August Left Tribune

USI: Reassert-ing their posi-

tion in Irish So-ciety

Volume 6 Issue 3 – August 2011

Interested in our ideas? Check out Irishlaboury-

outh.blgostport.com

100 Years on...

The Remarkable

Story of the

1911 Strike in

Wexford

The Alterna-

tive to Govern-

ment Austerity

- Colm Lawless

Ireland -

Economy, So-

ciety, and the

Future

Page 8 Page 12 Page 20

Reflections on the Tragedy in Norway Pages 4, 10, & 18

Page 2 www.labouryouth.ie

Table of Contents

3

4

6

8

10

12

14

17

18

19

20

22

24

26

28

Editorials and Message from National Chairperson

Fascism and the Far Right in Modern Europe

A Catalogue of Failure and a Basis for Hope

100 Years On - The 1911 Foundry Strike

A Tribute to Norway - Audrey Walsh

The alternative to Government Austerity

Our Branches 2011/12

Bring Back Questions and Answers

The Current Decline of Fascism in Europe

Poetry - Featured Artist Elaine Feeney

Ireland - Economy, Society, and Future

An interview with Mags O’ Brien

Book Review - The High Society, Drugs, and the Irish Middle Class

Dispelling the Myths of the Dominant Ideology

NYE Profiles

Page 3

Message FROM THE CHAIR

On behalf of all members of Labour Youth,I would like to

offer my sincere condolences to our young comrades in the AUF in

Norway who were abhorrently targeted by a right-wing extremist on

the island of Utoya in July. May their souls rest in peace.

I hope the summer has been kind to everyone! We are approaching

one of the most important parts of the year- that of the National

Recruitment campaign. Over the last 4 years, the membership of

Labour Youth has continued to soar, and this is in no small way due

to the hard work of activists on the ground. Now, more than ever,

Labour Youth offers a radical alternative for young people who have

become disillusioned with failed conservative policies. Young Fine

Gael and Ógra Fianna Fáil represent the ideas that have destroyed

the prospects of an entire generation of people in this country. I am

proud of the stances that we have taken on the critical issues of the

day – third level fees, water charges and JLCs. Unlike the other

youth wings, we have continued to advance progressive ideas and

have stood up for ordinary people. We do not shy away from chal-

lenging and holding the Labour Party to account in government. In

the midst of the worst economic recession in the history of the

State, we persist in our determination to present an alternative to

the austerity consensus that plagues Irish politics. I would encour-

age students to join Labour Youth during Freshers’ weeks across

the country. Together, we can make a radical difference.

Colm Lawless,

National Chairperson, Labour Youth

Editors: Audrey Walsh & Mick Reynolds

Contributors: Noel Cullen, Luke Field, Elaine

Feeney, Glenn Fitzpatrick, Paul Hand,

Deirdre Hosford, Peter Kelleher, Colm Law-

less, Mags O’Brien, Declan Meenagh, Hazel

Nolan, Rory O’ Neill, Audrey Walsh

Thanks to: The NYE, Rory Geraghty

Cover Design: Noel Cullen

Interested in writing an article?

Email: [email protected]

Comrades,

It is hard to believe that a year has passed since the last recruitment issue of

the Left Tribune was published. If you are reading this as someone new to

Labour Youth then welcome! I hope that you take every opportunity to partici-

pate in every way that you can. If you are of a more ―seasoned‖ vintage then

I’m sure you will agree what a landmark year it has been!

Labour Youth played a very significant role in the General Election campaign

and since then have consistently lobbied to ensure that promises that were

made are being kept. On a personal note I think that credit is due to our Educa-

tion and Policy Officer Dean Duke on this issue and for a hugely successful

Tom Johnson Summer School.

I would like to thank everyone who has taken the time to contribute to the Left

Tribune over the past year, especially new writers as it is not always an easy

thing to do. A huge acknowledgement as always, to the work of the National

Executive especially to our Vice Chair Conor Ryan for all of his help on the

Comms side over the year. Most of all however I wish to thank our Communica-

tions Officer Mick Reynolds for his tireless work. It has been an absolute pleas-

ure to work with Mick on the Left Tribune and I think everyone will agree he has

made a great success of the role.

Finally, I would just like to say that it has been an absolute honour to work in

this small role editing the Left Tribune. I have really enjoyed being involved and

wish the best of luck to next years team.

Yours,

Audrey Walsh

Deputy Communications Officer/Editor

Friends and Comrades,

Welcome to the third edition of the 2011 Left Tribune. If this is

your first time exploring the politics and policies of Labour Youth you are most

welcome to our regular newsletter, which is put together by activists up and

down the country on a diverse range of topics. The quality and assortment of

writing in this edition is a credit to the hard work and imagination which our

members display all year round at debates, meetings, and a range of other

activities. At this time of course we think of the tragic events which lead to the

deaths of our comrades in the AUF. The sorrow and grief being felt in Norway

is still very raw and it is still difficult to equate words with the sheer heartbreak

that those who were touched by the atrocities are feeling. It is perhaps best to

note the words of the Norwegian leader Jens Stoltenberg; ―"No one will bomb

us to silence. No one will shoot us to silence. No one will ever scare us away

from being Norway. You will not destroy our democracy or our ideals for a

better world.‖

I am as always indebted to the National Youth Executive, Audrey

Walsh, and all in Head Office for helping to put the Left Tribune together.

Throughout the year you have made me crazy and kept me sane so a big

thank you to all who contributed throughout the year. This is your Left Tribune,

these are your visions, and it has been my honour to put them together.

Is Mise Le Meas,

Mick Reynolds


Fascism and the Far Right

17.79% of votes by the sec-

ond round.

Openly fascist parties have

not had much electoral

success in Europe, and

understandably so. The

fascist brand is forever

tarred by the irreversible

stigma of Nazism. How-

ever, the absence of a swas-

tika and right-armed salute

does not mean the absence

of racism or extremist na-

tionalism. The BNP (who

have a prominent fascist

history) and the Front

National are typical of the

Eurosceptic, anti-

immigration far-right in

Europe, whilst the National

Democratic Party in

Germany have described

Barack Obama‟s election as

“Africa conquering the

White House”. Neo-fascist

parties have sprouted in

Italy, Germany and Spain,

the three pillars of fascism

in Europe‟s past. Although

a minority, they are a dan-

gerous minority. Many Neo

-Nazis have taken to

spreading their beliefs

through violence, just as

Hitler‟s Brownshirts and

Mussolini‟s Blackshirts did

in the early 20th century.

Examples of this are the

Russian Neo-Nazi paramili-

tary forces which have

powers and that more and

more responsibilities will

be transferred to Brussels.

It is therefore not surprising

that euroscepticism has

been one of the favourite

topics of the European far-

right. A defensive attitude

towards the EU from those

who fear for their sover-

eignty has fuelled a

resurgence of nationalism

in Europe. Nationalism is a

core feature of the far-right

and fascism. The most

notable examples of this

may be the British National

Party, and Jean-Marie Le

Pen‟s Front National in

France. Both have made

breakthroughs in electoral

success recently. The BNP

recently gained its‟ first

county council and

European Parliament seats

in 2009, gaining a record

1.9% of the vote. In the

2002 French Presidential

Election, Le Pen garnered

Rory O‟ Neill looks at

the threat of the far right in

Europe and flags up a grow-

ing threat in the wake of the

global economic crisis

Following recent events in

Norway, it is important to

review the dangers of far-

right politics 3in Europe.

