.104These

objectionsincludedseveralofthefindingsofourresearch:theoffenceisnot

workablydefined,itwouldpoliticizethecourt,someactsofterrorismarenot

sufficientlyserious towarrantprosecutionbyan international tribunal,and

there should be a distinction between terrorism and national struggles for self-

determination.105

Theproblemisthatcrimesagainsthumanityarenotnecessarilythesame

asterroristcrimes.Theprimaryspecificfeatureofterrorismistheintentto

102 InternationalLawCommissionDraftCode;InRamirezv.MCI,[1992]2FC306(FCA)[Ramirez]andSivakumarv.MCI,[1994]1F.C.433,theFederalCourtofAppealheldthatcrimesagainsthumanitydonot need to be committed during war and may be committed by both government and non-government organizationswellbeforeinternationalcriminaltribunalscametothesameconclusion(seeDukoTadic,DecisionontheDefenceMotionforInterlocutoryAppealonJurisdictionbeforetheAppealsChamberoftheICTY,CaseNo.IT-94-1-AR72(1995)).

103 Aiken,ManufacturingTerrorists,supranote92at126.104 AntonioCassese,“TerrorismisAlsoDisruptingSomeCrucialLegalCategoriesofInternationalLaw”

(2001)12E.J.I.L.993at994.105 Ibid.at994.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 35

spread terror among civilians.106Closeexaminationofactsdefinedasterrorist

crimes show that they include many lesser offences than those contained in

Article 1F, such as extortion, theft, robbery, damage to public utilities and

supportingaterroristgroup.TheconflationbeganintheFederalCourtlevel

Sureshdecision,andithaspersistedthroughsimilarfindingsregardingextor-

tion107,videorecordingthebroadcastsofa‘terrorist’organization108, and pro-

vidinglogisticalsupport(takingfood,medicationandsometimesweaponsto

theFMLNandfindinglocationsformeetings).109Thebroadbasisfordomestic

definitionsofterrorismseemstobebleedingintorefugeeexclusioninterpre-

tationsofArticle1F(a).

Crimesagainsthumanityinvolvetheinflictionofmassivebrutalitiesand

bring tomind conflicts such as the Nazi Holocaust, the Cambodian killing

fields, and the Rwandan genocide. Themanner inwhich Canadian courts

and tribunals have interpreted the refugee exclusion clauses to include lesser

offences and situations where there is no evidence of personal or individual

responsibility for the specific acts expands the category of crimes against

humanitywellbeyonditsmeaningininternationallaw.Indeed,theinterna-

tional criminal tribunals deal in leaders and individuals in positions of authority

rather than membership responsibility.

TheRomeStatuteExplanatoryMemorandumcautions:

Theyarenotisolatedorsporadicevents,butareparteitherofagovernment

policy ... or of a wide practice of atrocities tolerated or condoned by a gov-

ernment or a de facto authority. However, murder, extermination, torture,

rape, political, racial, or religious persecution and other inhumane acts reach

106 Ibid.at995.107 IRBCaseMA3-00620(2005).108 IRBCaseVA4-00258(2004):theFederalCourtdidnotupholdtheRPD’sexclusionforactivepartici-

pation in terrorist activities.109 Aguilarv.Canada(MCI),[2000]F.C.J.No.1289.

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36 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

the threshold of crimes against humanity only if they are part of a wide-

spread or systematic practice. Isolated inhumane acts of this nature may

constitute grave infringements of human rights, or depending on the cir-

cumstances, war crimes, but may fall short of meriting the stigma attaching

to the category of crimes under discussion....Consequentlywhenoneor

more individuals are not accused of planning or carrying out a policy of inhu-

manity,butsimplyofperpetratingspecificatrocitiesorviciousacts,inorder

to determine whether the necessary threshold is met one should use the fol-

lowing test: one ought to look at these atrocities or acts in their context and

verify whether they may be regarded as part of an overall policy or a consis-

tent pattern of an inhumanity, or whether they instead constitute isolated or

sporadic acts of cruelty and wickedness.110

The case law in our dataset reveals several different movesmade by

thejudiciary.Onemethodisdescribedabove,namelytheconflationofter-

rorism with crimes against humanity, which elevates the former and waters

down the latter. For example, inMA2-07509, the claimantwas amember

of the Students’ Islamic Movement of India (SIMI).111 The panel excluded

theclaimantforcomplicityinaterroristact.AlthoughSIMIissuednopublic

statement of responsibility, one of its members was the prime suspect in the

bombingoftheSabarmatiExpressinAugust2000.Thisgroundedthepanel’s

considerationof“thisterroristactasa‘crimeagainsthumanity’”.112InV97-

00349,thereisnomentionoftheterm“crimesagainsthumanity”despitethe

findingofexclusionunderArticle1F(a).113TheclaimantwasaSunnimember

oftheSipaheSahaba(SSP)organizationinPakistan.Thepanelfoundthat

he had to be excluded due to his participation in an “extreme terrorist organi-

zation” and later, an “extremist religious, terrorist organization”.114 Similarly,

