7/30/2019 AYODEJI, O., ‘The Travails of Migrant and Wage Labour in the Lagos Metropolitan Area in the Inter-War Years’, Labour History Review, 61 (1996), 49–70 http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/ayodeji-o-the-travails-of-migrant-and-wage-labour-in-the-lagos-metropolitan 1/22 agos etr opotan r eant enter- ar ea rs Ayodqi Oluktju Universityof Iagvos, Nigeria I.l\lTRODUCTION Asrevealed by two recent reviews, much work hasbeen doneon labour movements, strikesand other elementsof labour history in Africa} Though thebul.k ofthesewritingshasdwelt on theperiod sincedie incep- tion of European colonial ruleinthe nit1eteenth century aspectsoflabour in pre-colonial Africansocietieshave been studied in afewworks?How- ever, asthesubject of this study fallswithin thecategory ofdevelopments during thecolonial andpost-colonial periods, thefollowing commentson thesubject shall belimited to thisaspect ofAfrican labour history Most of thetheoretically-inclinedstudieson labour in Africahavebeen undertakenby‘socialscientists`,notablysociologistsandpolitical scien- tists, whotend to prefer such themesas thedevelopment of theworking class, labour strugglesandclassconsciousness, andwho attempt to gener- al.iseonthe basisof empirical studies.] Until recently thel.iteraturehad been dominatedby a focuson strikesandother methodsof labour pro- tests, and thedevelopment of institutional structures, such as labour u.nions.‘ Increasing lyhowever, labour studieshavefocused on thesocial conditionsof labour, whereand howthemembersof theworking class live, rather than wherethey work,or howthey organisethemselves. Indeed,interest hasbeenshownin the connection betwen labour and thecolonial urban settingin which manyofthestruggles took place.’ Reflectingtheapproach of thesocial scientists, much of theliterature hasadvanced onetheoretical postulateor another. Until recently there wasalively debateon the'labour aristocracy’ thesis, which held that there existed atop stratum of urban workerswhoseperquisitesand social con- ditionsset them apart from other workers, urban or rural, and,indeed, placedthem in virtuallythesamecategory astheir ‘bourgeoisoppressots`! Thisgenerated several empirical studiesto refuteor reinforcethis thesis.° Therehasalso been adebateont hepolitical roleof workers, particularly asit washeldbysomethat thiscouldbe assessedonthebasis ofworkers` afhliationwithnationalist parties, acontention that wasdismissed asmis- leadingbyothers} Thesetendenciesand debatesarealsorepresented in studieson
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7/30/2019 AYODEJI, O., ‘The Travails of Migrant and Wage Labour in the Lagos Metropolitan Area in the Inter-War Years’, Labour History Review, 61 (1996), 49–70
a g os e t ro p o ta n re a n t e n ter - a r ea r sAyodqi OluktjuUniversityof Iagvos, NigeriaI.l\lTRODUCTIONAsrevealed by two recent reviews, much work hasbeen doneon labourmovements, strikesand other elementsof labour history in Africa}Though thebul.k ofthesewritingshasdwelt on theperiod sincedie incep-tion of European colonial ruleinthe nit1eteenth century aspectsoflabourin pre-colonial Africansocietieshave been studied in afewworks?How-ever, asthesubject of this study fallswithin thecategory ofdevelopmentsduring thecolonial andpost-colonial periods, thefollowing commentsonthesubject shall belimited to thisaspect ofAfrican labour historyMost of thetheoretically-inclinedstudieson labour in Africahavebeenundertaken by ‘social scientists`, notablysociologistsand political scien-tists, whotend to prefer such themesas thedevelopment of theworkingclass, labour strugglesandclassconsciousness, andwho attempt to gener-al.iseonthe basisof empirical studies.] Until recently thel.iteraturehadbeen dominatedby a focuson strikesandother methodsof labour pro-tests, and thedevelopment of institutional structures, such as labouru.nions.‘ Increasinglyhowever, labour studieshavefocused on thesocialconditionsof labour, whereand howthemembersof theworking classlive, rather than wherethey work,or howthey organisethemselves.Indeed,interest hasbeenshownin the connection between labour andthecolonial urban settingin which manyofthestruggles took place.’Reflectingtheapproach of thesocial scientists, much of theliteraturehasadvanced onetheoretical postulateor another. Until recently therewasalively debateon the'labour aristocracy’ thesis, which held that thereexisted atop stratum of urban workerswhoseperquisitesand social con-ditionsset them apart from other workers, urban or rural, and,indeed,placedthem in virtuallythesamecategory astheir ‘bourgeoisoppressots`!Thisgenerated several empirical studiesto refuteor reinforcethis thesis.°Therehasalso been adebateont hepolitical roleof workers, particularlyasit washeldbysomethat thiscouldbe assessed onthebasis ofworkers`afhliationwithnationalist parties, acontention that wasdismissed asmis-leading byothers}Thesetendenciesand debatesarealsorepresented in studieson
7/30/2019 AYODEJI, O., ‘The Travails of Migrant and Wage Labour in the Lagos Metropolitan Area in the Inter-War Years’, Labour History Review, 61 (1996), 49–70
. , . , . ,gerana our story. oug tnuc as een wrtten aong t ese nes,significant gapsstill exist in theliterature.° First, theperiod beforetheSecond \\'orld \\'ar hasnot been subjectedto satisfactory historical analy-sis."Second,several specihcepisodesand geographical areasrequiringcasestudiesremain to be explored.l° Third, and understandably agen-eral work of synthesiscoveringtheentirecountry isyet to be written. It isin thisconnection that thisstudy considersthe plight ofmigrant and wagelabour in theport-cityof Lagosandits hinterland, aregion of consider-abledemographic, political andeconomicimportancein NigeriaandWest Africa, during theinterbellum.Lagoswas, undoubtedly thepace-setter of all poLitical andsocio-economicdevelopmentsin thecountryduring thisperiod.Thisstudyfocuseson working-classconditions, thedevelopment of labour organisation,andthe responsesof labour totheeconomicandsocial challengesof the colonial situation.Thefortunesof labour in thisregionduringtheseyearsare shown tohavefluctuated with thoseof themaritimeeconomy ofNigeria, whichwasdependent upon, and invariablyrespondedto thevagatiesol, the international economy"W0rking—classconsciousnessshall be relatedtoprevailing economicconditionsand thedynamicsof colonial history Inthisregard, theconnection between thechanging economictrends(boom andslump) in the l920sand l930sondieonehand, and t.hedevelopment ofworlti.ng·classconsciousness, on theother; formsthethrust ofanalysis.Existingstudiesof Nigerianlabour historyhavenot treated thisthemefor theperiod under consideration.Theclosest isHopltins’sstudy oftheearlier period,namely thebackgroundto, and theaftermath ol] theLagosstrikeof 1897. Asin thepresent studyhe examined thequestion of work-ing-classconsciousnessi.nan emergent labour forcein theBritish colonyand concluded that thiswaspoorly developed. Thisaspect of labourhistory ininter-war Lagosreceivesattention i.nthisstudy which, how-_ever, presentssignificant departuresfrom the preceding and subsequentperiodsinthe development of labour in Lagos, and, by extension,Nigeria. Thestudy thusfillsagap in theliteratureby shedding light onaneglectedaspect of Nigerianlabour history, that is, theconditionsanddevelopment oflabour in inter-war Iagos.For thepurposeof analysis, the conceptsof ‘working-classconscious·ness’ and ‘wage' labour havetobeclarified and situated within thepar-ticular context ofcolonial Nigeria. FollowingSandbrook and Cohen (whohad been inHuenced by ERThompson), threelevelsof classconscious-nessmay beident.ihed."Thesimplest onerefersto ‘acceptanceby 3group of workersof their commonidentity based onsimilar rolesin theproduction process'. Afurther development entailsrecognition by thctnoftheir ‘common economicinterestsasa classwhich need to beprotected