We have seen how xenopho-

bic and ultra-nationalist ide-

als can have such a danger-

ous influence in society.

With the rise of the

European Union in recent

decades, many have begun

to fear for their country‟s

sovereignty. They are

concerned that the EU‟s

growing power will seep

into their government‟s

“A defensive attitude towards the EU from those who fear

for their sovereignty has fuelled a resurgence of nationalism in Europe.

Nationalism is a core feature of the far-right and fascism”

By Rory O’ Neill

Page 5

In Modern Europe

formed since the fall of the

Soviet Union.

The conditions under which

Neo-Nazism grew in Russia

stem back to the collapse of

the USSR in 1991. The

“shock therapy” method of

instilling radical free market

policies in the former Soviet

Union had catastrophic re-

sults. High unemployment

and widespread poverty al-

lowed fascists to prey on

public discontent and disil-

lusion with government.

These conditions are not so

different to the conditions in

which Mussolini and Hitler

came to power in the 20th

century, in the wake of the

First World War and Great

Depression. Some parallels

can be found between the

current crisis from which

Europe is emerging and the

economic hardship endured

by Europeans in the early

20th century. However, we

in Ireland should be particu-

larly wary. Our situation

need only be compared with

that of 1920s Italy and

1930s Germany. Following

the end of World War I,

many Italians were out-

raged at Italy‟s humilia-

tion at the Paris Peace

Conference. The general

opinion was that they did

not receive ample reward

for the huge sacrifice they

made in the defeat of the

Central Powers. A de-

flated sense of national

pride allowed Mussolini

to impress with ultra-

nationalist rhetoric, prom-

ising a resurgence of It-

aly‟s past glory. As well

as that, the economic

situation was poor – high

public debt and rising

poverty. Many had little

faith in corrupt officials.

These are the reasons as

to why so many turned to

Mussolini and his Black-

shirts. They promised to

restore Italy‟s pride, they

promised to restore law

and order and they prom-

ised economic solutions.

Indeed, the same can be

applied to Germany when

Hitler took power. This

was just as the Great De-

pression was ravaging the

German economy. Many

felt Germany had lost its

dignity when agreeing to

the Treaty of Versailles

which forced it to accept

total blame for the War

and took cheap shots at

its sovereignty.

Since 2008, Ireland has en-

dured similar hardship. Poverty

has risen. Harsh austerity has

been implemented, and many

no longer maintain faith in

what they see as a broken, cor-

rupt political system. On top of

that, many see the arrival of the

IMF as the nail in the coffin of

Ireland‟s sovereignty. Are these

conditions really so different to

that of Italy and Germany? The

current social and economic

conditions are ripe for a resur-

gence of nationalism and far-

right politics. The wave of

Islamophobia and anger di-

rected at immigrants across

Europe leaves yet another op-

portunity for the far-right to

prosper.

It may be that the attacks in

Norway will alienate many

from supporting the far-right.

Nonetheless, Europe should

proceed with caution. Through-

out history, the effects of al-

lowing far-right extremism to

breed have been shown to be

catastrophic.


A Catalogue of Failure

euros of private banking

losses. Though the punitive

interest rate charged on our

IMF/ EU loans has been re-

duced, our debt remains in-

equitable and, arguably, un-

sustainable, and the exten-

sion of maturities means

that the burden of repay-

ment may extend to a future

generation of taxpayers,

many of whom will feel the

brunt of spending cuts in

education before they ever

begin to pay their taxes. All

this, not because of a public

debt mountain, as in

Greece, where the public

have not contained their

outrage, but because of a

mountain of private bank-

ing debt that has been re-

branded as „public‟.

Meanwhile, a government

budget deficit of 18 billion

looms, and we prepare once

again to put down the pedal

on austerity. When the

housing bubble burst in

2008, unemployment sky-

rocketed, domestic demand

flat-lined and the bottom

fell out of our flimsy tax

base. None of these prob-

lems can be solved with

spending cuts. Austerity has

and will continue to inflict

hardship across society as a

crude means of addressing

the budgetary consequence

nothing less than a rallying

cry. Why? Because the left

has buckled under the pres-

sure of a catalogue of such

„inevitabilities‟.

We have been told of the

need to prioritize „stability‟

over burden-sharing in the

wake of the financial crash,

of the need for the state to

socialize losses and privat-

ize assets, and of the pri-

macy of the private sector

over the public. We have

been told of the need to

pursue austerity economics

at full throttle, of the need

to dismantle the wages and

bargaining power of work-

ers, and of the folly of sug-

gesting that we can invest

our way out of a debt crisis.

Despite the best efforts of

the many distinguished

commentators who have

dissented from this ortho-

doxy, policy decisions at

national and European level

have amounted to acts of

faith in these inevitabilities.

Every item in this catalogue

is a violation of the princi-

ples of social democracy.

Senior bondholders remain

invincible, while current

and future taxpayers must

foot the bill for billions of

TCD Activist Deirdre

Hosford givers an analysis

of the bleak financial situa-

tion and argues that it is

time for a rethink on how to

deal with our fiscal night-

mares

As Michael D. Higgins

tours the country in a bid to

win the hearts and minds of

the Irish people, he can of-

ten be heard quote a state-

ment by Raymond Williams,

to the effect that „when in-

evitabilities are questioned

we take our first steps in a

journey of hope‟. In the con-

text of where Ireland finds

itself today, poised as we are

at the intersection of an in-

ternational banking crisis

and the economic and politi-

cal crisis of the Euro zone,

this statement amounts to

By Deirdre Hosford

Page 7

And A Basis for Hope

of our economic collapse,

without confronting the root

causes. Nor will it please the

bond markets who, as the

Euro zone has finally real-

ised, are more concerned

with overall debt levels than

with the fine print of auster-

ity budgets.

In the words of Paul Krug-

man, „what sounds like

hardheaded realism actually

rests on a foundation of fan-

tasy, on the belief that in-

visible vigilantes will pun-

ish us if we‟re bad and the

confidence fairy will reward

us if we‟re good.‟ Is it worth

undermining our welfare,

health and education sys-

tems, and selling off our as-

sets in the name of such a

blunt economic doctrine?

And yet, when Krugman or,

closer to home, Jack O‟Con-

nor, claims that we must in-

vest our way out of our cri-

sis, even if this means a

temporary increase in bor-

rowings on the promise of a

real return, we conclude that

they are simply refusing to

recognise the inevitable.

So long as the architecture

of our policy response to the

banking crisis remains as

such, and the efficacy and

justifiability of austerity go

unchallenged, government

departments will be re-

duced to simply fighting

over the crumbs.

Deference to the private

sector remains a consistent

feature. To address the

problem of a collapse in do-

mestic demand, the govern-

ment has responded by sub-

sidizing the private sector

through PRSI and VAT tax

breaks that are not condi-

tional upon outcomes for

employees or consumers.

More recently, it was an-

nounced that the bargaining

power of workers under the

JLC system is to be ren-

dered subservient to consid-

erations of

„competitiveness‟ and un-

employment levels. This

ordering of priorities will

enshrine neo-liberal solu-

tions to a problem of de-

mand within a lasting pol-

icy framework, creating a

cycle of depressed wages,

depressed demand and in-

creased unemploy-

ment. And all the while the

12.5% corporate tax rate

remains sacrosanct, despite

the fact that it only reached

its current low level when it

was reduced from 16% in

2003.

