Asia as a Global Player: Regional and International Opportunities and Expectations: [OpeningAddress]Author(s): Dermot AhernSource: Irish Studies in International Affairs, Vol. 18 (2007), pp. 3-9Published by: Royal Irish AcademyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25469811 .

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Asia as a Global Player: Regional and International

Opportunities and Expectations*

Dermot Ahern, TD

Minister for Foreign Affairs

I am delighted to have been invited once again by the Royal Irish Academy to make an opening address at this annual seminar on international affairs. Over the years it has

become one of the most important forums in Ireland for discussing international issues, and I warmly congratulate the Academy and its International Affairs Committee.

INTRODUCTION

The theme of this year's seminar?the Rise of Asia?is highly topical and

enormously important. Inevitably, many people in Ireland think first of Asia in economic terms: as a manufacturer of world-class products, a rapidly growing market for our goods, an increasingly popular tourist destination and perhaps above all as a challenging, even threatening, competitor. But crucial though this dimension

is, it is only part of the story. This economic phenomenon is already having a

colossal impact on international political and security questions, and on other vital

contemporary issues. Fundamental questions include:

What is the relationship between economic growth, human rights and

democracy? What will the global balance of power look like in 20 or 50 years? Will Asians find ways to cope with and resolve the real political and

security tensions within their own region? What will the impact be on the already difficult global issues of energy security and climate change?

Will Ireland, and Europe, find ways of co-existing with and benefiting from Asia's growth or will our economies and societies be overwhelmed?

The answers to these questions will only emerge over the years and decades to come. But I am sure today's most impressive list of speakers will shed much light on them. I welcome them all.

* Opening address to the Twenty-Eighth Annual Conference of the Irish National Committee for the

Study of International Affairs, 24 November 2006.

Irish Studies in International Affairs. Vol. 18 (2007), 3-9.

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4 Irish Studies in International Affairs

In these opening remarks, I propose to focus on a small number of broad themes:

First, I will look at some of the implications for Ireland of the economic

resurgence of Asia and how we are responding; second, I will list some of the challenges that Asia must address if its

political, economic and social development is to be broadened and sustained; and

finally, I will argue strongly for close international co-ordination and

cooperation as the best means of achieving our mutual political, economic, development and security goals.

IRELAND AND ASIA?THE GOVERNMENT'S STRATEGY

Historically, Ireland's human and cultural ties with Asia have been underdeveloped. However, the government was quick to realise, soon after we came to office in 1997, that enhanced engagement with Asia was vital. But, while the economic incentive drove the reinvigoration of our engagement with Asia, the government realised that, to be lasting, our relationships with the region had to be multi-faceted.

The cornerstone of our policy in Asia today is the Asia Strategy, launched in 1999, and extended and upgraded in 2005 to cover the period to 2009.The first phase of the strategy, up to 2004, set out a series of challenging targets and objectives with a view to increasing our political, trade and investment ties. The government approved the opening of new embassies in Vietnam and Singapore, and consulates in Shanghai and Sydney. The state agencies increased their presence on the ground. Over this

period, there was a marked increase in high-level political and trade-related visits. An awareness campaign was funded to improve our understanding in Ireland of Asian business culture, and to raise Ireland's profile in the region. By the end of this first phase, the number of Irish companies with a presence in Asia had increased to around 100, and the average value of exports of goods to China alone in the period 2003 to 2005 more than doubled, as compared with the previous three years.

The strategy is now in its second phase, covering the period 2005 to 2009, and the enormous potential for increasing outward foreign direct investment in Asia by Irish

companies is being strongly pursued. The objective at this stage of the strategy is to

intensify the wider range of interaction with the priority Asian countries1 and to

encourage indigenous Irish companies to avail of business opportunities there.

Emerging markets, such as Thailand and the Philippines, are also being targeted. Stronger educational and R&D links are being developed; and Irish tourism is being promoted in the key markets of Japan, China, India and South Korea.

Next year, 2007, marks the 50th anniversary of the opening of diplomatic relations between Ireland and Japan. To celebrate this milestone, the government is planning a programme of events to promote Ireland in Japan. In the period 2003 to 2005, the

Japanese market accounted for more than a third of all Irish exports to Asia; and yet, in spite of this, there is still so much for our two peoples to learn about each other.

We are under no illusions about the challenges we face, not just in securing markets in the ultra-competitive Asian environment, but even in simply ensuring that

potential partners know who we are, even where we are. The response to these

challenges has to include a continuation, and indeed intensification, of awareness

'The 'priority' countries are those prioritised for Irish Aid programme and project support. The

original priority countries were all in Africa?Ethipia, Lesotho, Mozambique, Tanzania, Uganda and

Zambia, with Malawi due to be added in 2007. In recent years, Timor Leste/East Timor and Vietnam

in Asia were added to the list of priority countries.