110 ExplanatoryMemorandumtotheRomeStatuteoftheInternationalCriminalCourt,UNDoc.A/CONF.183/9;37ILM1002(1998).

111 MA2-07509(2003).112 Ibid.at5.113 V97-00349(2000)114 Ibid.at6.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 37

inT98-09991,theclaimantactedadriverforEjercitoPopularRevolucionario

(EPR).Ononeoccasion,hetransportedEPRmemberswhomhebelievedwere

carryingweapons.Thepaneldeterminedthat“theclaimantpersonallypar-

ticipated in the activities of a group involved in terrorism” and “the claimant

was part of an organization that committed acts of terrorism, on a continuous

basis, as part of its raison d’etre”.115 On this basis, the panel concluded –

withoutanyanalysisofthecontentofcrimesagainsthumanityorthespecific

actsconstitutingsuchcrimes–that“theclaimanthad,attheleast,actively

aidedtheEPRinthecommissionofcrimeagainsthumanityand,therefore,as

an accomplice, may be held responsible for the crime”.116

Asecondstrategyinvolvesrelianceonthedocumentaryevidenceasthe

basis forfindingterroristactsandcrimesagainsthumanityandforcontra-

dictingthetestimonyoftheclaimant,asinthecaseofVA5-01324.Although

the Minister, who typically makes the argument for exclusion in the Canadian

context,arguedthattherewasinsufficientevidencetofindexclusionunder

Article1F(a),thepaneldisagreed,primarilyonthebasisofdocumentaryevi-

dence.TheclaimantwasamemberofthePeruvianarmedforces.Thepanel

used the documentary evidence to draw inferences and conclusions such as

this one: “on a balance of probabilities, the mandated fate of these captured

guerrillas, whether wounded or not, would have been torture and extrajudicial

execution”, and then to implicate the claimant in those probable acts.117Also,

in Ali,theFederalCourtuseddocumentaryevidencetodiscredittheclaimant’s

testimony that he was unaware of violence or that such violence did not exist.

TheapplicantwasamemberoftheMuttahidaQuamiMovement(MQM).The

FederalCourtfoundthattheMinister’sdocumentaryevidenceestablishedthe

115 T98-09991(2000)atpage3.116 Ibid.at4.117 VA5-01324(2006)atpara.30.

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38 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

MQM’sreputationforviolence,mistreatmentofdissidents,extortion,murder

andtorture,andthatthisevidencewastobepreferredtotheapplicant’sun-

awareness and denial.118

Finally, the term terrorism is used as a proxy for an organization directed

towarda “limited, brutal purpose” for thepurposesof findingmembership

sufficienttorequireexclusion.Exclusionthroughmembershipaccountsforan

important subset of the cases, and we turn to these below.

2. Membership Filtered through the Lens of Complicity

Thecasesrevealatroublingstateofaffairs:itiswhoyouareorwhoare

associated with, rather than what you have done, that often provides the basis

forexclusion.Thisresultsfromthewaythattheconceptsofmembershipand

complicityhavebeenapplied.Complicityisthemostfrequentbasisforexclu-

sion.Itisexceedinglyrarethattherefugeeclaimantparticipateddirectlyin

a crime against humanity; more often, the refugee claimant was part of an

organization that was involved in violent acts; most often, the claimant did not

commitanyviolence.Ultimately,itisnotthenatureoftheclaimant’scrimes

which leads to exclusion, but the nature of the crimes alleged against the

organization.119

Complicity issufficient toexclude.Whatdoesthismean?First, refugee

claimants need not be directly engaged in the terrorist activity and the threshold

ofindividualresponsibilityisnolongerstringentlyrequired.120Thereisnoneed

to show that the claimant had close or direct responsibility for the crimes or

was actively associated with them. Second, refugee claimants need not have

participatedinanyviolence.Thebasisforexclusionismostfrequentlyindirect

118 Aliv.Canada(SolicitorGeneral),[2005]F.C.J.No.1590atpara.50.119 Harbv.Canada(MCI),[2003],238F.T.R.194atpara.11.120 Zard,supranote59;Aiken,OfGodsandMonsters,supranote52at22.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 39

andbasedoncomplicity.Thiscomesdangerouslyclosetoattributingguilton

the basis of association and is at odds with the individual character of the ex-

clusion procedure.121

ThetestestablishedbytheFederalCourtinRamirezrequires:(1)volun-

tarymembershipinaviolent,criminalorganization,(2)personalandknowing

participationinitsacts,and(3)failuretodisassociatefromthegroupatthe

earliest safe opportunity.122Overtheyears,complicityhasbecomeabloated

container for any kind of involvement with a violent organization. For example,

witness these statements: “it is not working within an organization that makes

someoneanaccomplicetotheorganization’sactivities,butknowinglycontrib-

uting to those activities in any way or making them possible, whether from

within or from outside the organization”123 or “a tolerance of such crimes is

sufficienttobeheldliable”.124

There are now fourways to be complicit underCanadian refugee law:

presence at an international crime if combined with authority; membership

in a limited, brutal purpose organization; personal and knowing participa-

tion; and having a shared purpose.125 Thedifferencebetweenparticipation

and shared purpose lies in the proximity between the individual and the orga-

nization.126 Common purpose is exceedingly malleable and has been held to

mean “sharing the goal of protecting the security zone” and sharing the pur-

pose of “remaining in power and winning the next election”.127 Complicity has

been found where the claimant: turned people over to organizations commit-

121 Zard, ibid.122 Ramirez, supra note 103. For an organization that is not “principally directed toward a violent and

brutalpurpose”,theMinistermustdemonstratecomplicitythroughthesixfactoranalysis(personalknowl-edge,methodofrequirement,rank,lengthofmembership,disassociation).

123 Bazarganv.Canada(MEI)(1996),205N.R.232(FCA)atpara.11.124 Fabelav.Canada(MEI)(2005)FC1028atpara.19.125 Rikhof,supranote22at459.126 Ibid.at459.127 SeeIRBCaseT98-06563(ElHasbani,2000);IRBCaseMA4-03233atpara.63.