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through collectiveorganisationagainst theopposing claimsof otherclasses’. Theultimatt- in working-classconsciousness, which theauthorspointedout had never beenspontaneouslyattained, occursat thepoint atwhich theworkersresolved that therewas an irreconciliableantagonismbetweenlabour and capital,onethat could only beresolved in theirfavour by an overthrowof thecapitalist system. Weshall seein this studythat developmentsin inter-war lagosdid not proceed beyond thesecondstaC.gt/Iigrant’ labour isdefinedin theparticular cueof Lagosas non-indigenesof Lagos,whether thesewere fellow-Yorubaor non-Yonibafrom other partsof Nigeriaor from the neighbouring French and Britishcolonies, who left their homesfor aconsiderablelength of timeto maketheir fortunesin theport—cityVVhilemanyof theseworkers did return totheir homelandsalter their sojourn, othersstayed on permanently Owingto theinadequacy of thecensuscountsof l92l and l93l, it isdiflicultto measurethesizeof the floatingpopulation of Lagos.However, it wasestirnated in l93l that upto 58per cent of theinhabitantsof Lagoshadoriginatedfrom without themetropolitanarea, a significant differencefrom that of Kano,themajor commercial centreof Northern Nigeria,which hadafloating populationof alittle over 15 per cent.”Wagelabour in Lagos comprisedbothindigenousand non-indigenouspersonsemployed by thecolonial government and mercantilehouses."Although manyof thesewereilliterate,the bulk certainly had someformof Westerneducation vvit.hout whicht.hey could not haveEtted into thecolonial bureaucracy or thebusinessenterprises. Aswe shall see, apartfrom literatewage—earnersin such establishments, tlterewereporters(aharu) at theseaport,and agricultural labourersinthe outlying com-munitiesof theLagos Colony In essence,‘migrant’ and ‘wage' labourcoincided when anon-Lagosiansecured paid employment in thecity but,given thefact that Iagoshad a considerablehead-start over most otherNigeriancommunitiesinthefield of Western education, it isreasonableto suggest that Lagosiansmadeupthe great bulk of wagelabour. Thecharacter of t.hislocal labour market isplaced in a broader context it1 thefollowing discussion on theestablishment of colonial nile, t.l1egrowth of tradethrough Lagosport andthe concomitant emergenceofmigrant andwagelabour in thelagosmetropolitanarea.TRADE, MTGRATIONS ANDTHE EMERGENCE OFWAGE LABOURINIAGOSTheport of Lagosinsouth—westernNigeriahad etnerged astheleadingport ofWest Africain thenineteenthcenturyIt had been amajor outletforitheinfamousu·ansatlanticslavetradeof theYbruba-Ajahinterland
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. , . ,a n c a me n to ts o wn a s a s e qu e to t e s u pp res s o n o t e s a v e t ra c ,thedevelopment ofttnalternativetradein forest products, especially oilpalm produce,and theestablishment of British colonial rule, which madeit thecolonial capital cityand facilitated thephysical development of theport."Adecisiveturningpoint in themodernhistory oflagoswasthe Britishseizurein 1851 of what hadbeenanotoriousslaving port. It wasfromherethat Britishrulewas extendedtothe adjoiningYorubahinterland,which becameLheProtectorateof theLagosColonyqand which, withother territorieslocatedbetweenLagosand Cameroon, formed theProtectorateof SouthernNigeriain 1906. Located abovethiswas theProtectomteofNorthernNigeria,formally declared in 1900 but not fully`paciHed’ until 1903.Thetwo NigeriaswereFinally amalgamated in1914,with Lagosasnational capital,a positionthat it retained till 1991,whenAbujabecamethenew federal capital.'° Adirect result of thesedevelop-mentswasthe commercial pre—eminenceof theport-city and theconse-quent t·isein its populacionfrom 25,083in 1866 to37,452 in 1881,andfrom 41,487 in 1901 to 73,766 in 1911. Within theopening decadeof thiscentury, thepopulationhadincreased byasmuch as 70 per cent. Thetrend persisted,moreover,u reflectedin thecensusfiguresfor 1921(98,303), 1931 (126,474) and1950 (230,256)."Thesteadyrise i.n populationderivedprimarily from theinflux of per-sonsfrom thehinterlandi.n responseto several 'push' and ‘pull’ factors.Theformer weredevelopmentsin thehinterland such astheHight offugi-tiveslavesto the British colonyin Lagos, established in 1861ostensiblyto stampout theslavetraffic; and thecessation of several decadesof civilwarsinthe Yorubahinterland,whichfacilitated freemovement of labourreleasedfrom combat duty; andof displaced personswhosecommunitieshad been destroyed intl1ecourse of theinternecineconflict. The‘pull’factorswerethe attractionsperceivedto beheld out by thecolonial capi-tal port-cityOneparticularlyattractiveprospect wasoffered by railwayconstruction whichcommencedin1896. First, former war ‘boys‘, whowereunwillingto returnto thefarms, sought employtnent asconstructionworkers. Second, theextensionoftheline from Lagosto theYorubahin-terland, andtheconstructionof motor roadsfacilitated labour migrationto lagos.'"It wasnoted that when theIbadan-Oyo motor road wasopened and alorry serviceinauguratedon it in 1906, ‘many Oyo andOgbomoshopeoplejourneyedto Lagosin search of wage emp1oyment’.'°Then, astherailway linewas extendedfrom Osogbo in 1908,theinhabi-tantsof thedeprived savannahandhillyregionsto thenorth and north-east drifted to Lagos.Migrant labour in Lagoscomprised artisans,skilled and unskilledlabourers(including agricultural labourers), seamen and caravan traders.
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Many of thesestartedlifeas part-timeportersat therailway stationsin[agosbecauseconditionsinthe citywerenot asrosy asanticipated. How-ever, assoon asthey had earnedenough money, someofthem moved intorheout.lyingagricultural districtsof Otaand Agegc,wherethey set uptheir ownfarms. But, for thevast majority, thelureof Lagoswas toostrong andso they stayedon asrailway labour or subsisted in other ways.lt isworth noting that British colonial policy favoured lowwages,especiallytodaily-paid labour, duri.ngthisperiod. ln 1905, theColonialOflicestipulated that ‘everyelfort will bemadetokeep theratesof wagesaslowas possible’ in SouthernNigeria."' Thepolicy wasbased upon cer-tain considerations.The first wasthebelief that tl1e ‘ordinary nigger' didnot deserveto earn morethanninepencca day Second,lowwages wouldhold downthecost ofadministzration,particularly of such departmentsaspublicworlcthat employedmanyhands. lt wasalso feared that highwagesin thepublicsector wouldraiselabour costsin the a.g·riculturalsector,asthe resultant lossof manpower would maketl1eavailablehandsmoreexpensive,and,byextension, raisethe cost of putting agriculturalproduce(which constitutedt.hemainstayof theeconomy) on theworldmarket. Third, sinceAfricanswerebelieved to betarget workers, lowwageswouldkeepthem longer at worlt But this assumption wasnegatedby themigrationof thousandsof Nigerianlabourersto theGold Coast(Ghana) goldminesandrailways betweenjune1900 andjanuary 1902 insearchof higher wages.In spiteof thispolicy migmnt labour continued to drift to lztgosinresponseto t.hecommercial prosperity in t.he port-city from 1906 to 1914,and especially during thebrief post—war boom of 1918-20.*' However;rising costsof living accompaniedtl1esuperficial prosperity of thisperiod,imposing great hardship on labour i.n theLagos meuopolitan area. Theresponseof labour to t.hischallenge,climaxed bythe railway workers's¤·ikeof 1920, isconsideredbelowMIGRANT ANDWAGE LABOURDURINGTHE BOOMANDSLU`M.P OF THE 1920sThepost-war boom wascharacterisedbyaphenomenal risein produceprices,whichuanslated intoa sudden‘prosperiry’ that further attractedmigrantstoLagos. Newsof easypickingsi.t1 thecity is said to have‘excrtedmany Oyo-Yorubato migratetothesout.h’.”This wasno trueof other communitiesin theYombahinterlandand in the adjommg terrtitories.Thus, theEltiti,in easternYorubaland, andt.henon-YorubaBimand Esan further east alsojoinedint.he exodusfrom the1920s. _Thebu1.k of thesemigmntswerefarmers whohad abandoned theirvillagesto scck employrnent asport labourers. A rontrniporary nous-53