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Ahern?Opportunities for and Expectations of Asia as a Global Player 5

raising and network-building. The government is determined to do its part in meeting these challenges.

Ireland's Asia strategy is also embedded in the context of the wider relationship between the European Union and Asia, which David O'Sullivan will be discussing this afternoon.2 The relationship has been dramatically transformed from one of

European political and economic dominance to a partnership of equals. People in

Europe are well aware of the competitiveness challenge this poses?even if at times

they are divided over how to respond. I do not have time today to enter into the whole debate on globalisation?except

to say that I am certain that we have to maintain an open, outward looking approach, working on the whole range of issues affecting competitiveness, above all education, and not allowing a relapse into protectionism. We do need to have a fair, rules-based, multilateral trading system. Ireland hopes that the current?but now suspended? Doha trade round will be resumed and brought to a successful conclusion. But a huge amount can also be achieved though regional and bilateral channels. Whatever the context, it is essential that there should be adequate protection of and respect for intellectual property rights and that there should be fair competition and fair and reasonable access to markets, including markets for services and investment. Ireland

fully supports the European Commission's efforts to achieve these aims with all our Asian trading partners.

But while trade and investment issues are central, there are other dimensions. In terms of priorities and objectives, the EU Strategy for Asia envisages the two regions

working together to increase peace and security regionally and globally; cooperating to eradicate poverty; raising human rights and governance standards; and addressing together the major challenges of globalisation, sustainable development and international security.

There remains a great deal to be done to make a reality of these objectives. The truth today is that the European Union has major challenges to overcome if it is to become?and to be seen in Asia as?a strategic partner of anywhere near the same

weight as the United States. These challenges have to do with our own internal

organisation and self-confidence; with the identification of clear objectives; and with the coherence and the persistence with which the Union pursues those objectives. But one thing is obvious: that the success of the Union in promoting European values and protecting European interests in these relationships is of absolutely fundamental importance to every one of its member states. Managing this will be a core function of the Union over the period ahead?and a clear demonstration of the Union's own value in the twenty-first century.

CHALLENGES FOR ASIA AND PARTNERS

This brings me to the second of the three main themes I want to look at?and that is the challenges facing Asia and its partners in this 'Asian century'. Among the most

important, as I see it, are poverty eradication; issues of energy security and environmental protection; governance and human rights; and maintaining regional peace and stability. I will say a little about each of these.

2See David O'Sullivan, 'Building bridges to the east?an EU perspective on Asia's place in the global economy', 11-18, this issue.

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6 Irish Studies in International Affairs

Poverty eradication?and achieving the millennium development goals

Continuing efforts must be made to eradicate poverty and improve living standards in Asia. Over the last few decades, hundreds of millions of Asians have escaped from serious poverty. In the last 30 years or so, the number living in extreme poverty on less than US$1 a day has dropped from 50% to 20%, average life expectancy has risen from around 54 years to nearly 67 years and literacy levels have increased from 47% to 77%. Impressive though these achievements undoubtedly are, the sobering reality is that Asia remains home to two-thirds of the world's poor.

There is no single blueprint that can be rolled out to eradicate poverty and transform living standards throughout Asia to the levels enjoyed in leading countries like Japan and Singapore. But economic growth and participation in the world

trading system are patently fundamental. Strong institutions are also vital. In some

cases, much stronger involvement by the private sector, at all levels, will be

important. While the main focus of Ireland's growing aid programme will continue to be on sub-Saharan Africa, we will also be making a significant contribution in

Asia. Two years ago we set up an embassy in our second programme country in Asia, in Vietnam, which followed the establishment of our aid office in Timor Leste. Our

presence in Vietnam also offers us an important opportunity to provide assistance to Cambodia and Laos.

Of course, Ireland has also responded generously to the Asian tsunami and the

earthquake in Pakistan. Not only did we respond to the immediate needs that followed these tragic disasters, but we have stayed the course by continuing to

support the difficult longer-term recovery efforts. Earlier this year we decided to

accede to the Asian Development Bank, whose focus on poorer countries fits well with our own development priorities.