We are living through eco-

nomic and political convul-

sions of historic propor-

tions, and the left, in Ire-

land as in Europe, has yet

to prove itself equal to the

new reality. In seeking to

appraise our actions in the

coming months and years,

we must not resort to mock

heroics or phony martyr-

dom. The circumstances

are too serious for that. The

Irish Labour Party finds it-

self in the grip of a titanic

struggle between public

and private interests, and

an honest appraisal of the

evidence suggests that we

are fudging battles and los-

ing the war. Such failure is

not an inevitability, but it

can only be overcome if we

can call it by its true name,

and refuse to settle for it.

“The Irish Labour Party finds

itself in the grip of a titanic

struggle between public and

private interests, and an hon-

est appraisal of the evidence

suggests that we are fudging

battles and losing the war”


In late August, Jim Larkin dis-

patched one of the Unions top

negotiators P.T. Daly, a socialist

and trade union organiser who

had worked for Connolly‟s

newspaper „The Worker‟s Re-

public‟ to Wexford. Negotia-

tions immediately stalled as the

foundry owners would not rec-

ognise the ITGWU and the Un-

ion would not accept the offer of

a local Wexford Union for Wex-

ford men as proposed by Pierce.

Larkin ridiculed the idea, and

asked Pierces if they would ac-

cept a local market for local

products.

On September 6, the conflict

took another turn, with 150 RIC

reinforcements arriving from

Dublin, followed shortly by the

„blacklegs‟ or imported press to

the local press. Richard Corish,

leader of the Pierces worker

claimed; „they‟re here to fight

the battle for the bosses‟. This

scab labour, mostly from Eng-

land was escorted daily to and

from the foundries. These morn-

ing parades became the setting

for some of the most turbulent

scenes of the lockout, with stone

throwing and baton charges a

common occurrence. On one

such evening march, a crowd of

union men „hooted and jeered‟

the passing police, stones were

thrown and a baton charge fol-

lowed. A passing farm labourer,

Michael Leary was attacked by

docks, a substantial merchant

population and steady industri-

alisation, and so was the ideal

place for the formation of the

newly formed ITGWU estab-

lished a branch in Wexford in

June 1911.

The first to join the Union were

the Dockers, who won success

on a strike organised in early

July. Encouraged by the Dockers

victory of increased pay and rec-

ognition, the foundry workers of

Pierces, Star Works, and Selskar

Ironworks joined also. The reac-

tion of the managers was swift,

all union members were dis-

missed and signs were posted

stating „No Transport Union

need apply‟. In response to this,

the unionised Dockers „blacked‟

a shipment of coke, an ingredi-

ent vital to the work of the foun-

dries. In August, Pierces fol-

lowed by the other foundries put

its entire workforce on one

weeks‟ notice, a pre-emptive

move to try and drive the union

from the factory. The three foun-

dries between them employed

over 1200 men, with Pierces the

biggest single employer in the

town. The Wexford Free Press

reported that over 6000 people

were dependent on the wages

form the foundries, but that even

crying children could not end the

standoff.

Noel Cullen, Chair of La-

bour Youth in Wexford, tells the

inspirational story of the Foundry

Strike of 1911 in Wexford on the

occasion of it‟s centenary

In the coming decade, our

party will celebrate important

events which have shaped our

society. The centenary of the

foundation of the Labour Party in

1912, the Dublin lockout of 1913

and the Easter Rising of 1916

have grabbed the headlines and

overshadowed another centenary

which is being quietly remem-

bered in Wexford.

The history of Wexford is the

history of Ireland in a condensed

form. Every major war, political

struggle and revolution have left

deep scars in Wexford, the La-

bour movement is no exception.

Wexford is different to many

other provincial towns of its size

across Ireland; it had a large agri-

culture hinterland as many did,

however it also had thriving

100 Years On

By Noel Cullen

Page 9

brations, Connolly declared that

„I am here tonight to say to you,

at the end of this long, this hard,

this bitter and this glorious fight,

you the working class of Wex-

ford, have a reason to be proud

of yourselves , and I believe that

Ireland is proud of you today‟

The legacy of the 1911 lockout

is still deeply felt in Wexford

town. The solidarity shown by

the shop keepers, the Dockers

and the clergy to the workers

turned into support for the La-

bour movement, so much so that

in the 1921 Election, Richard

Corish was elected as the first

Labour TD to sit in Dáil Éire-

ann. In 1920 Corish was also

elected Major of Wexford, a po-

sition he would keep for the next

25 years until his death in 1945.

The By-Election called to fill his

seat was won by his son, Bren-

dan Corish, the future leader of

the Labour Party and Tánaiste

1973-77. Even to this day, La-

bour remains the strongest party

in Wexford Town; currently

holding 4 council seats and the

Mayoral chains for the last two

years. The Wexford constitu-

ency has returned a Labour TD

for all but two terms, with the

Minister of Public Reform and

Expenditure, Brendan Howlin

the current occupant of Wex-

ford‟s Red Seat.

that „if people should go to jail,

we should go for something‟ and

that „we should establish a

Workers Police Force.‟ Local

folklore claims that this was the

birth of the Irish Citizen Army.

Daly was quickly sentenced to

three months detention in Water-

ford Prison pending trial after a

hasty trial convened in Wexford

Court.

Whilst many felt that the loss of

Daly would lead to the failure of

the strike, the arrival of James

Connolly from Belfast in Febru-

ary gave the entrenched conflict

new impetus. Daly had sustained

the dispute for over twenty

weeks, yet his close personal

involvement perhaps made it

impossible for him to negotiate a

settlement. Connolly, through

delicate meetings however man-

aged to create a formula that

both sides would agree to. The

foundries agreed to recognise a

newly formed „Irish Foundry

Workers Union‟ and to negotiate

all disputes with the union.

However Pierces had on stipula-

tion in the agreement, it would

re employ all staff except one,

Richard Corish. The settlement

was agreed, Corish was elected

the first Secretary of the new

Foundry Union, and the men of

Wexford went back to work.

In his speech at the victory cele-

„unknown‟ RIC officers, he re-

ceived „severe head wounds‟ and

died the following day. The death

of an innocent, „respectable

working man‟ as the Wexford

People described him, turned the

population of the town against

the police and the foundry own-

ers also. Leary‟s funeral was de-

scribed as „the biggest ever seen

in the town‟, as in the tradition of

Irish politics, became a turned

into a demonstration in support

of the locked out workers.

The winter of 1911 was tough on

the people of Wexford. The pov-

erty of the families was described

as appalling by the local clergy.

However no one was left to

starve, as many local shop keep-

ers gave credit to the union men

for the duration of the strike, the

Union itself spent over £2,700

during the strike, and fundraisers

saw money pour in from across

the island. At a public meeting of

Orangemen at Queens Island

shipyard in Belfast a collection

was stared and dispatched to

Wexford. The Leinster Council

of the GAA even donated the in-

come from the Leinster final to

the workers. Solidarity remained

high, with P.T. Daly popularity

among the people of the town

soaring, the authorities set about

removing the leader of the strike.

On January 27 1912, Daly was

arrested for „incitement‟ for re-

marks he made during a public

rally in the Faythe. Daly stated

The Foundry Strike of 1911


ship in Ireland as well as

through our sister parties

all over Europe. To hear

on the radio that a sup-

posed Al Qaida bomb at-

tack had struck Oslo‟s po-

litical nerve-centre was

shocking but the reason-

ing from journalists and

experts seemed to confirm

that that was just what it

was. To later hear mud-

dled reports of a “possibly

related” shooting on an

island off the west coast

added more confusion to

the story but were uncon-

firmed...