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40 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

ting crimes against humanity with knowledge that they would come to harm;

provided information to organizations which might result in harm to those

about whom this information pertained; provided support functions, including

beingaguardoradriver;increasedtheefficiencyoftheorganizationorlent

effectivesupport, includingbeinganadministrativeofficer inagovernment

anti-terroristunit;andfinancedtheorganization.128Theseunderstandingsof

complicity gobeyond thefindings of international criminal tribunals,which

“only dealt with persons most responsible for international crimes”.129Inthis

way, refugee law is being used to assign culpability at a far lower threshold

than international criminal law.

Intentionisrequiredforcomplicity.Theindividualmusteitherintendto

perpetrate the act, intend to be complicit in the perpetration of the act, or be

wilfully blind to the act.130Itissettledthatlesserformsofactualknowledge,

such aswilful blindness,may suffice.However, there is a broad exception

where the organization is “directed toward a limited, brutal purpose”. For such

organizations,simplybelongingmaybesufficientforexclusion.InHarb,the

Federal Court found that once an organization has committed crimes against

humanityandtheclaimant“meetstherequirementsformembershipinthe

group, knowledge, participation or complicity imposed by precedent, the ex-

clusionappliesevenifthespecificactscommittedbytheappellanthimselfare

not crimes against humanity as such.”131Othercaseshavefoundthatthere

isnoneedtoidentifyspecificactsinwhichtheindividualwasinvolved.132 The

troublingconsequenceofrequiringidentificationwiththepurposesoftheor-

128 Rikhof,supranote22at463-5;Loayzav.Canada(MCI),[2006]288F.T.R.250.129 Ibid.at506.130 Ibid.at466.131 Harb, supra note 120 at para. 11.132 Canada(MCI)v.Hajialikhani(1998),156F.T.R.248;Pushpanathan,supranote5;butseeEl-Hasbani

v.Canada(MCI),2001FCT914;Maganv.Canada(MCI),2007FC888.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion41

ganizationratherthanthespecificactsperformedisheightenedbytheten-

dency to presume knowledge.

Thecasesshowanincreasingtendencytopresumeorimputetherequisite

knowledgeorintentionbasedonotherfactors.Onesuchfactoristheroleof

the individual in the organization.133Infact,thisnotionofimputedknowledge

is at the crux of the exception for organizations principally directed toward a

limited, brutal purpose. Consider these examples from judgments rendered

over the last three years of our dataset. Members of such organizations are

presumed to know of its “limited, brutal purpose”. Similarly, sometimes the

abuses were of “such a multitude and magnitude that the claimant had to

know” or “could not have been unaware”.134Thisimputationholdsevenifthe

claimant held an administrative role, was posted to a rural area guarding a

village or was a devout evangelical member of the army who did not read

newspapers and lived off the army base.135 Knowledge will also be imputed

where human rights organizations have published reports on abuses, making

them “a matter of public record”.136AmitChowdhurybecameamemberof

theAwamiLeagueinBangladeshduringthetimeitformedthenationalgov-

ernment.Thetribunalfoundthat,“[i]tisunbelievablethattheApplicantwas

an exception from the rest of his party, given the record of injured and killed

people in politically motivated violence”.137

Thetendenciesdescribedaboveareheightenedinthecaseoforganiza-

tions principally directed toward a limited, brutal purpose. After 9/11, the

133 See,forexample,Thomasv.Canada(MCI),(2007)317F.T.R.6;Akramovv.Canada(MCI)287F.T.R.93;Petrovv.Canada,2007FC465;IRBCaseVA5-01324(2006);IRBCaseAA2-01119,Loayza,supranote 129; Chowdhury v. Canada, 2006 FC 139 at para. 23.

134 Acevedov.Canada(MCI),2006FC480;Akramov,ibid.;LaHozv.Canada(MCI),(2005)278F.T.R.229.

135 Loayza,supranote129atpara.10(administrativejob);IRBCaseTA3-04657(2007)(Ministerwith-drew intervention in case of an evangelical Christian, agreeing that claimant was unaware of the crimes, butRPDfoundknowledge).

136 IRBCaseTA2-17942(2007)atpara.83.137 Chowdhuryv.Canada(MCI),(2006)287F.T.R.1.

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42 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

UNHCRconfirmedthiscontroversialreasoning,statingthatvoluntarymem-

bership in a notoriously violent group gives rise to a rebuttable presump-

tion of personal and knowing participation in the group’s activities.138 The

casesfrequentlyemploytheterms“limited,brutalpurpose”and“terrorist”as

equivalentlegalfindings.139 TheFederalCourtheldin2002thatanorganiza-

tion may be principally directed to a limited, brutal purpose even if it does not

engage exclusively in acts of terrorism.140 Thedangersarethatthepresump-

tion amounts to criminalizing membership, leads to automatic exclusion, and

overlaps with other aspects of the determination, which amounts to a denial

ofproceduralfairness.Ithasalreadyledthecourtstodispensewithtestsfor

membership,findingthatassociationorsupportoftheorganizationissuffi-

cienttobasecomplicity.Theresultisthattheindividualwhobringsfoodstuffs

to the rebels is accorded the same treatment as the individual who personally

participated in attacks on civilians.

ThecurrentCanadiancase lawhasproscribedmembership inaviolent

organization without regard to the obligations of membership or the range of

theorganization’sotheractivities.Thisisindirectcontradictiontothecau-

tion set out by the Federal Court in Al Yamani in 1996.141To take thefirst

inquiry,obligationsofmembership,thecasesrevealthatanysupportoras-

sociationwithaterroristorganizationentailsexclusion.InAli, nine years later,

the claimant was found to have “lent his effective support” to the Mutlahida

138 Saul,supranote50at9;UNHCR,BackgroundNoteontheApplicationof theExclusionClauses:Article

1Fofthe1951ConventionrelatingtotheStatusofRefugees,anintegralpartoftheGuidelinesonInternationalProtection No. 5, supra note 15.