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paper account statedthat: `It issoeasy to get Eveshillingsaday in Lagos,t.helabourmg classareleavingthe farms`.2·‘ Indeed, portersreportedly`madcplentyof m0ney’ asthey earnedten to fifteen shillingsper day asagainst eight to ten pencebeforeWorld\¢Var I.°' Farm labour in thenortherndistrictsof theIagos Colony (AgegeandIkeja) consequentlybecameexpensive.Thosewho werecontent with fiveshillingsamonthbeforetheboom nowdemandedwagesin excessof {I for tl1esameperiod. Thebig farmersin theAgegearea had to reducet.henumber intheir employ by asmuchas B0 per cent! Small farmers, who could nglonger affordto hirelabour at thenewrates, hadto rely essentially onfamilylabour"Thelossof agricultural labour consequently reduced foodstuffsuppliesto acity which was utterlydependent uponthehinterland for suppliesand which, even at the best of times,experienced high foodstuff prices.Theincreasein labour costsraisedthe priceofabundleof 200 sticksuf cassavafrom Fiveshillingsbeforethe war to {2 during thepost-war-boom.Z‘ Thisnaturally inflatedthepriceofgari (processed cassavaflour),thepopular stapleof Lagosians.Thesituation was compounded by highu·ansport costsand t.hescarcityofEuropean coinage."Hence, thepriceof_gari rosefrom apre-war level of 6dto a boom rateof 9d per pan.Thepriceof palm oil,used in preparingstew, and amajor part of t.hediet,jumpedfrom threepenceto ten, while that of Firewood increased from 6d;per Fivebundlesto thesamepricefor one bundlein thepost-war pcriod.’FiIn theinterval, Lagoscontinuedto receivea steady influx of migrant;f0rtune—seelters,and this increasedthepressureon suppliesof housing}and foodstuffs.Landlordstook advantageof thesituation to raisehouséirentsand also todemand two or three months’ advancepayment. This;drovemany commoners,includingmigrant andwagelabour; into unsaiEtarydwellingsin reclaimedbut still swampy areasof Elegbata, Alaltom;Aniltantamo, Idumagbo,Oko—AwoandSandgrouse. These overcrowdedigand dirty shantieswerethescenesofa devastating bubonicplaguel920sand1930s, whichclaimedmanylives and resulted in extensivtiresettlement on LagosIslandandon the mainland.2°Thecolonial government failedto deviseany effectivesolution to therproblemsof housing and food scarcityIt merely attempted to controlhouserentsby legislationasit tabled ?\nordinanceto restrict Lhewrentof dwelling houses’ for discussionin theLeg·islativeCouncil inon 4_]ulyl920.’° Remarkablythe lawproposedto control rentsab0v@minimum of_€l00 per annum. · q,TheAfricanmembersof theCouncil,who wereevidently bettttinformed, considered thelawawrong prescription based uponff-NI.diagnosis. S.H. Pearse, anotableLagosmerchant, maintained thatminimum figureof [100 wastoohigh toaddresstheneeds ofthell;54 1
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incomeearner Heargued that anyonewho could afford to pay rent thathigh wascapableof protectinghisown interests. Rather, thelawOrrghrto havegiven priorityto theshanty dwellersandthose who lived inone—bedroom apartments.Hiscounterpart,E.O. Moore, contended that sinceachiefclerkwho earned [300wasmost likely topaya rent of between[5 and [6, thebill should control rentsup to aceiling of [B4. ThoughPearseandMoorelater suggested alower figureof [75, they I`ailetl topersuadet.heGovernor and theOflicial majority who retained thefigure' ̀ nall roosed.iingvengloiitltii problem ofhighrentsdefied solution given thelarger con-text in whichit wassituated.Pearse hadpointed out that therent questioncould not beisolated from theprevailingenvironment of higher pricesof fgoclstufTs,increasesinthe cost ol` labour and in thepricesof buildingmaterials(which had risen400per cent beyondpre·war levels). Hefeltthat thelatter, in particular,wouldnecessarily haveaIl`ected therentsdtarged by landlords. Moorechallengedthegovernment to deal with the‘real root oftheevil' — general protiteering- and wondered why Euro-pqan traderswereallowedto chargesteepprices for importswhile the{poor landlord’ wasdenied thetight todemand what heli ked for hishouse. Reasoning in thesa.melight,Pearsedismissed theBill asa pieceof ‘classlegislation[which] will not be helpl`ul."' TheNgmiur Primm hadargued that limitingrentsto50 per cent increaseonl9l4 levels wasunfair astheEuropeanmerchantshadraised their pricesby l00—200 percent. It sympathisedwith t.he ‘poor landlord whosemoney invested inpropertyisregulated in theprofit it makesby state intervent·ion’."-aeTheshortageandhigh cost ofhousing merely complemented t.l1eFood-stufl crisisand both compoundedthemisery ofthelabouring classes. AEgspaper stated in comment onthe‘veryhard tirnes’ that it had becomeTalmost impossibleto buyanything at themarket l`or fiveshillingswilljimi purchasethe barenecessitiesoflifewhich oneshilli.ng wasableto pro-Etireashort timeago} It, therefore,enjoitted thecolonial government toEQto obviatethe'mischiel`(which) empty stomachsengendet1`”ltscoun-(etjpart, theLugar WZ:/cl] Record, declared that thepeoplewere`underfedpractically starving whilethe merchantsand dealersrakein theirprofitswith bothhands} Thenewspaper called uponthe colonial govem-Zment to interveneasthesituationhad ‘becomeindeed very critical, andiiiriiigmorethan a problem’ and urgedit not to wait for pressureto be@@4} by thepeoplebeforeit acted."_TJQAS thecolonial government temporised, railway workersseized theinitiativeby going on su·ikeon 5_]anuaryl920.”At dawn that day, somelilty yardlabourershad met todrawup a petition to theGeneml Man-ager oftheRailwayson thedisparitybetweentheir wagesand therisingLost of living in Iagos. After collectingtheir wageson the followtrtg da)Lss
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. , . ,t e y s ou g t a u e n c e wt t e s t r c t o c om o tve u p ern te n e n t wo ,however; snubbed them. Theythenwent on strike on 7_]anuary.Theauthoritiesreacted by draftingartisansto Fill thevoid but thesetoostruck work by 10.30 am.When aFttter wassacked for refusing to domanual labour, twentyof hiscompatriotsleft the premiseswith him. Onthefollowingday four artisanswere fired outright, prompting theexodusof 300 other workersinprotest.On t hethird day, theremaining workersreturnedbut refused toenter thecompound. Asection of t.heartisansintheLocomotivebranchsent in apetition which wasignored up till Satur-day thelOth, in consequenceof whichthey stayed away from work onMondayOn that daytheexecutiveollicers ofthe‘Nigerian Mechanics’Uni0n’ (comprising workmenof theRailway Marine, PublicWorksandHarbour Works) addressedapetition through theChief Secretary to theLieutenant-Governor requesti.ng'an amicablead_just:ment of matters`: anincreaseinthe wagesof therailwayworkers. For thecurrent wageswere‘only rw0—thirdsor perhapsjust one—half of what theman in the streetpaysfor ordinary labour at t.hepresent time’.’°TheLieutenant·Governor finallymet adeputation of tl1eUnion onI5 januaryand expressed thevvill.i.r1gnessof thegovernment to hold aninquiry intotheworkers’ grievances.But hedeclared that it wasdiflicultto tix arn.inimum wagesincethe workersbelongedto different categories.Heneverthelessconcededthat it wasnecessary in themeantimeto in-creasethedailywage oflabourersin theLagosarea to lsBd.Any furtheri.ncreasewould dependon theoutcomeof thei nquiry but it would not situnlesst.hestrikewas calledoff So much importancewasattached to aspeedy cessationof thestrikethat t.l·te government enlisted theassistanceof theEklta, the ind.igenousruler of lagos, in achieving thisbecausethestrikehadentailed ‘seriousinconvenienceto the Government, to u·ade,and particularly to thegeneral publ.ic'.’7It may benoted in passing t.hatthiswasan exampleof the extent of dependenceof thecolonial govern-ment on indigenousauthoritieswhom it used torein in the workerstoavert seriouscrisis.Accordingly theEl:/m met with thestrilcing workerson 16 januaryurging them to returnto work andtrust the colonial government to con-duct thepromised inquiry Themenagreed todoso in return for irnmun-ity against victimisation,andfor a speedyconduct oftheinquiry Thiswasfollowedup wit.h ameetingwithtwo LagosWhiteCap Chiefs(OluwaandOlagwmdodo) at whichthe suikersresolved toresumework on Mondayl9_]anuaryafter being informedthat thegovernment hadgiven in to theirpre-conditions.Thus, on the morning of thcappointed day thestrikingworkerswereaccompaniedto tl1erailway premisesat EbuteMettaby theStalfofOlliceof theEl:/tu, whichsyrnbolised hispresence, escorted by twoWhiteCapChiefs.lt was on thisnotethat thctwo-week strikeended.56