To wake the next morning

and hear how bad the

events of the previous

evening had really been

Left Tribune Editor

Audrey Walsh pays trib-

ute to all those who died

in the terrible atrocity in

Norway on the 21st of

July

To paraphrase a writer

on the attacks- I went to

bed in a terrible world

and woke up in a worse

one.

I am not alone in saying

that the events of Friday

the 21st of July sent a

deep shiver through the

Labour Youth member-

shook me to the core.

What had at first seemed

like yet another bad news

story had turned swiftly

into one of those “do you

remember where you

were when...?” moments.

There have been two

other such moments in

my life, moments that

changed my perspective

on the world; on politics

and people. This was dif-

ferent to those however.

Radically more personal,

more frightening and raw

was hearing that our com-

rades, brothers and sisters

of ours had been slaugh-

tered in such a merciless

and indiscriminate way-

for their politics. All that I

A Tribute to Norway

By Audrey Walsh

Page 11

A Tribute to Norway

could think of was the Tom

Johnson Summer School

mere weeks before and imag-

ine those young people gath-

ering to discuss with fervour

and hope similar topics to us.

What was apparent from the

reactions on social media and

in the papers was just how

personally the attacks were

felt by all who heard about

them. Because this was not

just an attack on a youth

camp, it was an attack on all

of the ideals that we hold so

dear. Social democracy, free-

dom of speech, tolerant and

open society... The vicious

attack on a generation who

upheld these beliefs is unfor-

givable. But in a way it

served to highlight and

strengthen that most

important of socialist

principles- solidarity.

We will grieve with the

AUF for the loss of so

many great young poli-

ticians. However let us

not let their passing be

in vain. Now more than

ever it is evident that

young people must en-

gage in shaping their

world. Through politi-

cal engagement we can

make sure that our ide-

als are enshrined in so-

ciety- that this world

does become a more

tolerant and equal

place and where the

likes of such attacks

are no more understood

than tolerated.

Jens Stoltenberg, the

leader of the Norwegian

Labour Party spoke af-

ter the attacks 'To the

young I would say this:

The massacre on Utøya

was also an attack on

the dreams that young

people had of contribut-

ing to a better world.

Their dreams were bru-

tally shattered. Your

dreams can be reality.

You can carry the spirit

of this evening out into

the world. You can

make a difference. Do

it! My challenge is sim-

ple: Get involved! Care!

Become members of a

political organisation!'

“What was apparent from the reac-

tions on social media and in the pa-

pers was just how personally the at-

tacks were felt by all who heard

about them. Because this was not

just an attack on a youth camp, it

was an attack on all of the ideals that

we hold so dear. Social democracy,

freedom of speech, tolerant and open

society... The vicious attack on a gen-

eration who upheld these beliefs is

unforgivable. “


The alternative to

made to tackle tax evaders

and those on the highest in-

comes, workers and the un-

employed are forced to ac-

cept extreme austerity

measures that are crippling

families across Ireland. We

have become a silent peo-

ple, afraid to protest against

the injustices being perpe-

trated by government Min-

isters, who claim to act in

our best interests. In various

European countries, people

have risen against the as-

sault of the capitalist system

on them. The demands of

ordinary householders and

families across the island

are modest. It is simply

alien to any rational thinker

that imposing a harsh re-

gime of austerity would

lead to economic vibrancy.

There were many opportu-

nities for the Fine Gael/

Labour coalition to make a

significant impact in reduc-

ing our borrowings. The

idea of raising the top rate

of income tax was dis-

missed, for fear of causing

resentment among those

who feel no societal attach-

ment or obligation to contri-

Indeed, the most difficult

task facing any government

in this situation is desensi-

tising working people to the

idea of increased taxation. It

is important that people do

not roll over and accept the

payment of this charge. A

significant campaign will be

launched by grassroots

movements, opposing the

concept of a double tax. Ten

years down the line, every

resident in the state will be

paying an exorbitant rate for

domestic water consump-

tion unless we mobilise and

voice our concerns over the

proposal of a household tax.

The arguments being put

forward regarding the han-

dling of the national deficit

are baffling. While no con-

siderable progress has been

National Chairperson

Colm Lawless outlines his

opposition to the austerity

programme and suggests

there is a better way

Despite pre-election com-

mitments to protect those on

low incomes, Minister Phil

Hogan recently announced

that a new household charge

of €100 will be introduced.

In what could only be de-

scribed as a cynical stunt to

impose further stealth taxes

on ordinary people, house-

holders will be forced to

once again pay for the mis-

takes of an errant system.

This charge represents the

first step towards introduc-

ing full-blown water charges

and a property tax. The

household tax is being mar-

keted as a „mere‟ €2 a week.

By Colm Lawless

Page 13

Government Austerity

bute to the welfare of a vast

majority of people.

Many of our public assets

look set to undergo a fire

sale, to raise a sum of €2 bil-

lion. The idea that flogging

off „non-strategic‟ assets in

the hope of getting a quick

lump sum of cash to service

our debt is utterly absurd.

Rather than challenge the

EU/IMF on their prohibi-

tively costly bailout deal,

key aspects of our national

infrastructure, including

Iarnród Éireann and ulti-

mately An Post, are likely to

be targeted for revenue. The

financial direction offered

from Frankfurt suits the neo-

liberal agenda of Angela

Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy.

The challenge for the Labour

Party is to reject the terms of

the deal negotiated with

Europe and fight for a fairer

interest rate. While some

progress has been made to

this end, our banks remain

insolvent and our SME sec-

tor is in a crippled state. In-

ternational financiers must

be taken to task on the issue

of our bailout package. It is

inherently evident that work-

ing people cannot afford to

service the enormous debt

inflicted by international

banks. Before examining

the matter of current and

capital expenditure on a na-

tional basis, we must seek a

credible alternative to the

current EU/IMF plan.

Ironically, the Irish people

have been lashed by the

ECB on economic misman-

agement and hence ordered

to service unmanageable in-

terest rates. Indeed, this cri-

sis of capitalism is a direct

result of the economic pol-

icy of the previous Fianna

Fáil/Green coalition. It

would however, be remis-

sive of the Irish government

to fail to tackle the ECB on

this matter. The regulation

offered by the ECB in the

area of banking over the last

15 years has been utterly

catastrophic. The attempts

by Frankfurt to exempt

themselves from the Europe

-wide credit crisis is cynical

in the highest order. Had the

ECB correctly regulated

European banks, the crisis

could have been limited.

Bearing this fact in mind, it

is the duty of the govern-

ment to demand that Ire-

land be treated as an equal

partner in the European

project, and not as a means

of profiteering. Austerity

has failed as a mechanism

to increase economic pro-

ductivity.

The target of the Fine Gael/

Labour coalition ought to

be to prioritise investment

in key sectors of the econ-

omy and to place a focus on

job creation. The idea of

attacking the living stan-

dards of working people in

the hope of securing a

lower deficit is simply un-

just. The move away from

austerity must commence,

starting with the introduc-

tion of a fair and equitable

taxation system.

“It is inherently evident that

working people cannot afford

to service the enormous debt

inflicted by international

banks. Before examining the

matter of current and capital

expenditure on a national ba-

sis, we must seek a credible

alternative to the current EU/

IMF plan.”