139 IRBCaseMA4-03350(2007)atpara.124,IRBCaseTA2-17942(2007)atpara.79;Canada(MCI)v.Nallaiya,2007FC1197;Diasonamav.Canada(MCI),2005FC888atpara.19;Canada(MCI)v.Maan,2005FC1682(terrorismengagesallthreeexclusionclauses).

140 Pushpanathan, supra note 5.141 AlYamaniv.Canada,[1996]1FC174.AlYamaniwasseekingreviewofthesecuritycertificateissued

against him.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion43

QuamiMovement(MQM).142MQMwasapoliticalpartythatformedpartofthe

coalitiongovernmentinPakistan.Theclaimantattendedmeetings,collected

donationandwroteslogans.Theseactsexcludedhimfromrefugeestatus.In

Nagamany,theFederalCourtfoundthattheLTTEinSriLankaresortedtoter-

roristmethodsandthattheclaimantparticipatedinpropagandaandfinance,

“two of the most vital functions of any organization”.143Indeed,financingan

organization directed toward a “limited, brutal purpose” leads to exclusion.

InHajialikhani,in1998,theFederalCourtconfirmed,“thereisnodoubtthat

financingcrimesmakesonecomplicittherein”.144InthesecondPushpanathan

casefouryearslater,theFederalCourtconnectedtwonewdots,findingthat:

“the trafficking of narcotics—which is essentially the financing of crimes—

makeshimcomplicitinsupportingtheLTTE”.145Thispermittedaninferenceof

guilt:

Ithasbeenestablishedthattheapplicantiscomplicitduetohisfinancingof

crimesthroughthetraffickingofnarcoticsinCanadaandthattheLTTEisin-

famous for committing crimes against humanity, accordingly, this Court can

infer that the applicant was complicit in crimes against humanity.146

Withrespecttothesecondinquiry,therangeofactivities,thecasesrefuse

to consider the separation of violent and non-violent, or humanitarian and

military, objectives or branches of an organization. Where an organization

has dual or multiple purposes, those purposes are not considered to be sev-

erable.In2000,theSouthLebanonArmy’smandatetoprovidegovernance

aswellassecuritywithinthesecurityzoneprecludedafindingthatitwasan

organization directed toward a “limited, brutal purpose”.147 However, in the

142 Ali,supranote119.143 Nagamanyv.Canada(MCI),2005FC1554.144 Hajialikhani,supranote133atpara.41.145 Pushpanathan,supranote5atpara.48.146 Pushpanathan, ibid. at para. 55.147 IRBCaseT98-06563(2000)(“TheSLAhadadministrative,educational,health,security,military,

andpoliticalfunctionstoperformwithinthesecurityzone”).ButseeIRBCaseV97-00349(2000)forthe

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44 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

years following, it is not possible to support the humanitarian efforts of a vio-

lent organization; “supporting “good deeds” within a terrorist organization is

providing support to the terrorists”.148InTA0-09663,thetribunalconsidered

Hamas in the years before it came to power in Palestine.149Itacknowledged

theorganization’sdualroleasasocial,political,religiousorganizationanda

violent organization, and agreed that 95 percent of its budget went toward so-

cial service activities; nonetheless, the tribunal found Hamas to be a terrorist

organization that committed crimes against humanity.150 The claimantwas

excluded as complicit because he shared the goal of liberating Palestine, re-

ceivedfinancialsupport,attendedlectures,andrecruitedPalestinianyouths.

Again,thecontextualshortcomingsareevident:Hamasexistedasapseudo-

stateapparatuswithanarmthatincludedviolentresistance.Itsmeansmay

be suspect, but in such cases, closer scrutiny should attach to the nature of

personal involvement and the separability of purposes.

Similarly, the tribunal has found that the lack of proof that the funds

went to rehabilitation activities necessitates the assumption that they funded

military and terrorist operations.151 Several cases have considered the Mohajir

QuamiMovement(MQM) inPakistan,apoliticalpartywithamilitantwing.

They consistently find that theMQM is a terrorist organizationwhich uses

terrorist methods to achieve its political objectives, and that those objectives

cannot be separated from its militaristic activities.152 In 2004, the Federal

CourtconfirmedthisreasoningwithrespecttotheMojahedin-eKhalq:

opposite result.148 IRBCaseMA2-07509(2003).149 IRBCaseTA0-09663(2001).150 Ibid.151 IRBCaseT98-08052(2001)at16.152 IRBCaseMA3-00620;TA1-18022(2003).

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion45

ItwasthereforeopentotheBoardtofindasitdid,thattheMEKisater-

rorist organization even though some of its goals were lofty democratic and

consistent with international principles.153

Thetesthasbeenrearticulatedinvariousways:“whatistheorganization’s

sine qua non” or “would the organization exist only for benign projects” or “can

the political objectives be separated from the militaristic activities”.154These

are all different tests and none of them provide a metric that permits involve-

ment without exclusion from refugee status. Where violent activities cannot

be neatly separated from other objectives, this will ground complicity and

oftenprovideconfirmationoftheorganization’s“limited,brutalpurpose”.155

3.TheProblemwiththeInterpretationofInternationalCrimes

Fifteen years ago, the Federal Court interrogated the role of a national

armyasaterroristorganization.IntheBalta case, the Court asked whether

the particular goal of the Serbian army was the commission of international

crimes.156 Without disputing the atrocities committed by Serbian forces, the

Court stated:

While the Serbian army may be utilizing terrorist means to achieve political

ends,Ithinkitissignificantthattherearepoliticalends,namelySerbian

control of Bosnia.