Balancing economic and population growth, energy security and environmental protection

A second priority is the urgent need to reconcile the competing demands of

economic growth, population growth, energy security and environmental protection. Despite an anticipated drop in the populations of some of countries, the already very

high population of Asia will grow by nearly 50% over the next 50 years. India alone

is forecast to add 570m to its population. The implications for the consumption of

natural resources and for the environment are stark. Although it is still a very much

lower consumer of energy that the US and Europe, Asia's per capita energy

consumption has more than tripled in the last 30 years and continues to rise fast. The

effort to achieve sustainable energy security has propelled some of the larger Asian

countries to seek new energy sources around the world, particularly in Africa and

Latin America. This has raised concerns, not least about political deals with

unsavoury international leaders and unpopular elites. Of course, we in the West are

open to allegations of double standards. But these are matters for legitimate international concern and for greater dialogue.

As regards climate change, Asia's share of greenhouse gas emissions has risen

from 10% to 33% over the last 20 years. It will soon overtake the US as their major

producer. While some countries in the region?China for example?have recognised the disastrous consequences of uncontrolled industrial and urban expansion and have

taken steps to address them, the response in the region to the Kyoto Protocol has

been largely negative, with many countries seeing its provisions as incompatible with their right to development. We ourselves in Ireland are aware of how difficult

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Ahern?Opportunities for and Expectations of Asia as a Global Player 7

balancing these competing demands can be, but the environmental implications for the region and the world are alarming. I am pleased that, after a tough negotiating session last week, the twelfth UN Climate Change Conference in Nairobi agreed a work plan designed to reduce emissions, but with special arrangements negotiated to help developing countries face the challenges posed by climate change.

At the end of the day, if our planet is to survive, there is no alternative to reducing our dependence on fossil fuels, severely cutting our C02 emissions, conserving our

precious fuel resources and developing renewable sources of energy. None of our countries and regions can do this alone.

Improving governance and human rights

Thirdly, if the human and economic potential of Asia is to be fully realised there is a need to address issues of governance and human rights in many countries. Considerable improvements in human rights and d?mocratisation have indeed been achieved by many Asian countries. India?the world's largest democracy?and Japan have stood out for many years as beacons of democracy and respect for human

rights. Important strides have been made elsewhere. Indonesia, for example, has moved away from repressive military dictatorship to a more open and democratic

path. But a great deal more needs to be done. In terms of human rights and democracy,

the records of the regimes in Burma/Myanmar and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) are particularly appalling. I would call on our Asian

partners to use their influence to bring about positive change in these countries. I welcome the increased efforts by ASEAN3 countries, in particular, to put pressure on the Burmese regime. Ireland, for its part, will continue to insist on the release of

Aung San Suu Kyi4 and all political prisoners, and on movement to a real national

dialogue on the country's future. A better relationship with Europe cannot happen until there is progress in this direction.

But human rights and governance standards are a matter of concern not only in such flagrant cases, but in many parts of the region. China, for example, has come a

long way economically and socially, but more needs to be done to safeguard basic human rights and fundamental freedoms. The upcoming Olympic Games in 2008 and the Shanghai Expo in 2010 will showcase China's remarkable achievements to the world; but they will equally place the spotlight on issues of rights and freedoms.

Demonstrating positive developments in these areas, alongside its remarkable economic achievements, would do more, I believe, than anything else to consolidate China's position and moral authority on the global stage.

The issue of human rights has been very divisive. Many Asians have seen the Western approach as ideological, almost imperialist. Ireland will never resile from a commitment to the universality of human rights, to which all Asian countries have

signed up as members of the United Nations, but I am equally convinced that there

3The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which was established in 1967 in Bangkok to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region, and to promote regional peace and stability. It originally had five members?Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand?but now also includes Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Laos, Burma/

Myanmar and Vietnam. Further information on the organisation is available at http://www.aseansec.org/ 64.htm (13 June 2007). 4Aung San Suu Kyi is the leader of the National League for Democracy in Burma/Myanmar. She is

detained under house arrest by the country's ruling military junta. The National League for Democracy won a general election in 1990. but the military nullified the results and has not allowed the party to assume power.

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8 Irish Studies in International Affairs

can be scope for a more constructive, effective approach. There is enough common

ground between us to bridge the divide, if a pragmatic, common sense approach is

adopted. The level of enforcement and monitoring of human-rights standards will

inevitably vary according to a country's financial resources and human/technical

capacity. This does not mean accepting non-compliance, or excuses based on varying historical, cultural or religious traditions. It means setting realistic and achievable

targets and timelines to improve human rights and governance standards. On our

side, Europe could open up for discussion issues such as immigration, counter terrorism measures and developments in relation to human rights in our countries.

Finally on this point, I would very much like to see Asian and EU countries

working together more closely on human-rights issues at the international level, particularly in the new Human Rights Council. This has got off to a rocky start.