Labour Youth Branches

Trinity

Chairperson : Ciaran Lyng

Email : [email protected]

Secretary : Eoghan Harney


UCD

Chairperson : Conor Quirke


Secretary : Lisa Connell


DCU

Chairperson : David Healion


Secretary : Jessica Owens


IT –Tallaght

Chairperson : Adam Lonsdale


Secretary : Roisin Cullen


Page 15

2011/12

DIT

Chairperson : Luke O’ Rourke


Secretary : Lyndsay Copeland


NUI Maynooth

Chairperson : Eleanor McKenna


Secretary : Ruaidhri Boland


UCC

Chairperson : Dean Duke


Secretary : Siobhan De Paor


NUI Galway

Chairperson : Eanna Mac Donnchadha


Secretary : Mark Glynn



Labour Youth Branches 2010/11

Longford/Westmeath

Contact -

[email protected]

Clare

Contact -

Contact : [email protected]

Dublin South Central

Chairperson : Peter Kelleher


Secretary : Paul Hand


Wexford

Chairperson : Noel Cullen


Secretary : Conor Quirke


Page 17

Peter Kelleher mourns the

loss of the seminal Questions and

Answers, especially considering

it‟s abject replacement fronted by

Pat Kenny

It ran for 23 years, from 1986 to

2009, lead the way in political

analysis and debate, oversaw

many political careers and even

the vast majority of the life of the

Progressive Democrats who were

just a few months into their exis-

tence when Questions and An-

swers was first broadcast.

Modelled on the BBC equivalent,

Question Time, Questions and

Answers did what it said on the

tin. Audience member, a mixture

of political and non-political alike,

put forward questions to a panel

of guests (usually one Govern-

ment Minister/TD, one Opposition

TD and another three from a mix-

ture of backgrounds such as jour-

nalists, economists, academics or

an Independent TD/MEP/Senator

or a MLA from the North. All in

all, a very simplistic format that

worked for so long. Indeed it

through up some controversies

and memorable moments. For ex-

Answers and BBC‟s Question

Time, both the Frontline and To-

night with Vincent Browne fall far

short of the mark.

Question Time has been on the air

since 1979 and, like Questions

and Answers, has had its famous

moments as well. For example,

the shows that were produced

around the time of the start of the

Iraq War and the MP‟s expenses

scandal, as well as the appearance

of BNP Leader, Nick Griffin, and

he subsequent rightful dressing

down by fellow panellists and au-

dience members (which were far

better controlled by David Dim-

bleby than they would have been

by either Pat Kenny of Vincent

Browne). The embryonic stages of

the Liberal Democrats were

played out on the programme

when David Steel and David

Owen, Leaders of Liberal Party

and Social Democratic Party re-

spectively, when the future of

both parties were unknown. There

is now a spin of show called

Young Voters Question Time,

which started in March 2010

hosted first by Dermot O‟Leary

and then by Richard Bacon, on

BBC Three to try and engage vot-

ers aged 18-25.

Simply put, for a return to sensi-

ble, reasoned discussion on poli-

tics, Questions and Answers or

something similar has to come

back on the box. Considering the

current state of the nation, it has to

come back soon.

ample, the Lenihan Tape Affair in

1990 which cost Brian Lenihan

Snr. the Presidency.

However, it was ended in 2009

because it was "well past it sell-by

-date" and was replaced with the

Frontline. The Frontline has, in

my opinion, never come close to

having the same informed debate

as Questions and Answers. At

best, it is car crash TV. At worse,

it pits the most vulnerable people

against one another. Look up the

episode where special needs peo-

ple and their carers were disgrace-

fully compared to third world

countries and the people in those

countries who depend on foreign

aid. To be fair to the audience that

night, they did try to steer the de-

bate onto the high earning bankers

but that did not take away from

the main theme of the show.

There have been a number of inci-

dents on both the Frontline and

Tonight with Vincent Browne

that, in my opinion, would never

have happened on Questions and

Answers, incidents such as that of

one man who was escorted from

the audience for his outburst

against Pat Kenny and his salary,

Pat Kenny‟s reaction over ICTU

President, Jack O‟Connor‟s

“Trophy House” comment, Vin-

cent Browne‟s poor handling of

Tom Cooney‟s disgraceful con-

duct on the issue of the Gaza Flo-

tilla murders and his famous argu-

ment with Conor Lenihan. When

compared to both Questions and

Bring Back Questions and Answers

By Peter Kelleher


The Current Decline of Facism in Europe

By Hazel Nolan

Former International Officer

of Layour Youth Hzel Nolan looks

at the new face of European Fascism

and points out a channge in

emphasis may be necessary to

comba it

They have enjoyed electoral success

even within so-called bastions of

liberal and open society such as

Sweden and Finland. The picture is

much the same across the rest of

Europe too, with the far-right enjoy-

ing unprecedented success in Aus-

tria, the Netherlands and France-

where Front National poster-girl

Marine Le Pen is getting danger-

ously close to seriously contesting

the Presidency.

So, why is this article titled the

“decline” of fascism?

Norway‟s attacks sent a ripple down

the spine of many of us. What hap-

pened wasn‟t just a horrendous at-

tack on innocent people- for those of

us on the left, it was more intimate.

As one member put it: “We are the

sons and daughters of the same

struggle, therefore they were our

brothers and sisters”. In the wake of

this atrocity many of us feel moti-

vated and eager to react. We want to

stand up and fight back. We want to

but they are a growing threat as a

political movement.

This is occurring against a backdrop

where European leaders, Angela

Merkel, in Germany, and David

Cameron, in the UK, are announcing

that Multiculturalism is a failed pro-

ject. In France too the response from

Nicholas Sarkozy trying to claw

back waning support for his UMP

party by hard-line measures such as

banning the burqa shows that there

is an uneasy growth in far-right

populism. Again we can see meas-

ures such as this being emulated in

Switzerland too with the stagger-

ingly high result for the referendum

banning the building of minarets.

What will our response be?

Socialism is about more than uplift-

ing people from their material pov-

erty. It is about uplifting them from

their spiritual poverty too. We need

to refocus on the latter, now more

than ever.

The response from the Norwegian

Labour Party is as crucial, as the

attacks were horrifying. We need to

build an alternative version of what

it means today to be Irish, British,

French, Norwegian etc. We need to

reconstruct our national identity to

give people something to be proud

of.It is no longer just a street fight

against “fascist thugs”, it is one

against ourselves- our mindset and

that of those around us. It‟s a fight

for our national psyche.

"The answer to violence, is even

more democracy, even more human-

ity"-Jens Stoltenberg.

shout out, defiant in the face of

those that would attack our ideals.

But what is that face? Where is it?

Who is it?

In the UK the BNP has suffered

crushing defeat after crushing de-

feat. They have been virtually wiped

out and are struggling for survival.

Traditional fascism is dying. It is

still around in pockets, but it hasn‟t

been a major threat now since the

1980‟s, maybe even since before

then.

The new threat now comes from

groups like the EDL. There is a shift

in the far-right, from racism to a mo-

tivation based on culture. That is a

new challenge, and it represents a

harder fight.

I‟ve done a lot of work with Hope

Not Hate, the campaigning arm of

anti-fascism magazine Searchlight.

I‟ve been to up and down the coun-

try (in the UK) to Stoke, Leicester,

and Essex. I‟ve canvassed countless

doors. I‟ve met many people.

These people aren‟t racist. They are

traditional working class, former-

Labour supporting people. They are

concerned with immigration though,

not just with regards to jobs, hous-

ing and pressures on social services.