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Meanwhile, thestrikehad hadaresoundingimpact on thesocial andeconomiclifeof Lagosand the hinterland especially in thecontext of theon-going foodstuff crisis. Regardingthesupply of meat, for instance,thestrikecut olf the supply of cattleby trainfrom Northern Nigeriaandthecityhad to do without beef for theperiod. Railway operationsandfinanceswereseverelydisrupted u only two up-trains, instead oftheusualsix,could go up from theIddo terminus.Consideringtheseunpleasant side·effects, theconservativeNfgmkirtPphrun, for themost part anally ofthegovernment, admonished that:Publicconvenienceand thegoodof thecounu·y must belooked to beforelaunching out astrikeWecounsel ahalt whenthe calling out of labourto st:rikehitsthe economiclifeofthecountry and bringsmisery and suffer-ingsinits train ashasbeen t.l1ecasein thisinstance.”Thenewspaper neverthelessconcededthat it was‘not surprising that ourworkmen havegoneon strikefor morewagesseeing that thecost oflivinginstead of decreasing isbecominghigher andhigher daily'. It, therefore,urged thegovernment to conduct aspeedyinquiry into thematter andcomeupwith satisfactorysoluti0ns.”In spiteof itsspontaneity; thestrike of january1920 succeeded ingetting thecolonial government to act to alleviatethesufferingsof wagelabour duringaperiod of commercial ‘prosperity’. ACommission of Inquiry wasduly constitutedtoconsider theworkmen’sgrievancesandto submit areport within amonth.In addition, theunion reportedly wonthe‘unreserved recognition' of ollicials,who, however, charged it to‘maintainorder and disciplineamongtheworlu·nen’.‘° It isdifhcult, how-ever, to ascertain theextent towhicht.heUnionachieved thisdegreeof labour control given thespontaneityof itsemergenceand theevidentweaknessof tradeunion st:rucn.tres.Yet, theabsenceof amajor tradedisputeuntil theGreat Strikeof 1945 may indicatecompliancewith thedemand of government,or it could meandiat workersdid not End ajustifiablecausefor confrontingthestateduring therest of theinter-waryears. Onthepart of labour,it is worth noting that it had not gainedmuch political consciousness, asin later times, at least to the extent ofrais—ing issuesofgreater significancethanwageincreases, such asthe demand Vfor political independencefor thecolony°' _Meanwhile, aBoardof Inquiry comprisingtheDirector of PublicWorks,theChief Engineer of theRailways, the Railway Chief Mechani-ml Engineer,and theTmllicManager, had met to addresstheissuesraised by theagrieved workers. It Finally recommended increasesthewagesof railway workersasdetailed below.In addiuon, tncltvtdualincreasesof from 5d tolspa dtkm werealso given to mechanicsandartisansofall grades.57
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. . . ,a e : a g e n c rea s es e c om m en e o r a wa y o re r s ,Categoryif Hbrltzrx ErrlrtingRuleJl/iu: Rule:illbrbrrrmr ;\¤[a.i-rnrum ilalirrimum Maximumsrl .r d t J: dUnskilled labourersO 6 I 0 I 3I 6Skilledlabourer UBI 6l 6 20ArtisansandmechanicsI O66 2 l B0Nativeforemen 5 UB OBO I0 0S0u1:¢:_l.O.Oyemrrltinde,3*\ History oflndigenouslabour on the Nigerian Railwtryg l895-l945`,PhDThesis,Universityoflbzrdan, I97U, p. 113.In spiteol` the strike,however, cost oflivingremained high and thecolonial government couldnot proller any solution toit. Apart l`romthewageincreasestated above, itsonly other initiativewasa feebleandill—c0nceived attempt to control houserents. Thegovernment sturdilyresisted pressureon it tocheck thepricesol`i.mportssold by theEuropeanfirms. On thisissue,t.hePiartendifleredfrom the government:When t.hesellingpriceof bothfood and clothing goto such aheight tl·ratit becomesalmost prohibitivel`or thebulk ol` thepopulation to purchaseeither ol`t.hem it issurely timeFor theadministration to step in and useitsauthorityto control and regulatethepricesat which they should besold todieconsu.n·rer."Thenewspaper wasconvincedthat thepricesoflocal |`oodstuITswould fallwhenever ‘t.lreinflatedproliuonimported goodsarebrought within amorereasonablema.rgin.’ But such argumentsfailed to sway thecolonialgovernment which lehmatters asthey were.Thedecadeof thel920swas,as hasbeenshovm, atrying periodfor migrant and wagelabour in Lagos. Although certain categoriesof workers, such asporters,enjoyedremarkableincreasesin wagesduringthebrief boom ol` l9lB-20, thesegainsprovedto beshort-lived asinfla-t.ion soonoutran wages,resulting in ever-higher cost ol`living reflected i.n,or compounded byel`oodscarcity, theprohibitivepricesol` imports, highrentsand acurrency crisisin the immediatepost-war period. Thestrikeofjanuaryl920 wasthusa product of thesecircumstances. It differed,however, from that of 1897 inthat it was aconsciousreaction oflabour todeclining living standards.“It is dil`Frcult to gaugetheimpact ofthecon-cessionswon by thestri.kersbut it is reasonableto suggest that they didnot keepworkersafloat l`or longintheraging seaol`inHaLion. Theleastthat can besaid isthat the fortunesol` labour fluctuatcd with thoseof theglobal economy which reachedthelowest depthsduring theGreatDepression. TheFollowing discussion dwellsonthereaction ol`labour tothecrisis.58
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LABOURANDTHE CHALLENGE OFTHE DEPRESSIONOF THE 1930;TheGreat Depression of 1929-34, asiswell known,dislocated the worldeconomy andin Nigeriacausedsuchdisruption that persisted till theout-break of theSecond WorldWar in 1939.**Although theplight of labourduring thedepressionhasbeen examinedin afew studies,"thereis nolocal casestudy likethat presentedbelowi n respect of Iagos. Thissectionhighlightshithertoneglectedaspects, liketheresponsesof thecolonialgovernment to the problem of unemployment, and thesurvival strategiesof theallilicted workers. Acriicial point to stressat thisjunctureis thechangein thebargaining power of workersvis-a-visemployersin the1930s.In contrast to previousdecadesof relativescarcity oflabour, muchmorelabour wasnowavailableby the1930s,‘° acritical consideration inw0rkers’ abilityto call thebluffofemployersashad been demonstrated inthestrikesof 1897 and1920. Second, workers' bargaining power, alreadyweakened by therelativeabundanceof laboun wasin the1930sfurthereroded bythedepression which drastically reduced employment oppor-t·unities,placing employersinamuch stronger bargaining position thanever before.For wage-eairlzrsin Lagos, asebewherein Nigeria, tl·tedepression wasan eraof retrenchment,or thethreat of it,as businesscontracted and thegeneral socio-economicoutlookdeteriorated. Government and privateemployers, especially thecommercial hrms, responded to thesituation byreducingthestrengthof their establishments, and bycutting workets’wages. BySeptember, 1929, theEuropean Firmsin Lagos had sackedsome120 Africanclerlu; bythe beginningofjune1930, an unnamed Firmhad got rid of 1Bc1er1ts."Other lirms, however, cut their emp1oyees’salariesrather than retrenchthem,anexamplethat Lagosnewspapersurged Government departments,suchastherailways and thePublicWorksDepartment (PWD), to emulate.‘° Therailways, for example,retrenched over 2,000workersbetween 1 April 1931and 31 March 1932.By theend ofthe1931-32fiscal year, a total of20,l04 railway employees,comprising 482 Europeans, 2,320 Africansand West Indian SalariedStallj 3,751African andWest Indian artisansand 13,551 labourers, hadlost tl1eirjobs.‘°Consequently, the most signilicant outcomeofthedepression forlabour in Lagoswasthe high rateof unemployment which it generated.An oflicial report on theport-cityin1931 statedt.hat it was`full of un-employed,almost unemployable,immigrantsfrom theProtectoratewhohavegravitated towardsthetown in search, not necessarily of wealthbut of asteady cash incomeper month'.’° Theissue had cornelto thenoticeofthegovernment which sought toexplain and addresstt ui tts ownway59