Thissuggestsadistinctionbetweenaterroristorganizationandanorganiza-

tion that engages in terrorist practices.157Itispossible,onthisview,toemploy

terrorist means for political ends, and presumably it was also possible, at that

153 Bitarafv.Canada(MCI),2004FC898.154 Mehmoudv.Canada(MCI),(1998)46Imm.L.R.(2d)39;Pushpanathan,supranote5;Thomas,

supranote134.155 Pushpanathan,supranote5;Nagamany,supranote144atpara.35.156 Baltav.Canada(MCI),(1995)91F.T.R.81.Notethateveninthisdecision,theFederalCourtcon-

flated“internationalcrimes”with“terrorist”.157 Aiken,ManufacturingTerrorists,supranote92at120.

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46 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

time,tobeamemberoftheSerbianarmywithoutbeingaterrorist.Inthe

years since Balta,theIRBandalsotheFederalCourthaveresortedtobroad

brush strokes and blanket characterizations in their interpretation of the inter-

national crimes, bringing Canadian refugee law into ever closer alignment with

the material support bar in the United States.158 Aconsiderablenumberof

more recent cases show no distinction in this analysis between state agencies

(armies,policeforces,etc.)andnon-stateagencies,noteveninassessingthe

‘limitedandbrutalpurpose’criterion.Wediscussthisfurtherbelow.

Afterthecloseofourdataset,andwhilethisarticlewasunderreview,the

FederalCourtissuedadecisionwhichtacklestheproblemidentifiedherehead

on.InEzokola the exclusion issue concerned a former reasonably high ranking

diplomat of the Democratic Republic of Congo.159 Here the Court stated that is

was not enough to be a member of a government that had committed crimes

againsthumanity,nor could complicitybeprovenby ‘simpleknowledge’of

the international crimes.160Thisdecision,therefore,signalsapossibilityofa

clearer jurisprudence more closely tied to international standards and to the

original wording of the Convention, but it is too soon to tell whether this direc-

tion will be endorsed by a higher level court or noticed by parallel members of

the Federal Court.

Allapartfromtheapoliticalclarityimposeduponterrorismbyitsinces-

tuous relationship with crimes against humanity, there are also issues of ju-

dicial discretion placed in the service of a broader security agenda and a ju-

158 Schoenholtz&Hojaiban,supranote65.Thematerialsupportbarbarsarefugeeclaimantwhopro-vides any support to an organization, even where that organization opposes a repressive government thatisnotrecognizedaslegitimatebytheUSgovernment.In2007-2008,thediscretionaryauthoritytowaiveterrorism-relatedbarswasclarifiedandextended.See,e.g.:JonathanScharfen,DeputyDirectorofUSCitizenshipandImmigrationServices,“ProcessingtheDiscretionaryExemptiontotheInadmissibilityGroundforProvidingMaterialSupporttoCertainTerroristOrganizations”,InterofficeMemorandum(May24,2007);USCongress,ConsolidatedAppropriationsAct,2008,Pub.L.110-161,121Stat.1844(December26,2007).

159 EzokolavCanada(MCI),2010FC662.160 ThisisanunofficialtranslationoftheFrench‘lasimpleconnaissance’atpara4.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion47

dicialfailuretoengageinthedifficultquestionsoflawmaking.Thisapproach

fallsintotheerrordescribedbyGeraldNeumanasneglectingtoparsewhat

relationship to terrorist activity makes an organization terrorist.161 He states

further,

Few organizations exist solely for the purpose of engaging in terrorist ac-

tivity.Terrorismisusuallyameanstoanendandusuallynottheonlymeans

... employed for that end”.162

Thecasescontainbaldstatementsthatanorganizationisengagedinterrorism,

andsometimesthereisalistofterroristactivities.Thereisrarely,however,a

clear picture of what terrorism means and how that understanding applies to

theorganizationinquestion,norarethereexplanationsofhowthelistofspe-

cificactsmeetsthedefinition.163Actssuchaskidnapping,assaultandmurder

are undoubtedly criminal, but they are not necessarily acts of terrorism, and

decision makers must make their case.164Thisproblemisheightenedbythe

factualnatureofthecomplicityanalysis,sothat“everythingbecomesaques-

tion of fact” and thus effectively unreviewable by the Federal Court.165

V. reshapIng The ConCepTs of MoralITy and soVereIgnTy

Theseinterpretativedevelopmentshaveechoedinmanyspheres.Their

effects on the concepts of morality and sovereignty are explored in this sec-

tion,astheseconceptsareclosetothecoreofrefugeelaw.Theirevolution

demonstrates that refugee law remains close to its post Second World War

roots: it functions to reinscribe the large scale political concerns of the day

onto individuals.Inthisway,weseethatalthoughrefugeelawhasgrown

161 GeraldL.Neuman,“HumanitarianLawandCounterterroristForce”14E.J.I.L.283[Neuman].162 Ibid.at289.163 Jalil,supranote76atparas.22-25and30-32(inthecontextofinadmissibility).164 Naeem,supranote76atpara.46.165 SeeHarb,supranote120atpara.19;Bazargan,supranote124atpara.11.

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48 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

enormously over the past 50 years, including broadening understandings of

particular social groups and categories of persecution, the aims of asserting

Western sovereignty and policing exclusion remain central.