There is an unease with what they

determine the invasion of a different

culture. That‟s harder to point-out,

to explain, it‟s harder to define and

it‟s harder to fight against. Racism

has a face, culture is a feeling- an

attachment.

Groups like the EDL are thriving

because they are tapping into this.

They may not be a political party,

Page 19

Poetry: Featured Poet Elaine Feeney

By Elaine Feeney

The inclusion of poetry in the Left-tribune, seeks to highlight the continuing legacy of

The Left, Politics, Poetry and Ireland.

All contributions are welcome and feedback appreciated; send to: [email protected]

Elaine Feeney is performance and page poet. She writes about the New Ireland, and won the

Cúirt Grand Slam in 2008. Elaine has performed at many venues including the Edinburgh

Fringe Festival and the Electric Picnic. She published a short chapbook in 2007 and her first

collection was published by Salmon Poetry in 2010, „Where‟s Katie?‟ She was a guest at the

2011 Cúirt International Literature Festival.

Middle Ireland

He is a hard backed Oxford Concise Dictionary

With a reinforced glass spine.

She is Cecilia Holman Lee in a tooth fairy

Costume on a sharp Brown Thomas window.

He is a cotton woven Kartel polo-shirt dipped in

Baby blue, spruced with a classy cologne.

She is the last ever produced

Black Knight quiet Denby butter dish lid.

He is Nano Nagles’ wet dream,

She is Olivia Newton John stepping

On Saturday Night Fever

With plimsoles and curtain song-sarong.

They are Sadam Hussein’s Shiraz guests,

Sipping from chipped Waterford crystal.

In Search of Katie Inside The Lap Dancing Pub

I stumbled on the den,

Peeled on my row face,

Smashed sweat clear

From beneath my weeping eyelids for a better view.

A couple of couples sat on the edge of their stools

And sipped stale apples.

Waiting to share poles of Poles.

But here she was,

Moving like the boy in the bubble.

Men’s women gulped hard on liquid apple cores

As pips caught in horny epiglottis’,

They felt her breasts with thick sterile black gloves.

Mens eyes ran salty sweat between her bone thighs,

And held moisture behind her Estonian pupils

with fumbling childlike paws.

I’d smash their heads in if she was my sister,

Even if she said she loved it,

If she was my sister, I’d break their beaks for them,

They could suck it through a straw,

Cos I’ve an awe full temper, an awe full one.

If she were my mother, I’d blow my own brains out.

So I weaved and waved like a lunatic,

All encased in my social straightjacket,

To the edge of reason,

Where martyrs tipped their hats.

They barred me.

I lost my tenner,

They locked their door, and hid inside away from me.

I caught a conscience eye of a bouncer, beware boyo,

It’s my home, that’s why I have these wings,

It was my place as this poet.

I caught their eyes, distracted, they’re so mistaken.

Caught a cold glimpse of Katie at night,

If she were my sister I fucking knife them,

Inside this pathetic den there’s a glimpse

Of Katie in her night dress, and it’s raw purple.



By Paul Hand

Paul Hand outlines

the main causes of our

current economic woes

and points to some pro-

gressive solutions to get

us out of the mess we‟re

in

The collapse of the Irish

banking and construc-

tion sectors in the year

2008 has adversely af-

fected the Irish economy

and society in the inter-

vening years. The

causes of this can be

traced back to the early

parts of that decade. The

right-wing, populist and

neo-liberal ideology of

Fianna Fail and the Pro-

gressive Democrats

committed many mis-

takes between 2001 and

2008. These include

lowering taxes, increas-

ing public spending beyond

economic growth, relying

on fair weather taxes from

consumer consumption and

the construction industry,

banking de-regulation, in-

flating a construction boom

and the list can go on. The

terms „a rising tide lifts all

boats‟ and the „trickle

down‟ of wealth from big

business to ordinary citizens

were much lauded around

this time. The reality is

none of this happened. Most

ordinary citizens did not

gain from the boom and are

now carrying the can for the

mistakes of Fianna Fail.

Everything came crashing

down like the house of

cards the Irish economy was

due to Fianna Fail‟s shoddy

policies of Reganomics and

Thatcherism. The purpose

of this article is to show

some positive ideas on how

to make Ireland a better

place to live and how we can

turn our economy around.

In the last 4 years the Irish

economy has undergone a

severe contraction. Regard-

less of the banking prob-

lems, the Irish state should

have been able to raise

enough revenue and taxes to

meet or be close to what we

spend each year. The severe

erosion of our tax base has

meant that this was not the

case, and as a result Ireland

has ran large deficits over

the past 4 years, in 2010

reaching 31% (11.5% with-

out the cost of the banking

bailout) according to the

ESRI. In order to meet the

conditions of the EU/IMF

bailout the government will

have to reach a deficit of 3%

of GDP by 2015. In order to

achieve this, Ireland should

move from a low tax model,

to a Nordic model. This will

deal with the deficit through

progressive taxation, where

those who can afford to, pay

the most. Bridging the defi-

cit through taxes over spend-

ing cuts can get the economy

growing quicker and has a

less adverse reaction on the

worse off in society. Labour

Youth has recently put to-

gether a tax policy group.

This group was set up due to

“The terms „a rising tide lifts all

boats‟ and the „trickle down‟ of

wealth from big business to

ordinary citizens were much

lauded around this time. Most

ordinary citizens did not gain

from the boom and are now

carrying the can for the mis-

takes of Fianna Fail.”

Page 21


the initiative of committed

activists to propose progres-

sive policies for the benefit of

Irish society, to create dia-

logue within Labour Youth

and to propose policies in or-

der to get us out of our eco-

nomic mess.

Although in it‟s

infancy, the tax policy group

will undoubtedly offer solu-

tions straight from the vari-

ous social democratic parties

throughout Europe. Only

through these types of solu-

tions can Ireland become a

sustainable economy and so-

ciety to live in. Policies

would include higher income

taxes, particularly on higher

earners. Raising the upper tax

limit to 48% from 41%

would undo the erosion Fi-

anna Fail did over 14 years.

In 1997 betting tax stood at

10%. The finance minister of

the time, Charles McCreevy

lowered this to 1% in a

phased basis. Restoring the

old rate could generate nearly

300 million euro for the ex-

chequer. Another solution

would be to implement a site

valuation tax, in a progres-

sive way. This would work

by giving small family homes

waivers, while progressively

taxing higher the bigger the

home and the bigger the site.

Financial transaction taxes

are something PES parties

have been advocating since

the financial crisis. Such

schemes would be a Tobin

tax on currency exchanges

and financial activities

taxes. Other solutions would

include environmental taxes

on polluting individuals and

industries amongst many

others.

Without these

things and with further aus-

terity, Ireland will be slower

to get its deficit in order.

According to the Depart-

ment of Finance and the

CSO, Ireland will have

modest growth of 0.8% of

GDP this year. Growth for

the following years is 2.5%

in 2012 and 3% for each

year 2013-2015. Increased

economic growth can re-

duce the deficit quicker;

consumer confidence is

very low, due to a dispro-

portionate hit on the average

person. Domestic demand

will continue to con-

tract until 2013. When

this picks up, coupled

with progressive taxes

and job creation pro-

grammes only then will

the economy and soci-

ety turn a corner. By

following the Nordic

model that has worked

and abandoning the

Anglo-American low

tax model that has

failed, Ireland‟s econ-

omy and society can

move forward in the

medium to long term.


An Interview With

of friendship and solidar-

ity to a beleaguered peo-

ple.