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. . , . ,e o c a p e rce p ton o te p ro e m wa s em o e n an n o rm atv ememorandum writtenby the actingAdrninistrator of theCo1ony"Thedepressionwasidentihed asthechiefcauseofunemployrnent in Lagosasit inducedt.heEuropean firmsto arnalgamate, reducestaff strength, and Ito closemanywarehouses. lt alsocurtailedgovernment building pro- lgrammeson which t.he annual budget dropped from about ,6250,000beforethedepression to[54,000 in 1929-30. Another consideration was3;t.hechangein t.hestatus of Lagos: it wasbecoming moreof aport and 11lessofacrading cen¤·eowing to the construction of motor roadswhich 1enabled merchantsandthe Levancinestobuy producein areaswhich hadhitherto been accessibleonlytoAfrican ‘middlemen’.”Consequently, theexpatriatetrader nowmerelybought producein thehirrterland marketsand uansported it direct toasteamer without incurring theexpenseof doublehandling and warehousingin Lagos.Theimplication for thelagosunder wasdevastat.i.ng: motor transport and theLevanti.netraderhad displaced him from his‘middleman’ position and driven him intosudden unemploy·ment.’°Aspart of its search for asolution, t.hecolonial government in August1929 conducteda survey of some100 unemployed personsin the port-city1’° Seventy—fou.r of these werefoundto be non-Lagosians, thoughmostly fellowYorubafrom t.hehinterland.Other non-indigeneshadcomelrom theneighbouringFrenchcoloniesof Dahomeyand Togoland, andtheBritishcolony of theGold Coast (Ghana). Of thesemigrants52 percent hadcometo Lagosonly within theprevioustwo years, either to learnatradeor t osecurejobs. Most of t.hem had not attended any formal _-schools. Artisans(carpenters, masons, andpainters) among them were,however, theworst—hit. Many of thesehadlost their daily-paid jobswithprivateconoactorsor with thePWDwhen the construction industry fellinto thegrip of thedepression.To makemattersworse, each master arti·san wasdriven into unemployment with at least threeapprenticerj;attachedto himself! V;W`hen theissuecameup for discussion in the LegislativeCouncil, thcacting Adminiscrator of theColonyacknowledged that therewasanj·-Vunemployment problem but did not believetherewasany ‘real destitu¥ tion` sincemany of theunemployedweresustained by friendsand rel-ations.Hence, heargued that therewas no need to establish amachinery .§;Tto providelocal relief for that ‘wouldonly createaproblem which does"`Z’not at present exist."’ He recommendedinstead that unemployedmigrantsberepatriatedto their hinterland homesunder theprovisionsof itheTownship Ordinance,aclear admission of inability to deal with the ·problem.Thematter wasalso discussed at the Residents' Conferenceat whichResidents(colonial administrators) of thehinterland provinceswereYE`60 qi
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enjoinedto check thepopulationdrift to Lagos.The Conferenceresolved{hal it was`theattractionsof life inthetown rat.her than local conditionsin thecountry’ that inducedthepopulationmovement to Iagos.’° lt was,therefore, agreed that propagandashould bemounted against suchexodusfrom theYorubaProvinces. Whileendorsing plansto repatriatctheunemployed,theResidentsukedthe LagosColony,rather than them-selves,to bear thecost ofdieexercise.‘TheLagosColony thenconvenedasmall committeeto consider thecasesof personsto bercpauiated.Thoughit wu anticipated that agoodnumber of t.lierepatriateswouldrenrrn, t.hiswas not considered suflicientdeterrent to effortsto deal withthe ‘dif1icu1t problem’.”Someunem-ployedpersonsweredulycompulsorily repauiated in 1931but oflieialsfrankly admitted that thiswas'hardlyLhe beginning of thesolution of themainproblem`?Thefact that certain repatzriatesreturnedto lagos would appear tohaveconfirmed thepopular notionthat t.heir exoduswasinduced only bytheirresistiblepull oflagos. But asan analysisoftheinterv·iews held wit.htwenty-fiveunemployed personsinLagos in1929clearly shows,manyweredriven by pressurewithin thehiriterland societies. Thiswill beillus-t:ratedby thepersonal experiencesof threeinterviewees."OneSalawu,an indigeneofOy0 in the northernYorubasavannah, aged eighteen, wasan illiteratecasual labourer who hadcometo La.gossirnply to earn moneyto paypoll tax imposed bythe colonial adrninistration. Thesecond per-son,Benjamin Kayode, twenty—liveyearsold andeducated up to standardfive, hadleli school in 1924. Hehadcometo Lagoswhenhis deceasedfathcr’srelationsappropriatedtheir late1tinsman`sproperty withoutgivinghissonany farmlandtocultivate. At thetimeof theinterviewin1929, Kayodewas squattingwith afriend,an apprenticelitter with theiailways. Thethirdimervieweewas anIjebu ¤·ader who had been ren-dered bankrupt in 1926 by thedeteriorationofhisproduceafter it hadlain exposedin thesun for days, awaiting examination by produceinspec-tors. Ashelost between six andten shillingsper sack during such exer-cises, hisproducebusinessrapidly liquidated andtheresultant destitutiondrovehirrr to IAg0s.°°Theseexamplesconlirm that hinterlandpressures, including colonialtaxation and agricultural qualityeonuol policies, precipitated themarchon Lagos. Hence, it would bemisleadingto viewthe unemployed in`Lagos, inthewordsof aLagosnewspaper,as `idlerswho should beonLlieir ancestral farmsdoinghonest bit of workto keep body and soul¤live’.°' Aperson likethe dispossessedBenjamin Kayode, who had noances¤·al farm to till,did not Frt this characterisation. Many migrantsdid indeedcometo largosbecauseofthelureofcity life but sewcml othersalsowererespondingto local socioeconomicpressures. Anewspaper6I
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. , . ,c or r es p on e n t a se a t e u - e , te e a q u ar ter s o te e u a tv eAdministration and leadingtown oftheljebu-Yoruba, noted in 1930thatit was`no exaggeration that therearemoreIjebusin lagos, Abeokutaandat Ibadanthanin ljebu»Odetown itself thecausebeing want of meansol`obtaining alivelihood' in their homeland}!Throughout thedepression, theproblem of high unemployment inlagosdefiedtheproffered solutionsofgovernment. In 1935,acommitteewasestablished to further inquireintothe problem; it recommendedcompulsoryrepatriation,landsettlement and thesetting up ofalagosLabour Bureau.°° Thefirst two recommendationswerenot i mplementedbeyond therepatriationof 55persons under theTownship Ordinance..-\ labour Bureau wasopenedon 6_]anuaty 1935, significantly by theNigerianYoudi Movement,thethenstandard—bearer of theNigeriananti-colonial movement,with official support. Registration of theunem-ployedbeganin April and theNigmhnDaily Yimer reported that thevenuealong dieMarinawas`surging withcrowds’ ofjobseekers. Thefiguresof registeredpersonsfor theErst three dayswere500, 970 and 1,100 respec-tively This, in the opinion ofthenewspaper, demonstrated that the unem-ployment problem was‘veryreal’,thoughit suspected that somecouldhaveregistered asadevicefor evadingincometax.