1
Baluchistan – Briefing Paper
1. Overview
2. History
3. Natural Resources
4. Groupings and Parties
5. The 2009 Baluchistan Package
6. Human rights
7. EU Role and Current Situation
1. Overview
Baluchistan is one of the poorest parts of south Asia and riven by conflict. The term
‘Baluchistan’ refers to two different areas - Pakistan’s largest and poorest province; and the
wider geographic area that is regarded by Baluch nationalists as Baluchistan. The latter
includes the Baluchistan province in the Southwest of Pakistan, the Sistan and Baluchestan1
province of south-eastern Iran, and the small Afghan region of Baluchistan. The great
majority of the region’s inhabitants are Sunni Muslims. The biggest part of the Baluchistan
region is in Pakistan (the province of Baluchistan) and its capital is Quetta. The section of
Baluchistan that lies in Afghanistan includes the Chahar Burjak District of Nimruz province
as well as the Registan desert in southern Helmand and Kandahar provinces. These parts have
been part of Afghanistan since 1747. The governors of Nimruz and Helmand provinces in
Afghanistan both are ethnic Baluch.
The focus of this background briefing is on Baluchistan as a province in Pakistan and political
groups located there demanding different degrees of autonomy for the province or greater
Baluchistan. However, it also includes some information about Sistan and Baluchestan, and,
to a lesser degree, about the Baluch in Afghanistan.
Baluchistan, Pakistan’s biggest province, occupies around 43% of the country’s total area, but
only accounts for around 5% of the country’s population. This figure was published in the last
census held in 1998. It is difficult to determine the ethnic composition of the province as the
1998 census did not include the category of ethnicity.2 It seems clear, however, that the three
largest ethnic groups in the province are Baluch, Pashtuns, and Brahui. Since 1979,
Baluchistan has received millions of Afghan refugees which has altered the province’s ethnic
1 Also spelt ‘Sistan and Baluchistan’. 2 See Fair (2012:2).
2
composition. It is unclear how many refugees remain in Baluchistan and how many have
acquired Pakistani citizenship.3 According to the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees there are around 1.6 million Afghan refugees in Pakistan as of July 2014.4
The conflict surrounding Baluchistan takes place on several different levels: there is a state-
province conflict which has developed due to the fact that despite possessing large amounts of
natural resources Baluchistan is the least developed and poorest province of Pakistan.
Irrespective of ethnicity, many people in the province strongly criticize the lack of investment
and demand greater autonomy, a larger share in revenues from projects exploiting the
province’s natural resources, and more participation in politics.5
Another level to the conflict is the ethno-nationalist movement which leads many Baluch to
demanding greater autonomy or even independence for either the part of Baluchistan which is
in Pakistan or for a greater Baluchistan including the parts in Iran and Afghanistan. There are
several parties and splinter groups pushing for different goals and different degrees of
autonomy.
The Sistan and Baluchestan province in Iran is home to around two million Baluch with the
great majority being Sunnis. There is little to no reliable data on the exact ethnic composition
of the province or on its people. It is safe to say, however, that Sistan and Baluchestan lags
behind the rest of the country in terms of poverty, life expectancy, and infant mortality.6 Some
Baluch claim that this is due to the fact that they are Sunni Muslims in a majority Shia Iran.
Other complaints are about the exclusion from “economic, political, administrative, military
and cultural affairs in their homeland.”7
According to estimates, around the same number of ethnic Baluch lives in Afghanistan, with
the majority living in Helmand, Nimruz, and Farrah.8
Lately, the Pakistani province of Baluchistan has been attracting attention due to its poor
human rights record, forced disappearances, and violent insurgencies. Government reforms
introduced in 2009 and 2011 with the aim of improving human rights have not met with
success.