What is Trade Union

Friends of Palestine?

Trade Union Friends of

Palestine was set up in

order to raise awareness

of issues faced by Pales-

tinians, especially work-

ers who are affected by

lack of work, difficulties

in getting to work be-

cause of checkpoints and

random closures, and

they have many hard-

ships as teachers, para-

medics, doctors etc.

Some trade unions here

have twinning links with

Palestinian trade unions,

especially in the health

care area. TUFP would

have also raised signifi-

cant funding for hospitals

in Gaza and a maternity

hospital in Bethlehem.

The crew and passengers

seem a very diverse

group. What was it like

working with them?

We were a diverse group

but fortunately because

all of us were there with

those suffering because of

the illegal blockade of

Gaza.

Tell me a bit about the

Irish ship. How was it

funded? What kind of aid

was on board?

The Irish ship was totally

paid for by fundraising,

thousands of Irish people

donated, organised fund

raisers, pub quiz, para-

chute drops and even

small children having

boot sales.

We had a small amount of

medical aid on board and

Trevor Horgan had kit

and gear for rugby, we

were very clear though

that the cargo was not the

main thing, it was to

reach Gaza and deepen

contacts with groups

there, extending the hand

Maynooth and Dub-

lin Activist Declan

Meenagh was privileged

to interview Labour activ-

ist Mags O‟Brien, who

works for SIPTU and was

on the MV Saoirse; the

Irish Ship to Gaza

How did you first

get involved in the cam-

paign?

I visited Palestine and Is-

rael as part of an ICTU

high level delegation in

2007. While I knew intel-

lectually what was hap-

pening, the ritual humilia-

tion of the Palestinian

population was brought

home to me on that visit.

Why did you decide to go

on the flotilla?

I decided to go on the flo-

tilla because I felt that,

apart from mobilisation

around Cast Lead, there

was little awareness on

the ground of the daily

problems faced by Pales-

tinians and especially

“We were of course upset and angry about the sabotage, but very much outraged that we

had been prevented from sail-ing. The import of it did not

really hit me until I came back as our over riding feeling at the time was anger rather than thinking about what

would have happened if we had sailed.”

Page 23

Mags O’ Brien

common cause we got on

extremely well and the

very diversity made for

great debates and good

natured slagging.

The Greek government

were actively preventing

ships from leaving the

port, was there any indi-

cation that the Turkish

government were under

pressure to block the Irish

ship?

We did not experience

any pressure from Turkey.

The Turkish people in

general were very suppor-

tive, especially because of

the loss of Turkish lives

on the Mavi Marmara.

How did you find out

about the sabotage? What

was the reaction of the

crew and passengers?

We were of course upset

and angry about the sabo-

tage, but very much out-

raged that we had been

prevented from sailing.

The import of it did not

really hit me until I came

back as our over riding

feeling at the time was an-

ger rather than thinking

about what would have

happened if we had sailed.

As a member of the La-

bour Party, what do you

think of Labour's response

to this crisis? What would

you advise members of

Labour to do about it?

Prior to the flotilla I would

have been reasonably

happy with the Labour

policy but frankly since

we encountered problems

even having a meeting

with Eamon Gilmore as

Minister for Foreign Af-

fairs, and when he would

not publicly condemn the

Israeli blockade and make

it clear that they were act-

ing illegally we were most

concerned. Of further con-

cern is that since then Ea-

mon has not committed

the government to back-

ing Palestine's bid for

UN recognition. Prior to

this the Irish government

has been one of the most

progressive on the Pales-

tinian question. Further

the actions of some

elected TDs and Council-

ors belies the stated posi-

tion of the Labour Party.

What do you feel the fu-

ture of the flotilla move-

ment is now?

The flotilla group are de-

termined to keep going

until the siege is lifted,

we may have to rethink

strategy but we are all

more than ever deter-

mined.


Delaney-Wilson‟s work

caused a furore when it

landed with a thud in the

Irish consciousness back in

2007, not least because the

author seemed to come from

nowhere. Despite many

years working in broadcast-

ing, she did not travel in the

same circles as the glitterati

of the fourth estate, seem-

ingly more comfortable with

the behind-the-scenes work

of researching and produc-

tion rather than grabbing

limelight – a limelight that

she was thrust into (and in-

deed embraced) very

quickly upon publication of

the book and its subsequent

related RTÉ series. The first

-time author showed great

ability in getting her work

into the headlines: a key

quote that she claimed was

provided to her by an un-

named government minister

in Buswells Hotel in Octo-

ber 2006, wherein he admit-

Luke Field reviews

The High Society - Drugs

and the Irish Middle Class

from 2007

It‟s interesting, in our cur-

rent climate, to delve back

into some of the books that

Ireland produced during

the boom years. In some

ways, these books are al-

most like historical arte-

facts, documenting a long-

gone world that is very dif-

ferent to our own current

reality.

The High Society, docu-

menting the abuse of drugs

by Irish middle-class pro-

fessionals during the

boom, is one such book.

ted to being a regular co-

caine user and suggested

that there were many like

him in the Dáil, was high-

lighted to garner publicity

that money couldn‟t buy.

The political classes cer-

tainly seemed rattled; Fi-

anna Fáil‟s Mary O‟Rourke

said the quote was a

“porky”, while our own Pat

Rabbitte described it as “a

lamentable lapse of stan-

dards”. But perhaps those

most unsettled by the book

were the journalists – not

only was this book written

by a previously-unknown

one of their own, it con-

tained the story of another

journalist who not only con-

fessed to being reliant on

cocaine to get through his

workload, but who sug-

gested that addiction was

hugely commonplace

amongst his colleagues.

This elicited a strong back-

lash from some in the me-

dia (notably Ian O‟Doherty,

whose article in the Irish In-

dependent would later re-

quire an apology) seeking

nuances with which to at-

tack and undermine De-

laney-Wilson.

Within the book, Delaney-

Wilson displays her skill

and experience as a

Book Review - The High Society:

By Luke Field

Page 25

Drugs and the Irish Middle Class

researcher, with a high level of

research evident and the find-

ings structured well to paint the

landscape of middle-class drug

abuse. The canvas is, however,

flawed; Delaney-Wilson‟s per-

sonal views on drugs shine

through her words, often con-

ceding neutral ground and oc-

casionally slipping into alarmist

rhetoric. This is most noticeable

in the section near the book‟s

opening wherein she describes

drugs and their effects in detail:

while she does not make any

massive leaps of logic or fic-

tion, she does tend to describe

worst-case outcomes as com-

mon experiences, rules rather

than exceptions. Perhaps it was

simply that the author was so

shocked by her own findings

that it led to slight exaggera-

tions, or possibly she was sim-

ply misinformed, but the fear

that has dogged and impeded

the debate on drugs in Ireland

to date is all too palpable here.

Far more interesting than the

landscape of the book are the

individual portraits of each

contributor. Delaney-Wilson

interviews numerous drug

users and abusers, and in

some cases their family

members, with a view to in-

cluding both the unrepentant

current users and the (often

penitent) recovering users.