°" Government with-drewitsfi.nancial support to the Bureauon 31March 1937 and it sub-sequentlywent into abeyancewithout malting any visibleimpact.Theunemployment problem of the1930sinitially appeared not tohavehad thenegativeelTect of raising thecrimerate. Thus,thecolonialreport on lagosat theheight of the depression in 1931 stated that thoughtherewas‘a seriouslackof employment',it was'happily not reflected in..thecriminal statisticswhichdo not showany considerablerise’.°° How- _ever, thenext annual report waslesscomplimentary: it admitted thatf petty stealinghad becomerampant ‘owing to unemploy·ment’.“‘Afar moreseriousthreat wasposed bya waveof armed robberiesin_;thelkejaDisuict, in thenorthernpart of theColonygwhich adetailed;investigationtraced to theeffectsof the depression. Prior to 1929,it was__-customaryfor farmersinthe disuict toemploy labour on an annual "conrract withthebulk of wagesbeingpaid in lump sum at theend of themcontract."But theonset of economicadversity nowmadeit impossiblefor farmerstopay pre-slumpwagesowingto the steep drop in produceVprices.Thephenomenon ofdefaultingemployersbecamerampant and in"?theFtrst eight monthsof 1934, fifty-ninelabourersobtained favourable]court decisionsagainst their employers. Somefarmersin theOtaareaiiwereconstrained to pledgepart ofthcir produceor harvest to raisemoney"to settlewagebills. Someworkersacceptedpayment in kind but many ·found it difficult to subsist or transport themselvestotheir hinterlandijhomes. Such individuals, it wasacknowledged, ‘must steal to live and thcaAE62 3
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professional criminal isprovidedwith assistantswho luiowtheir latemas-ters’ housesand who havenothing tolose`.""Government actednonethelessto bringthesituation under control andsomesuccessseemed tohavebeenachievedfor early in l932,membersof eight gangsof marauderswereapprehended andconvicted. But, giventhepersistenceof thesocio-economicforceswhich produced Lhem, it isdoubtful that suchcrimeswerecompletelyeradicated. ln any case, pettystealing proved amorediflicult nut tocrack. Asa ljgosnewspaper notedin aneditorial, ̀ [s]incethedepressionand theresultant elfectsof un-employment inthecountry havebecomerampant therehasbeen anote-wort.hy increaseofcriminality,especiallyin thethieving class’.°°Although theforegoing hasfocusedon theplight of the unemployedin Lagosand itsenvirons, it does not suggest that thosewho managedto keeptheirjobssurvived unscathed.First, aswehaveseen, they had toendurewagecuts.Thus, thedaily wageof labourersdeclined from oneshilling beforethedepressiontoeight andninepence in 1932, areturn tothewagelevel of lB97!7° This was, however; mitigated by thefall in rentsand inthepricesof foodstuffs. Evenso, therentswere high in reladonto thestandard of housing.Consequently; low-incomeearnersresorted tosharing aroom on whichthey paidfrom two to seven shillingsper monthaccording to thelocation andtypeof building Thishad theeffect of increasingthepopulationdensityin most locationsin Iagosto over 250personsper acre."Conditionswerebetter for moreprosperouspersons, such asartisansand clerks, who occupiedthree- or four-bedroom apart:t·rtentsat anannual rent of between[ll] and [30. Thesewereusually mud and brick structures. Afewhighly paidclerltswere reported to belivi.ng in propor»Qtionatelybetter houseswhich oftenbelonged to them. But thesewererarerveiiceptions. On thewhole, it wascalculated that houserentsin Lagosthel930stookas muchasa sixthofaworker`s wages."The;renlscan beattributedto the high cost ofbuilding materialsand therisingvaluesofland,owing topopulationpressureon thelimited habitablelandin Lagos, thebulk ofwhichlayonly a fewfeet abovesealevel."` In thefaceof the travailsof labour, thecolonial government failed tointroduceany meaningful reliefmeasures.It wasnot swayed by the adviceofanationalist newspaper that it should disburse`someportion of the"sirplusbalanceasNTGERIAN DOLES to really distressed familiesjofgenuineemployeeswho havebeen thrown out ofwork through forceof cin:umstances‘."The vacuum wasfilledby urban—based communal uso-ciationsand welfaresocieties,relationsand friends, whosematerial andother formsof support arnelioratedtheplight of thc unemployed. The‘Administ1·ator of theColonynoted that ‘therearea number ofstrangersfrom thecounu·y who prefer tolivein Lagosand earn nothing.depending63
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, . , . ,or sustenanceon t er ren san countrymen. report o statein comment on thelargenumber ofunemployed in Iagosthat: ̀ at firstsight it isdillicult to understandhowthey exist, therebeing no system of organised poor relief Their subsistencedependsentirely on thegoodwillof their relationsand friendswho are in goodemploy·ment`.’°Therewasthus no respitefor anyone, employed or not, during thel930s. Thesituation wasbarelyhelpedby thebrief trade revival of I935/36, for adverseconditionsset ininl937/38. The Second World\Va.r intervened in September 1939 without resolving any outstandingissue, for thetribulationsof labour persisted, culminating in theGreatSu·ilteof 1945.7* Asthecolonial government failed to act to alleviatethesufferingof thosewho lost theirjobsor suffered wagecutsduring the1930s,thegap was Hlled by communal associations, friendsand relationsof theunemployed, withgraveimplicationsthat shall be highlightedbelowMeanwhile,howeventhosewho kept theirjobsduring thisperiodboretheadded burden of their lessfortunatecompatriots.CONCLUSIONThisstudyhas highlightedtheplight of migrant and wagelabour in theport-cityof Lagosand itsenvironsin theinter-war years. During thisperiod, living conditionsfor thesecategoriesof workers deteriorated and,except for theconcessionswon in theaftermath ofthestrike ofjanuary1920, labour generally yieldedground in thefaceof economicadversityIndeed,in the1930s,thebargainingpower of workersbecameweakercompared to thepreviousdecade, owingto thepervasiveelfect of t.l1eGreat Depression,whichsparedneither thecolonial government andEuropeanFirms,nor African tradersand producers, and which gaveworkersno room for manoeuvre.·iThefollowingobservationsemanatefrom thisstudy. First, labour;migrationto Lagoswasaresponseboth to the‘pull’ factorsof real andlimagined opportunitiesinIagosas well asthedrivingforceof socio-economicpressureindiehinterland.Second,the fortunesofmigrant, andespeciallyof wagelabour Huctuatedin eonsonancewith the economic"fortunesof theport-citygwhichwere conditioned in largemeasurebydevelopmentsin, anddemandsemanatingfrom, theport’smajor fore-.landsin Europeand America.In effect,therewas littlescopefor improve?ment in thelivingconditionsof workers, particularly during thedepression,when peopleweregrateful for retaining their jobs, and evenendured wagecutsrather thanfaceretrenchment. Third, and arisingfrom thepreceding point, theeffectivenessof labour struggleswasdeter-mined by thevolumeof availablelabour and theprevailing economicconditions. Wehaveseenthat whilethe sizeof wagelabour wassmall64