A. Morality: the Individual in Refugee Law

ThedevelopmentofArticle1Fwasspurredbyexperienceswithinterna-

tionalcrimesduringtheHolocaustandArticle14(2)oftheUniversalDeclaration

ofHumanRights.TheUniversalDeclarationrequiresthattherighttoasylum

“may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-

political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the

United Nations”.166 Article1Fthusoriginates inconcernsabout international

morality.167

Thenotionthatcertainactsare“beyondthepale”168 and that some in-

dividuals are undeserving of asylum is linked to ideas about morality and

humanity. Thenotionof grantingasylum to those characterizedas serious

criminals is juxtaposed against the “humanitarian and peaceful nature of the

concept of asylum”.169Inthisframe,refugeestatusisa“specialhumanitarian

privilege”andsomustbereservedfordeservingvictimsofpersecution.These

ideas played out in the mandatory nature of the exclusion mechanism. During

thedraftingprocess,bothFranceandIsraelobjectedtothesuggesteddiscre-

tionary nature of the exclusion mechanism based on “disturbing moral conse-

quences”and“onmoralgrounds”,respectively.170

166 General Assembly Resolution 217A, Article 14(2), U.N. Doc. A/810 at 74 (1948). According toHathaway&Harvey,anearlyversionofArticle1FsimplyreferredtoArticle14(2).

167 Hathaway & Harvey, supra note 15 at 263.168 Ibid.169 UNHCRNoteontheExclusionClauses,supranote49.170 Hathaway&Harvey,supranote15atfns24and25.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion49

Thesenotionsofmoralityarebuiltintothelegaltestsforexclusionunder

Article1F(a).Infact,theUNHCRGuidelinessuggestthatitisaprerequisite

for exclusion that a moral choice was in fact available to the individual.171

Refugees are thus excluded based on the moral choices they make.172 The

exclusion tests for membership and complicity measure morality through vol-

untary membership in the organization, knowledge and sympathy for its pur-

poses, and disassociation from the organization at the earliest opportunity.173

Atruerefugee,accordingly,wouldnotmaketheimmoralchoicetovoluntarily

joinaterroristorganization,ortosympathizewithterroristpurposes.Thecor-

ollary of this logic is that as Western morality shifts, it is incorporated directly

into the exclusion jurisprudence.

Thekeycriterion,however,isfailuretodisassociateatthefirstpossible

opportunity. Continued membership is the largest failure of conscience and

morality.Thetrulymoralrefugeeisrequiredtodissociateattheearliestop-

portunity, and not because of a threat to her family and certainly not because

offearforherownwell-being,butbecauseofacrisisofconscience.InLoayza,

theCourtrepeatedthetribunal’sreasoning:

IagreewiththesubmissionoftheMinister--“thatisacopout.”Theprin-

cipal claimant preferred to maintain his position in the PNP, hoping to raise

totherankofGeneralratherthanlistentohisvoiceofconscience.174

Thus, it is bothpossible and impossible to reconcile contemporary refugee

exclusionlawwiththeSupremeCourt’s1993decisioninWard,175 which re-

mains the seminal ruling in Canadian refugee law. Patrick Francis Ward joined

171 UNHCRGuidelines(1996),supranote15atpara.41etseq.172 RonaldC.Slye,“RefugeeJurisprudence,CrimesagainstHumanity,andCustomaryInternationalLaw”

inAnneF.Bayefsky,ed.,HumanRightsandRefugees,InternallyDisplacedPersonsandMigrantWorkers:EssaysinMemoryofJoanFitzpatrickandArthurHelton(Boston:MartinusNijhoff,2006)at255.

173 Ibid.at255,citingRamirez.174 Loayza, supra note 129, upholding the RPD decision.175 PatrickFrancisWardv.AG,[1993]2S.C.R.689.

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50 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

theIrishNationalLiberationArmy(INLA),aparamilitaryterroristorganization

seekingthepoliticalunionofUlsterandtheIrishRepublic,toprotecthisfamily

fromtheIrishRepublicanArmy.InthewordsoftheCourt,theINLAwasa

“...ruthlessparamilitaryorganizationmoreviolentthantheIrishRepublican

Army”.176Hisfirsttaskwastoguardhostages.WhentheINLAorderedtheir

execution, Ward had a “predicament of moral conscience” and released the

hostages.177Ward’sdecisionisexaltedbytheCourtasatriumphofhiscon-

science and it is the foundation of his well-founded fear of persecution for

reasons of political opinion:

ToWard,whobelievesthatthekillingofinnocentpeopletoachievepolitical

change is unacceptable, setting the hostages free was the only option that

accordedwithhisconscience.Thefactthathedidordidnotrenouncehis

sympathiesforthemoregeneralgoalsoftheINLAdoesnotaffectthis. 178

Thecontoursofcontemporaryrefugeelawarevisiblehere:Warddissociated

atarguablyhisfirstopportunityandhedidsoforreasonsofconscience.It

seemssimpletoconstructhimasahighlymoralfigure,anexampleforrefugee

claimants everywhere. However, it is not at all clear that the same decision

couldfollowfromcontemporaryrefugeeexclusionlaw.Today,refugeeclaim-

ants must be untainted by proximity to a terrorist organization or to its violent

means.Thecasesshowthatseveraloftheexcludedwereneverpermittedthe

opportunity to have a crisis of conscience because they never personally and

individuallyparticipatedinactsofhostage-taking.ItisagreatironythatWard

gets to be a hero for a situation that today would almost certainly preclude

any consideration of his act of conscience; the courts would not even have to

engage in themembership inquirybecauseWard’sdirect involvementasa

176 Ibid.atpara.2.177 Ibid.atpara.3.178 Ibid.atparas.84-86.

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 51

guard in a terrorist act, namely hostage taking, would be considered a crime

againsthumanity.Hewouldbeexcludedbeforehebecamethehero.There

isaremotepossibilitythatWardcouldclaimignoranceoftheINLA’sterrorist

acts but this is unlikely because of the manner in which knowledge is imputed

andpresumedinthecomplicitycontext.TheterroristnatureoftheINLAwas

well-documentedandpubliclyknown—theactofjoiningtheINLAmanifested

hissupportandcommonpurpose.Moreover,thefinedistinctionbetweenthe

terroristnatureoftheINLAandWard’spoliticalactofconsciencewouldnot

survive the contemporary tendency to depoliticize terrorism.