2. History
At the time of the British Empire in South Asia there were many princely districts in
Baluchistan over which the British had varied levels of suzerainty. In 1884, Baluchistan was
annexed by the British in order to establish a buffer zone between the British and the Russian
empires and to “secure safe transit routes to Afghanistan.”9 Fair (2012:3) further writes that
3 Ibid. 4 UNHCR (2014). 5 Fair, 2012:3. 6 Zurutuza (16/05/2011). 7 Ibid. 8 Baluch (27/03/2013). 9 Khan, 2009.
3
“contrary to the claims of some contemporary Baluch nationalists, there was no historically
stable, “autonomous” Baluch kingdom per se that covered the expanse of today’s
Baluchistan.”10 However, under Nasir Khan, the sixth Khan (leader) of Qalat, most of the
major Baluch tribes were organized under one military and administrative system in the mid
18th Century. Following his death the tribes again assumed power and control.11
The Khan (leader) of Kalat had promised the British safe passage through Baluchistan. An
attack on the British eventually provided them with a reason to seize the region. The western
part of the territory (now Sistan-o-Baluchistan Province) was given to Iran and the northern
part to Afghanistan. One part of the remaining area became “British Baluchistan,” and the rest
was divided into the Khanate of Kalat and three principalities.12
At the time of partition in 1947, the princely states were forced to choose to join either India
or Pakistan. ‘British Baluchistan’ joined Pakistan although many Baluch leaders were not in
favour of an independent Pakistan. The Khan of Kalat wanted independence, which he
declared one day after Pakistan became independent. However, the Khanate was subsequently
annexed by Pakistan which is the foundation for some Baluch claiming that Pakistan is an
occupying force (all Fair, 2012:4). This protest against the perceived annexation by Pakistan
was called the first insurgency.
The 1955 ‘One United Scheme’ abolished all provinces in West Pakistan in an attempt to
counterbalance the ethnically homogenous and politically powerful Bengalis of East Pakistan.
The scheme was met by resistance among the Baluch.13 As a reaction to the scheme, the
second insurgency lasted until around 1958 and was led by Nawab Nowroz Khan. 14
Contributing to the dissatisfaction was a dispute about royalties from natural gas in an area
which was controlled by the Bugti tribe.15 In response to the resulting unrest the Pakistani
military launched a campaign against the insurgents, capturing Nawab Khan and hanging
some of his family members.16
Following the establishment of new military bases in Baluchistan by the Pakistan Army in
order to better control the outbreaks, militants from the Mengal tribal area led by Sher
Muhammad Bijrani Marri began a guerrilla campaign. The goal was to receive a share of the
revenue generated from the Sui gas fields. The insurgency ended in 1969 with a ceasefire and
the ‘One United Scheme’ was abolished by then President Yahya Khan. This also led to the
recognition of Baluchistan as the fourth province of Pakistan in its current form.
The fourth insurgency began following the discovery of weapons in the Iraqi Embassy in
Islamabad. The Pakistani authorities claimed in 1973 that the weapons were meant to be
transferred to the Baluch in Pakistan and abolished the elected provincial government in
Baluchistan. Martial rule was imposed and around 55,000 Baluch guerrillas were opposed by
10 Fair (2012:3). 11 Khan, 2009, Harrison, 1981. 12 Khan, 2009, Harrison, 1981, Fair, 2012. 13 Khan, 2009; Fair, 2012. 14 Harrison, 1981. 15 Fair, 2012. 16 Harrison, 1981.
4
80,000 troops dispatched by the central government. Several thousands of soldiers, militants,
and civilians died. After General Zia ul Haq toppled Bhutto’s government, he introduced
several development projects in order to appease the population in Baluchistan. Among them
were measures to enhance road construction, expansion of power transmission, and building
small dams. Under Zia it was also ensured that despite the discovery of gas deposits in
Baluchistan around four decades earlier, Quetta received Sui gas for the first time.17 The army
operations only ceased in 1978.