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mmughuur thisperiod, therewasacutelabour scarcity beforethe 19305.]n that event, labour wasina relativelystronger bargaining position vis-a-Visemployerscomparedtolater periods.Unfonunately for wage-earners,theconditionsofthe1930s, notablythefall it·r tl·reprices ofprimary prod-ucts(which compelled primaryproducersto exploreother avenuesof employment, especiallythehithenodespised wagelabour in governmentemployment), and ageneral contractionof wageemployment, increasedlabour supply and reducedtl·reroom for manoeuvreby workers. Thisappearstobet hemajor reasonfor theabsenceof any major confron-tation withemployersor thecolonial government during thel930s.Fourth, thisstudy has demonstratedthat working-classconsciousnesswaspoorly developedir·r i.nter-war Lagos.For onethir·rg, workersdid notform enduring unionstosafeguardtheir interests; what passed for tradeunionsweread hoccontraptionswhichsank into oblivion alter amajorCrisislikea stzrilte.Hopkinshasexplainedconvincingly that Lagosworkersduring thisperiod were‘poorlyorganised andtendedto fragment’becausetheunionsweremade up largelyof migrant and temporaryworkers.77 For another,theworkerslackedpolitical consciousnessthough,asHerbert Macaulay’sinvolvement with therailway workers' strikeof l920 demonstrated,theyhad sometenuouslinks with thenationalistleadersoftheday Theposition of Macaulayon this occasion contrastedsharply with hisattitudeto tl·restrike of 1897. Hopkinshad asserted tl1athe‘disapproved of strikeactionand tookcarenot to becometoocloselyinvolved withtheurbanworkers, lest he should encouragethe g1·owth of apower which could not beconhnedto thelirnits of hisown political pro-grammeand organisationk"' Sincemilitant nationalism did not manifestprominently until the1930s, Macau.lay’saction in the 1920ssuggestsaisjgnifrcant changeof attitudeonthe part of asection oftheLagoselitetowardsagitationsby workers.Tobesure, theconservatixeeliterepre-gnted bySir Kitoyi Ajasaand his Ngmiztt Primm (unliket.helager WeeklyRecord and theLago: Datibt News), remained pro-establishment and essen-tiallyantagonisticto such agitadons.*Fina.lly; thisessay concludeswith somercflecdonson the issueof Working—classconsciousness. Armilableevidencesugeststhat workersdidnot r·iseabove‘economism` throughout thisper·iod. Therewasno linkageof economicor indusu·ial demandsto thepolitical situation in t.hecolony`When eventuallytherewere sti.rringsamong theworkersthesedid notlalwaystranslateinto apan-Nigerianeffort. Thesetrendsmight beascribedto anumber of factors.First, therewasthe generallylowlevel of political education amongworkersasi.ndeed amongother NigeriansoutsideLagos.Second, theeducated elite,who weretheopinionleaders, did not start making anyClirect callsfor political independenceuntil thelate l930sand early65
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I940s.'”Third, therewas nopan-Nigerian platform for work_ing.cla&`;action.As only houseunionswere formed, workersfailed to collaborateacrossoccupational lines.A patternobserved for an earlier period hcE·*[mefor rheperiod under consideration: afew tradeunions which exgmdiyat cheturn ofthecentury ‘cateredfor theartisan andprofessional elassulpiiand werecareful to remainat somedistancefrom theordinary unskmégf workers`!°° Fourth, given theweaknessof workers’ unions, therewasrut?organised relief for theunemployed.This wasthe context in which uh,,iC;;iunionsrecruited memberswhosefirst loyaltieswent to Lheseunions Lhatiihad succoured them inanalien urbanenvironment. Placing thesludypiwithinthe wider context ofnationalism and Nigeria’spolitical history we:should notethat therewas no political association that united thevariottsilethnicgroupsinthecolonyduringtheinter-war years. Thislack on tlitigionehand, and theaforementioned dereliction of social responsibilitythecolonial government on theother,led migrantsto Lagos, especiallythe1930s, to seek solacein ethnicassociations. Thisdevelopment hadiseriousimplications when thelatter weretransformed into politi i tipartiesin the1940sand 1950s. Theconditionsof the1930sthuscreate` ).thecontext withinwhich ethnic-basedpo litical associationsHourished li?theexpense of pan-Nigerianmovements.The triumph of such ccntrifu itendenciesin amulti-ethnic nationset thestagefor thepolitical crouhtof thecountry dll thepresent."' Althoughthe roleofthe working class;thesedevelopmentscannot beisolated, it canbeargued that thefragmq *1*tation of dieworking -classmovement itself dovetailed w·ith, reflected ati if compounded thisgeneral trend in colonial Nigerian society; with unfotunateconsequencesto date.ttt-zrt-zttt-;Ncrzs’Thcauthor gratefully acknowledgestheEnancial support of theCentralCommitteeof theUniversity of Lagos; and oftheCouncil for thcDevelopment of 'and EconomicResearchin Africa(CODESRIA),which madepossible theresearchleading to thispublication. Thearticle hasbenefited from thecomments;thceditors of thisjournal andof ananonymous reader It isdedicated to Dt: W_Oycmakirtde, my Doctoral Supervisor and Nigeria’spioneer labour historian. ·g ` i'Bill Freund,‘IAbour andlabour History inAfrica: AReviewofthe Literature', A.S`tudr2.r Rzvtkw, vol. 27, no. 2, 1984, pp.1-58; and CatherineCo query-Vidmvitch,toryof African Urbanization- Labour; Women andthe Informal Sector: ASu ,Recent Studies’,in SaryaDatta (ed.), Third Mrrhi Urbanization: R:-apprairab ¤rrdN:ufPrT‘@iriver, Stockholm,1990, pp. 75-B9. f.; _’Agood synthesis for West Africaisprovided it1 A.G.Hopkins, An Eormmir Hit V·WulA_]$·im, l975,pp.17-IB, 20-27, 76-77. ____I’1mponant contributionsby social scientistsincludeRobin Cohen, labour andht `i-Jl/igmh, 1974; Richard Sandbrouk,hukmnhm and/I_/Hrun CapimlirmsThzK¢rp•an70, Cambridge,1975; M. Peil, 771: Ghartarhn Fump |%rk¢r.· Irrdu.m1h1Murt in ANU._.bridge, 1972; and _].IZ Weeks, "fheImpact of EconomicConditions and Institut;66 Ma
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HMS anUrban Wages Nigrria'. Nw¢¤¤r·]¤rrrr·al rJl·karrarrrrr and &m1s1.,4,,J_ ,,,1_ 1g_,,,,_3 ,,97|,PP_313.39. 1"hrsIrst rsrnrrrly rrprrsrnlalrvr and doesnor exhnnn rh; gmpn,-mn,Hlésjwr 5},,,,,1,5 norethrrt,for thc rrlvsl parl. thesocial screnusrseoneenn-aren un C.-,1.1:,,,.nwdcvclopmenrs. Studieswhich d€m¤¤$lJ'€\l¤ hlsloncal depth includeChant, yan|3’mlw_(,-;,,1,,,,,,; Ajnzarr Mrrrr Labarrr rrr Saulherrr Modena. 1900-1933,1 979; C,1>a.-1;,.,,,,BwMmm ;,,Qnrml A_/Frm: Inrilumul Snrlkglal and lh: Ewhuurrr rg/' an Urban Hnkmrml in ur,wwhu ,9;;.1941, 1979; Bill Freund, Capualarrdlubcrrrrur rlruvigman Tm Minn, 1981,ind RawGungnd, R. Cohen and_]. Cnpans(eds.), Ajrzmr Labarlinrmy 19713_:. astudicsnm foeuson thesethemesinclude RWaterman, Dnnsmn and lJn1yAnn,ng_M,g,,.M WMM: Lago; Pm Urrranurn. I940r-I960.r, TheHague, |9B2; H.E. Conway‘labourPn,m,Acd,,;,ygn SienraLreone', labawHrklary, vol. 15, 1968,pp.-19-63; A.G.Hopliine,,,1Lhk uga, 5;,-ikeof 1897: An Exploration in Nigerian labour History', Pan and Pmqn,M_ 35. 1955, pp. 133-55;je|T Crisp, TheShrry q/arr Ajrkur Wrrlirrg Chin: Ghmmim Mindysrmk yg7a.[9B0,1984; and lbrahirnAbdullah, ‘Proht versusSo eial Reproduction:iubou,Pmresu in theSierralxonean lron-OreMines, 1933-3B',A_/nun Sm.); Rbww,XD], Q5, no. 3,1992, pp. 13-41.jgssm gn particular, B.Bczzoli (ed.),Labnrr.5 Triunulupi and Pruzrl: Szudrar inrh; Sana! Hiyhprypy·,n,,mnnarrd,joharrnesburg, 1979; Frederick Cooper (ed.), Sruggkjm rin Cry; Migrgug,,,.y,,1and mesrarr rrr UrbanAjiua, Beverly Hills, 19113; Fred Coupe; On rr.,,4_,+.w.P ̀ ’ ni- Urban Dimdm and lh: 7?¤rl.frrrrlu¤7rrr if Wrrrk rlrr Cakrruhl Mrmrbasia,NewHalen,J9 7.!"I1-.: ‘1abor.rr arisrocracy' rhesis, seeGiovanni Arrighi andjohn S . San], Socialism‘a.5mnpmieDevelopment in Tmpiual A.Eri<a', jarmral qfMadnn Ajirkan Smdrar, vnl_ 6,2. 1968, pp. 14I-69; G. Arrighi, ‘lntemal:ional Corporations. labour Arisrocraeies' KonomieDevelopment in Tropical Afriea', in Roben1.Rhod es(ed.), lmpmlahkm md. bprngnli ARmdzr, NewYork, 1970, pp. 220-67; Adrian Pace, ̀TheLagos Pro-' r; Labour Aristocralsor Populisl Mi1itants?', in Richard Sandbmok and Robin‘(i7. `En(eds.),77 v Dmlapmerrl gfan Ajirimn Wrnhng Char: Surdrir rn Cbm Err-rrraabrr andAmirrr,11- kp; pp. 281-302; andjohnS. Saul,‘The"labour Aristocracy"Thesis Reconsidered',ing;pp. 303-IO._· Yr`Ia`bour andpolitics, seeR.H. Bates, Unrirru, Pmrhr, a11dPoLrb2aIDeubprrr¤u: ASmgy gf JY1' "‘ __ in{mrbrh, NewHaven, 1971; R. Sandbmolg ‘Pa¤·ons, Clientsand Unions:'bjul Movement and Political Conllict in Kenya', ]armml rytirrrmrurruulllr Pblrhkal"fvol.16, 1972, pp. 3-27; and Cohen, labour and hrhkrkr. Richard Sandbrook and' Cohen, ‘Worker·sand ProgresiveChange in Underdeteloped Councries', in Sand-d`Cohen(eds.), Derrehpnwu lynn Ajirrwr Wirrlang Chu,p. 19, uutioned rlrat ‘ro con-jl¤¤=\·tir's political roleto ovenlinks [between partiesand theunions] evprescsaTE ` woutlook'.i .1ii élclitionlo works alreadycited, see5.0. Osoba. `ThePhenomenon of labour:1LU;"· 5n`inLhe Eraof BritishColo nial Rule: ANegleered Aspect of Nigerian Sociallilly- ·,]otmraI qfllu Hrkloniral Socdy ry’N'rgmh, vol. -1, no. 4,1969, pp. 515-38; Vlrbgu'¥ll:‘ _ TheTrad: Unrizrr Marrerrrarr r)r.N'g¢na,1 97-1; Daniel Olhong, Orgarrrivdlabarrr md·*l”f·r ' bprnarl rn .N'rgmir,Calaban1983; and M.A. Tokunboh, labvrrr .\Iaevrrrnr1 rhZ1°f*"i arrd Prerrnr,lagos, 1985.Qlablcexception isHopkins, ‘l.agosSu-ike`. For `variousmanifestations of aviii; Silasidentity‘ in Lagosduring thisperiod, sccArnold Hughesand Robin Cohen.`!`i‘· ugingNigerianWorking Class; Thelagos Experience, 1897-l939`, in Gutkirrd.` Copans(eds),AjirkanLaba1HrLrlrrr_1, ppt 31-55. I, l·`·¤· Qpctrficstudiesare_].O. Oyemalunde, 1·\ History of lndrgenouslabour on the‘-~;"_Rai1w:ry 1895-l945', PhDTh i-sis,University oflbadan. 1970; and \\'att—rm:rn.’i Uniorrrlmr._ i 67