Most are given pseudonyms,

although then-Councillor

now-TD Luke “Ming”

Flanagan gives a characteris-

tically blunt account of his

own cannabis use. Certain

common themes emerge

throughout: cocaine is

clearly the drug of choice for

middle-class use during both

work and play, and deception

is a cornerstone of each per-

son‟s life as an addict. Per-

haps most startling of all is

the evident fear and loathing

of the working class that

would fit comfortably into a

Daily Mail editorial or a Kai-

ser Chiefs album. The hard-

core snobbery of the middle-

class cocaine addicts is

shocking as it is distasteful,

with many of them viewing

working-class drug abusers

as somehow “inferior” even

when they themselves are at

their lowest ebb. It is inter-

esting to note, however, that

those (few) addicts who re-

covered successfully were

typically those who

overcame class barriers

while attending Nar-

cotics Anonymous

meetings; at least one

cites the more open

and supportive nature

of working-class NA

attendees as a reason

for his own recovery,

and suggests that he

would not have recov-

ered in the more up-

tight and snobbish

middle-class NA meet-

ings. This suggests

what fans of The Spirit

Level already know:

class division is bad

for your health!

The relevance of The

High Society may have

faded with the advent

of the recession and

the drop in spending

power, but as an in-

sight into middle-class

abuses and prejudices

during wealthier times,

it is still worthy of in-

terest.

“Perhaps most startling of all is

the evident fear and loathing of

the working class that would fit

comfortably into a Daily Mail edito-

rial or a Kaiser Chiefs album. The

hardcore snobbery of the middle-

class cocaine addicts is shocking

as it is distasteful”


the world, I feel that it is im-

portant to address these two

myths.

We are supposed to believe

that the trade union move-

ment is outdated. Workers

have all of the rights that

they need and the war has

been won by the working

class. Furthermore, the trade

union movement‟s refusal to

go away is to blame for the

wage spiral of the boom

years. The demand for in-

creased wages by trade un-

ions during the Celtic Tiger

years was fuelled by prop-

erty prices as houses and

homes became dearer. Due to

the property bubble, Ordi-

nary workers were being

priced out of the property

market, which led to them

making demands of their

trade unions to increase

wages in order that they

might get on the property

ladder.

Trade Unions will continue

to play a pivotal role in Irish

society as long as Irish em-

ployment law continues to be

among the worst, the most

regressive in Western civili-

zation. Yes, they need reform

themselves but it is the Trade

Union movement alone who

is looking out for the people

who are worst hit by this re-

cession and the horrendous

Glenn Fitzpatrick of-

fers a firm defence of Trade

Unions and puts paid to a

few well worn out rumours

about the public sector

RTÉ, most of the

print media and the rest of

the mainstream demand

that to be considered nor-

mal, we believe a certain

number of things. Firstly,

trade unions are to the det-

riment of society. Secondly,

the public sector is awash

with useless, overpaid, lazy

and incompetent wasters.

These two statements are

part of a larger dominant

ideology that essentially

aims to serve a few and

screw the rest of us. As

right wing policies continue

to grow in popularity across

governance of the previous

regime. I'd urge everyone

not to buy into the Sunday

Independent/Joe Duffy type

journalism that dismisses

them as a burden on every-

one. It's an incredible fact

that over 600,000 workers in

this country are members of

trade unions on a voluntary

basis. This is incredible

when one considers the in-

cessant attacks perpetrated

on them through the em-

ployer owned media. It is

even more incredible when

one realizes that they have

no right to collective bar-

gaining and they cannot be

compelled to join a union.

Yet, the trade union move-

ment is the biggest single

civic society body and is the

only insurance policy that

workers have against the ex-

cesses and greed of employ-

ers.

Don‟t get me wrong, the

public sector is not without

its problems. Like every

other group of human be-

ings, there are good, okay

and bad elements. However,

not only is it regrettable that

all of the public sector is

lumped into one horrible

generalisation, it‟s also an

incredibly lazy point of view

Dispelling the Myths

By Glenn Fitzpatrick

Page 27

hospital and they're de-

pending on the public

health service, the over-

worked nurses and har-

assed junior doctors to

save their life? Or maybe

they would prefer the

American way where they

check to see if they have

insurance before they put

them into the ambulance.

You never know what

you've got until it's gone

and the people who would

hold a grudge against

these workers should be

careful what they wish for.

The mark of any civilized

society is the services that

are made available to its

citizens. Ireland spends a

smaller proportion of its

wealth on the public sector

than almost all of its Euro-

that is regurgitated and sub-

sequently swallowed by the

masses. The reality is that

there is a myriad of skills

and commitment required in

many parts of the public sec-

tor. While many private sec-

tor workers stayed in bed be-

cause of the bad snow earlier

on this year, it was public

sector workers (whether they

be firemen, Gardaí, the

army, postal workers, nurses,

doctors, teachers or bus driv-

ers) who kept the country

going despite a total lack of

preparation from our politi-

cal masters. The notion that

putting more money into the

public sector would be a to-

tal waste is also a farcical

one which is repeatedly

spun. Would people think

that it's money down the

drain if they end up sick in

Of the Dominant Ideology

pean partners. Obviously we

should demand and expect full

value for money and for the

investment that we put into

our public sector but in blam-

ing them for all our woes, we

let the real culprits off the

hook and whether we like it or

not, the only public sector

workers who bear any respon-

sibility for our current eco-

nomic plight were the politi-

cians who were either asleep

or compliant with their fellow

travellers from the private sec-

tor (i.e. the bankers, builders,

developers, speculators etc)

who now lecture us about the

importance of the private sec-

tor. It seems to me, we're fol-

lowing a policy of nationaliz-

ing debt and privatizing profit.

“The mark of any civilized soci-

ety is the services that are

made available to its citizens.

Ireland spends a smaller pro-

portion of its wealth on the

public sector than almost all of

its European partners”


Your National Youth Executive

International Officer—Mike Spring

National Chairperson — Colm Lawless

As National Chairperson, Colm is

responsible for the smooth running of

Labour Youth as a whole, along with acting

as the public face of the organization. He is

currently Labour Youth’s representative on

the Central Council of the Labour Party.


Vice Chair/Campaigns— Conor Ryan National Secretary — Martin O’ Prey

As National Vice Chair and Campaigns

Officer, Conor is primarily responsible for

the formation and execution of Labour

Youth National Campaigns. He also acts as

Chair of the organization in Colm’s ab-

sence, and chairs the Campaigns Working

Group.


As National Secretary, Martin is responsible

for taking minutes at all Labour Youth

events, and at NYE meetings. He is also

responsible for correspondence, accounts

and fundraising.


Recruitment — Aideen Carberry

As National Recruitment Officer, Aideen is

responsible for the recruitment and

retention of new members. She is also the

primary coordinator for the National

Recruitment Campaign.


International - Mike Spring

As International Officer, Mike is responsi-

ble for representing the organization at

European level and beyond, looking at how

Labour Youth can assist in international

issues.


Ed & Policy — Dean Duke

As Education and Policy Officer,

Dean is responsible for drafting

Labour Youth Policy Documents,

researching prospective Policy

Positions, the Tom Johnson Sum-

mer School and Chairing the Policy

Working Group.


Communications — Mick Reynolds

As National Communications Offi-

cer, Mick is the Chief Editor of the

Left Tribune, and is the admin of

LY’s various Facebook pages. He is

also responsible for managing the

overall design strategy, and online

presence of the organization.


Youth & Development -

Rory Geraghty

The Youth & Development Officer,

is a the Labour Party Staff Member

responsible for the administration

of Labour Youth. They are also a

non voting member of the NYE.

The current Youth and Develop-

ment Officer is our former Chair-

person Rory Geraghty.


Date post:	16-Mar-2016
Category:	Documents
Upload:	labour-youth
View:	216 times
Download:	1 times