TheWard case reveals the continuum present in the exclusion determina-

tion.Thereisarguablyahighthresholdofegregiousnessimplicitintheexclu-

sion clauses, suggesting that refugees are not expected to be “morally pure

or criminally blameless”.179Thecomplexityliesinthemultiplicationofspaces

formorality intheexclusiondetermination.Itplays intocomplicityandthe

natureof thepolitical.Terrorismasamoralandpolitical labelprovidesyet

anotherpathway into thecharacterof the refugee. Through theexclusion

clauses, contemporary public and political discourses are translated directly

into refugee law. For those who are concerned that refugee law allows ter-

rorists entry to Canada and other Western states, this analysis should provide

somesolace.Aswithothercontemporarydiscourses,Canadianrefugeelaw

is demonstrably expanding the category of terrorism and including more and

more individuals within it on the basis of less and less detailed scrutiny. For

those who are concerned about whose human rights refugee law is protecting,

theconcernisofcoursetheopposite.Theeffectofrecentchangesinthelaw

onindividualclaimantsismirroredinhowthesechangesreflectonstates,and

thequestionofsovereignty.

179 Kingsley Nyinah, supra note 10 at 297.

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52 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

B. Sovereignty: Refugee Law and ‘Good’ States

Whenitcomestomigration,sovereigntyismostfrequentlydiscussedas

anattributebelongingtothestateofrefugethatjustifiesthepolicingofits

borders.Intherefugeeexclusioncontext,sovereigntyexistsintwoframes:

thatofthestateoforiginandthatofthestateofrefuge.Theirsovereignties

exist in a mild tension, to the extent that the 1951 Convention delimits the

state’ssovereigncontroloveritsborders,“interpretingtheavailableexceptions

to the duty to admit refugees emerges as a site for reclamation of control”.180

Conversely, becoming a source country for refugee claimants through violent

internalconflictorfailedstatestatusbespeaksalesser,woundedsovereignty.

Inexclusiondecisions, this tensionresides inthereaffirmationof thestate

ofrefuge’ssovereignrighttoexcludewhilesimultaneouslyabbreviatingthe

sovereigntyofthestateoforigin.Theformer’sreaffirmationisat the expense

of the latter; indeed, the reassertion is marked by a complete failure to recog-

nizethesovereigntyoftheOther.

Thecasesrevealacertainreadinesstofindmembersofthepoliceforce,

army,navyandevengovernmentministriessubjecttoexclusion.Theseare

state agencies that sit very close to the heart of state sovereignty; military

and police forces are legal entities and may be presumed to have at least

some legitimate aims.181Yetthesearmsofthestatearefrequentlyfoundto

have a “limited, brutal purpose” or to engage in terrorism, pre-empting fur-

ther examinationof the claimant’s involvement and requiring exclusion. In

other cases, it is acknowledged that the arm of the state may have legitimate

purposesbuttheclaimantisstillexcludedonthebasisofthatstateagency’s

crimesagainsthumanity.Inallcases,theconclusionthatthearmyorpolice

180 Dauvergne,MakingPeopleIllegal,supranote7at63;Macklin,supranote93.181 IRBCaseT98-04448(1999)(statingthatthearmyistheheartofsovereignty).

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 53

force of the state is illegitimate, that the state cannot control the defenders

ofitsownsovereignty,isacontroversialandhighlypoliticaldetermination.At

bottom,itamountstoafindingthatsomestatesarenotentitledtothebasic

markersofstatehood. InBouasla,acaseaboutAlgeria, the tribunal found

that:

Thevariousdocumentsthatthepanelhascitedaboveindicatethattheacts

and activities of the police administration, the military administration and

the penitentiary administration are utterly reprehensible and inconsistent

with what one can expect of a State.182

Under current judicial analyses, national police forces or military forces may be

characterized as organizations principally directed to a limited, brutal purpose

if they commit crimes against humanity “as a continuous and regular part of

theoperation”despitecontinuingtofulfilllegitimatefunctions.183TheFederal

CourthasagreedthattheAngolanarmyisanorganizationprincipallydirected

to a limited, brutal purpose because, despite the army maintaining a legiti-

matepurposeofnationaldefence,itterrorizedthecitizensofAngola,184 that

theAgenceNationaledeRenseignements(ANR)intheDemocraticRepublic

of the Congo, another state agency with legitimate functions, was an organi-

zation principally directed to a limited, brutal purpose,185 and that members

of the Punjabi police force were complicit in crimes against humanity despite

their legitimate purpose of maintaining law and order.186InThomas,theCourt

found that theArmedForcesRevolutionaryCouncil (AFRC) inSierraLeone

that formed the military government in 1997 was an organization with a lim-

182 IRBCaseMA0-03931(Bouasla,2005)atpara.39.183 IRBCaseTA2-17942(2007)atpara.78.184 IRBCaseTA1-12866(Antonio,2004).ButcomparetoIRBCaseTA1-10691(Castelo,2004,finding

thatthearmyisalegalentityprotectedbytheConstitution).185 Diasonama, supra note 118. 186 Grewalv.Canada(MCI),[1999]F.C.J.No.1170;Kherav.Canada(MCI),[1999]F.C.J.No.1120.