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. , . , ':"Themaritimeeconomy in which deselopmentsexamined in t.hisstudy may pl"?}isstudied in Ayedele(correcdyAyodeji) Olultoju, ‘Marit.imeTradein [agusin lh i.-;After-rnatnofthe 1-'ust WorldWar`, AjitkanBmumnk Hivtary, vol.20, 1992, pp. |l9.35>-"Sandbrook and Cohen,‘l\'orltetsand ProgressiveChange`, p. B. I j,"Ag,pdeji Olukoju,‘Popu1a1iot1 Pressure, Housing and Sanitation in wmPremier Port-Ciry: laigus,l900-19392The GrralCirck:_]vuntaI1y'V1z.·lur:rahhp|MankbneHemny, tol. 15, no. 2, 1993, p. 93. ,.1. *"l-lopkins,‘1.1gos Strike',pp l3B·+l,discussesthe transition to freeand wagehbnu;.nineteendt-centuryLagos. _i_"Sn1d.ieson aspectsof dieeconomic history of Iagosand itsport include; A_(;_ H· .uns,An Economic History of Lagos, 1880-1914', PhDThesis, Univetsiry of [and `196-1; Hopkins,‘Eeonomie Imperialism in West Africa: [agus,1880-92 ‘, &mm,k HlhhighiReview, vol. 21, 1968,pp. 580-606; Ayodeji Olukoju, ‘ThePoliticsoflirce Trad, bcmcéjljLagosand theHimerland,1 861-I907', in AdeAdefuye, BabanindeAgiri andjide•· .tokun (eds.),Hitwg 1;/1/te Pmpkr qflago: Sub, Lagos,1987, pp. B5- 103; and Oluk0ju_ ·-ri, .]‘Dexelopment of thePort of Lagos, c.1B92-1946’, 771e]vumal qf'l?an.tparr Htlrlavy,T "Series,vol. 13, no. 1,1992,pp. 59-7B. ,|·"Aspeetsof Lagospolitics andsociety havebeen studied in A.B.Aderibigbe(ee1_)' ,_,‘;1-_TheDewbpmeru q/`an A_/hkanCry, Lagos, 1975; RD.Cole, Modem and 7?adi1‘1br1¤lEhl1stii·11‘Z1Palin); iylagar,Cambridge,197 5; Adefuye, Agiri and Osuntokun (eds.), lagar Smq- `KunleLawal (ed.),Urban 7?ar1.1i¤im in Ajhim: A.tp¢cLr q/’Urban1Lraubn and Changein Lagqr, , ,,;L1994. sYSII"CensusEgures areextractedfrom RO. Sada, ‘DiIferentia1 Population Distri1’1ut:ionl`Growdt in MetropolitanLagos', jaumal qfB1u1}1euand S0c1hlSludt}.r, vol. 1,no. 2, lip. 121,Ta1¤1e1. ‘`'’ ‘"1-lopleins,Lagos Su-ike’,p. 145; Oyemakinde, indigenousI.ab¤ur’, pp. 10-11;-_Olukoju, ‘Popu1a:ion H·essure’. , · 1· T"’B.A.Agiri,'Ko1ain WesternNigeria, 1B50—I950: AHistory ofdteCultivationNi1:idain Egba-Owode, Ijebu-Remo,Iwo andOta Areas’, PhDThesis, Universi pyWisconsin, 1972,p. 170.‘"Great Britain: PublicRecord Olliee,CO to BCGA,31 january 1905,CO147lIcited inHopkins, ‘I4gosStrike', pp. 145-46. Thediscussion in thisparagraph foif Hopkins. - ."See,respeceivelyq Hopkins, ‘Lagos, 1880-19l4', chapter 6,and Olukoju, Merrna'“Agiri,‘Ko1a’, p.172. ;"Ntgmhn Himeerflagos), l6_Ianuary1920. _"Ibid.,24_]1.dy 1920: ‘Pub1icus’ toEditon -”lag0sWezlty Naard, 17 Ap1·il 1920. . ="‘lbid. ' ,"Currencymattersare discussed in WfbekweOfonagoro, ‘From Traditional ni'! ML .Currency in Southern Nigeria: AnalysisofaCurrency Revolution, IBBD-194B’, 11 "qy iEevmmttkHtithrg, vol.39, no. 3, 1979, pp. 623-54; and Ayodeji Olukoju, 'Nigeria'sCulp. ;ll·AGovernment, Commercial Banksand t.heCurrency Crisisof 1916-192 0', Inbmai · ,7*- :3nal1JA_/PtiranHLrhmkal.S`rud1kt, forthcoming _" i. ii.*-;..,;.1, wm uma, 9 August 1919. . ~l§ 1,"’Studiedin Olukoju,‘Popu1 ationPrcssure’. ·` V_fZ""'1'hedebateo n theBill iseopiously reported onin Ntgman Pioneer, 3 September-l'1'i .Thediscussion onthe Bill in thisand subsequent paragraphsisbased uponthis ,_;·` t_"l·br adilfercnt kind of'cIass1cg·is1ati0n' incolonial Nigeria, seeAyodcji Olulttjll ` Jf `LugardianConcept of "C|assTaxation" in Nigeria, c.I900-l916‘, OTE Ogll-Tl 1 * Y11 _`Am, vol. 1,1988, pp. 1I I-23. r W68 .
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'1-,,mem, 3 Sepremher 1920.l Ziigid., 16_I¤n¤ary 1920,3;,,,,,,,, rrwdyHmm.6 Mareli 1920,vrxccounlsofthe su-ikeare providedin Ngerwi hmm, 20,23 and Zlljnnuary 1920; and_ H/,,rryRmrd, 31 january1920 (writtenby the `Father of Nigerian Naiinnallsmg: {bert Macaulay whowasVice-Pauon of r.heMechanics` Union], 'Diesignilicaxrce nf sM;eaulay'sin volvement with labour in the1920sshall be highlighted in theconclusion to{ {hissludy_.= yNW·m Purim,3_]anuary l920,·.}"1'bid, Weshould notethat theEkke wasnot assigned any formal rolein theadminis-ii-alion of lheLagos Colony whichwasunder thedirect nilcofa Colonial Administralor.Therecourseto hismediaiion inthe labour crisiswas an aclcnowlcdgement of hiscon-, mumsgnrlueneeamong I-agosians. For theEbJw and cheBritish, espeeially r.heeeienmcd_· dash between r.l1eEkknEsugbayi and thecolonial government, seeCole, Modem and77n.EBU, chapters5 and 6.{ jygdm Primm,23_lanuaryl9?0. The newspaper had,on 30_]anuary, dairned rlmar die`-nik, had been ‘insr.igated’, abetnyal ofivspro-esnahlishment and anti- labour s4:nr.imen|;_.M’l·lilethe Himzdsp0sir.ion onthe 1920 strikeparalleled that of theLager Slmdmi in theHB90s_the Lager WeekbRecord hadabandoned itsant.i-srrilieposture. For dieanirudeof jh, Lagospressto the1897 strike, seeHopkins, LagosSurilre‘, pp,l$0.5|,_,C.’2’Ngenhn Piimm,23january 1920.`h{‘“1bid.iLs“Theriseof mi1.il.ant uradcun ionism in later Lime: issnidied in WaleOyemalcirlde,{Michael lrnoudu and LheEmergenceof Mililanl Tr-ade Unionism in Nigeria, 1940-42*,Jwmlqfllu Htslmkul Stinkyqfllftgmh, vol. 7, no. 3, 1974, pp.541-61. Theisue ofvmrldng-consciousnessis commenledupon inrhe conclusion below??.MgmhnPvbrwr, 3 September 1920,A.! F’Thestrikeof 1897 wasareacr.ion to rhedecision of Henry McCallum, Lhegovernor·.iEif Lagos, ro alrer working hoursas aprelude to provoking iheAfrican workersioajgshoiydownt.hal heinlended using asapretext for subduing diem. Hewasparticularlyffdrifemptiiousof Afr-ieanwage-earners,whom he considered mer-rernunemed. See-QHoplr.ir:s,‘1.agosS¤ ·ike‘,p. 149.i:;“forihedepression, seeKehindc Faluyi, ‘TheImpact oftheGreat Depression of 1929-‘ 33on t.heNigel·ian Economy',jurrrrral ·jBlubv.umdSrx·ri-rl Smdrb,ml. 4, no. 2, 1981,pp.:,31-M;'andAyodeji O. Olukoju, ‘Marir.imeTradein Lagos,1914-1950: ll: Narureand,{[rljpRt'fPhDThesis, Univcrsiry offbadan, 1991, diapter 5.fEWale’Oyemakinde,‘TheImpact of dieGreat Depression on rhe Nigerian Railway,..andirsWorlrers’,]ero-rralryrlreHuronkal Socikg ry./Vrgeriia, vol. B,no. 4.1977, pp. 143-60; and’ emakinde, ‘WageIhrnersinNigeria during dieGreat Depre¤ion’ (mimeo.). yotecl inEJ. Berg, `TheDevelopment ofaLabour Forcein Sub-Saharan Africa`.FBrirwrnr2D:wbprri4nlmrdCullum! Change, vol. 13, 1965, p. 4 12.‘,?Yi'L¤g¤Dmlv Nrwr, zaSeptember 1929: General New`Tmde isBaer; ibid., 27junei°l2?9;.- .mm, 10 June1931: Random Neiei anaNenaf!_;_Oy¤maldnde,‘Deprr.¤ion andrhe Railways, p. 147, Table3.·ie?’°Nig¤ria, Nauonal Ai-chives, Ibadan(NAI), Chief SeererarysOllice(CSO) 26/4 09512:}o1.a,·colnny Annual Report, 1931`, para32.jf‘NM Commissioner oflheColony'sOllice (COMCOL) 1 894 vol. 1, ‘Unt-mployment__,"',,le*Z¤¤”.G.H. Findlayto Chief Secretary ro Govemment (CSG),21 September 1929."gnlefollowing discussion isbasedupon this source. _‘·~,e?u:°¥ F-heincreasing ir-nporlaneeof road eranspon,and irsirnpnel, see Olasnl Oshln.- so
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