Together, Asian and African countries now hold a majority on the council. So far, this

majority has tended to be driven by the more confrontational and assertive of its members. If the council is to be the success we all want it to be?in particular, if it is to promote a mutually respectful and constructive dialogue of the sort I have just described?then moderate Asian countries must be prepared to stand up and be counted.

Regional peace and security

The fourth and final challenge I want to mention is the need to manage some serious

tensions, conflicts and flash-points in Asia, arising both from current problems and in some cases from the legacies of the past. There is a role here for the United

Nations and for the international community at large, including the EU. The United States remains a major player across the entire Pacific. But the over-riding responsibility here must lie with Asian countries themselves. India has been instrumental in recent political progress in Nepal, for example, where a decade of insurrection by the Maoists has officially ended this week.

The most dangerous issues are those that could, if mishandled, have the potential to escalate into full-scale war. I commend the wisdom and responsible leadership demonstrated by the governments of India and Pakistan with their recent agreement to resume political negotiations for the first time since the Mumbai bombings. As a firm supporter of the one-China policy, Ireland would also urge continued calm and restraint in relation to cross-straits relations. Like many others, I was also deeply impressed by the leadership demonstrated by new Japanese Prime Minister Abe in

prioritising the normalisation of relations with China and Korea, and the positive response from the leaderships of these countries. These relationships are

fundamentally important, in both economic and political terms. The most serious current issue is undoubtedly that of the DPRK's nuclear

weapons programme. I strongly condemned its nuclear test last month as a threat to

regional security and in direct contravention of the objectives of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. It ran directly contrary to the will of the entire international community. Since then, with the adoption of UN sanctions against the

DPRK, the international community has shown resolve. But it has also shown a

determination to press for renewed dialogue. With diplomatic skill and resolve, China has played a key role in efforts to resume the Six-Party Talks. Japan and the

Republic of Korea have also shown admirable wisdom and patience. I call upon the DPRK to take concrete steps to dismantle its nuclear programme and return to the

negotiating table, as I believe this is in the best interests both of the international

community and of the North Korean people themselves.

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Ahern?Opportunities for and Expectations of Asia as a Global Player 9

Ireland would, of course, wish to see a situation in which all Asian countries were

parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and our strong commitment to the NPT also informs our approach to the proposed US-India civilian nuclear deal.5 We understand India's huge energy needs. We also greatly value our long standing relationship with the country?as demonstrated by the taoiseach's visit there in January.6 India is making a strong case for international approval of the deal and there is no doubt that it is garnering significant support. However, with other like-minded countries, we continue to wait for full clarity on important aspects of the

deal, and remain concerned about its potential effect on the NPT.

CONCLUSION: IMPORTANCE OF CONCERTED INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION AND ACTION

Asian countries have a. major role to play in regional and global security. Responsibilities such as these come with increasing power on the world stage. By the same token, a global system that does not reflect the real balances between its

major nations and regions is inherently unstable. The UN and other multilateral

organisations provide the obvious framework for co-ordination and cooperation, but if the UN is to be effective its reform must continue to be advanced. In particular, the Security Council needs to be made more representative of the world as it is and is becoming, if it is to maintain its essential legitimacy. In my speech to this seminar last year I set out the criteria that guided the government in its approach to Security

Council reform. Without repeating myself, I must say that I certainly recognise the

very strong cases both Japan and India have put forward for permanent membership. As Asian leaders engage more actively in efforts to resolve conflicts and crises

around the globe, this means having to review their traditional approach of non interference in the internal affairs of other states. To take one crucial example: at this time of great difficulty, but also of some hope, for Darfur, I would appeal especially to the Chinese government, as a permanent member of the Security Council, to continue?as it has recently done?to use its influence on the Sudanese government to help persuade it of the need for cooperation with the United Nations. But Europe and the United States also need to come fully to terms with the shift in economic and

political power towards Asia. It is a long time since anyone could think of

unilaterally setting the agenda for the relationship. But the full implications of a real

partnership are still working themselves out. Over the coming years, we need to maintain and indeed increase the investment of time and energy in building long term, cooperative partnerships.

I warned at the start of this address about sweeping generalisations?and have, of course, proceeded to offer a good number! But I think even the most general survey of this subject makes clear just how complex, and how important, are the issues it raises. It is vital that we in Ireland come to terms with them, and I hope this seminar is highly successful.

5See, for example, BBC Online News, 'US and India seal nuclear accord', 2 March 2006, available at http://news.bbc.co.Uk/2/hi/south_asia/4764826.stm (14 June 2007).

department of the Taoiseach, Taoiseach to make official visit to India', Press release, 13 January 2006, available at http://www.taoiseach.gov.ie/index.asp?locID=200&docID=2383 (14 June 2007).

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