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54 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

ited, brutal purpose.187Thedecisiondismissedthe“inherentpoliticalaspect”

oftheAFRC.

TheBengicasedemonstratestheinherentlypoliticalandsometimessur-

prisingnatureofthisinquiry.BengiwasamemberofTurkishAirForcewith

high-levelclearancefromtheNorthAmericanTreatyOrganization(NATO),a

militaryallianceofdemocraticstatesinEuropeandNorthAmerica.188 He trained

NATOforcesinradaroperations.Turkeywasengagedinaviolentarmedcon-

flictwiththeKurdistanWorkersParty(PKK),aterroristgroup.HumanRights

WatchdocumentationstatedthattheAirForcewasanintegralpartofTurkey’s

military effort. Bengi was excluded as complicit in the crimes against humanity

committedbytheTurkishAirForce.Turkey’sconductinitsbattleagainstthe

minority Kurds should undoubtedly be censured, but this case stands for a

larger point about the hopeless bind of the refugee claimant.

InTurkey,Peru,Pakistan,Colombiaandseveralothersitesofconflictbe-

tweenthegovernmentandthe‘terrorist’group,peopleexistinaconditionof

violence and insecurity where both sides commit crimes against humanity and

terroristacts.Theissueliesinthefailureofcontemporaryrefugeeexclusion

lawto investigatepoliticalcontextandtoprobethenatureofspecificacts.

Thismeansthattherefugeecannotbeafreedomfighterorastateofficial.

Aclaimantinvolvedasamemberofaviolentresistanceorganization,even

against a state with a limited, brutal purpose, cannot be a refugee. Similarly, a

claimantinvolvedasastateagentinthestate’sfightagainstterrorismwhere

thestateemployedviolentmeansofsuppressioncannotbearefugee.Incom-

bination with the traditional bias in refugee law towards protection for those

involved inpoliticalaction, this trendstrictly limits thepossibilityof ‘being’

187 Thomas,supranote134atpara.47.188 IRBCaseTA2-01622(2004).

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MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion 55

arefugeeatall.Insuchstates,theclaimant’sparticipationoneithersideof

theconflictmakesitnearly impossibletosuccessfullyclaimrefugeestatus.

Inthesecases,“terrorism”isusedtodescribestatemethodsofintimidating

andharmingcivilians.Itisusedtogroundafindingthatthestateoforiginis

notsovereign.Alternately,thetermisusedtomarktheillegitimacyandnon-

politicalnatureofaviolentresistanceorganization.Inbothcases,“terrorist”

indicates acts categorized as crimes against humanity while simultaneously

connoting a sense of threat and lack of control.

VI. ConClusIon

Thisreviewofthenumbersandcasesofrefugeeexclusionandtherea-

soning and discourses that undergird them reveal that Canada, like most

Western countries, has not yet struck an acceptable balance between secu-

rityandasylum.Thisarticleisnotapleatoadmitterroristsasrefugeesbut,

rather, a plea for thoughtful standards about who may be considered a ter-

rorist,forwhatacts,andinwhatcircumstances.Instead,thetribunalandthe

courts are engaging in backdoor reasoning, slipping concerns about terrorism

intoexistingcategoriesbyconflationandblanketcharacterizations.Thisfails

toconformtothehumanitarianrequirementsofinternationalrefugeelawand

to international human rights law, and it ignores the fact that many of the

excludedclaimantshaveneverparticipatedinviolenceorspecificcrimes,and

would not have been excluded a decade ago.

Whileexternalfieldsoflawinformtherefugeeexclusioncategories,the

fieldofinternationalhumanrightslawexistsinadeeper,oftentense,rela-

tionship with international refugee law. Returning an individual to persecution

for suspected commission of international crimes places international refugee

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56 MBC: The Growing Culture of Exclusion

lawindirecttensionwithinternationalhumanrightslaw.Internationalhuman

rightslawrequiresstatestoprotectindividualsfromviolationsoftheirrights.

Someoftheserightsaresobasicthattheycannotbeforfeited.Theserights

have been referred to as “bedrock” human rights, and they are owed even to

proventerroristsandinternationalcriminals.Yet,exclusionplacesindividuals

beyond the reach of any human rights protection whatsoever, proclaiming that

their fate is not the concern of the international community.

Refugeelawoperatesassurrogatehumanrightsprotection.Itisavailable

tothosewhosehomestateswillnot,orcannot,protectthem.Assurrogate

protectionitisnotrobust:somehumanrightsabuseswillnotqualifyas‘perse-

cution’withinrefugeelaw.Theprotectionofrefugeelawaimsatthemostse-

riousanddiscriminatoryhumanrightsinfringements.Toexcludeanindividual

fromthis‘backup’protectionsystemisaseriousstepindeed.Itamountsto

banishmentfromthecommunityofthe‘human’asdefinedbyhumanrights.

WhileGiorgioAgambenhasassertedthatthefigureoftherefugeeisthatof

homosacer–barelifewithoutpoliticalcommunity–thisevocativeanalysis

isnotlegal.Fortheinternationallawyer,thebarelifefigureistheindividual

excluded from even the refugee category. Like the earlier penalty of banish-

ment, exclusion removes an individual to a space beyond community concern

abouteven ‘bare life’. Thisstepmustnotbetaken lightlyorunknowingly.

TheexclusioncreepevidencedinCanadianrefugeejurisprudenceisahuman

rights concern of the highest order.


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