The dates of the different insurgencies are disputed. While some argue that the most recent
insurgency began in 2004, Fair (2012) sees the beginning already in 1999, when Musharraf
seized power and announced the development of Gwadar port and established two army
cantonments in Baluchistan. Rashid (2014) claims the fifth insurgency began in 2003 ‘with
small guerrilla attacks by autonomy-seeking Baluch groups who over the years have become
increasingly militant and separatist in ideology.’18
The current, ongoing insurgency has seen a shift from attacks predominantly against Pakistani
military to violence against non-Baluch living in Baluchistan in an attempt to counter what is
felt as domination by foreigners.19 The Pakistani security forces are responding by targeting
Baluch leaders and either killing or abducting them, which, in turn, leads to more young
Baluch taking up arms.20 Grare quotes surveys that indicate that only a minority of Baluch
favour independence despite the intractable situation.21
3. Natural Resources
Baluchistan is Pakistan’s largest province and at the same time the least developed. While it is
resource-rich, hardly any of the royalties stay in Baluchistan. One of the main disputes
between the Baluch and the central government is thus about the profits from exploitation of
the natural resources in Baluchistan.
The major contested projects are the Saindak or Sandak copper mine and the Gwadar/Gwador
Port development, both developed by Chinese companies. In both the Saindak copper mine
and the Gwadar deep sea port, the contract determines that the Chinese government receives
50% of the proceeds, the central Pakistani government receives 48% and the remaining 2%
goes to the provincial government in Baluchistan.22 In both cases, none of the construction
contracts went to Baluch companies and most of the jobs were given to Punjabis and other
non-Baluch.23 In the eyes of many Baluchs, the projects are attempts to “further colonize the
province by Punjabis and other patrons of the military and bureaucracy.” (Fair, 2012:6). As a
consequence of the construction project at Gwadar, the population is expected to increase
17 Khan, 2009, Fair, 2012:5. 18 Rashid (22/02/2014). 19 Also compare Rashid (22/02/2014). 20 Ibid. 21 Grare (2013:23). 22 Fair (2012:6). 23 Ibid.
5
rapidly from its 70,000 inhabitants before. This increase is mainly due to the increasing
presence of non-Baluch who are involved in the construction project.
Protests against the Gwadar Port construction led to several attacks on Chinese personnel
involved in the project. The most prominent case was an attack on 3 May 2004 when three
Chinese engineers were killed.
4. Groupings and parties
The main Baluchistan independence groups are the Baluchistan Liberation Army (BLA), the
Baluch Liberation Front (BLF), and the Baluch Republican Army (BRA) all of which are
divided in their goals and means to achieving them.
The Baluch Liberation Army (BLA) is a currently active ethno-nationalist organization.
According to the national Baluch media network, the organization became publicly known in
2000 after they claimed responsibility for a series of bombings of markets and railway lines.24
Initially, the BLA had exclusively targeted Pakistan’s security forces (Grare, 2013:14). There
are different claims regarding the founding year of the organization, some trace back the
BLA’s roots to 1973.25 The BLA is in favour of an independent greater Baluchistan, including
the parts inhabited by Baluchs in Iran and Afghanistan.26
The exact number of BLA activists is unknown, however, the Pakistani military estimate that
there are around 3,000 fighters active in the insurgency.27 Despite its goals for greater Baluch
independence, the BLA has mainly focused its activities on issues with the central
government.28 It has claimed responsibility for six major attacks and several smaller ones.29
The majority of the BLA activists are from the Bugti and the Marri tribe, and disenfranchised,
politicised youth from Quetta and other towns.30
It is assumed that Mir Balaach Marri was the BLA’s leader until his death in 2007. Due to its
clandestine nature, the leadership of the organization is difficult to determine. Another key
figure was probably Akbar Khan Bugti, until his death in 2006. There is speculation about his
grandson, exiled Baluch nationalist Brahamdagh Bugti, or Mir Balaach Marri’s brother,
Hyrbyair Marri, currently leading the BLA. 31 The BLA has been considered a ‘Proscribed
Terrorist Organisation’ by the UK government since 2006.32 It has not been considered as
such by the EU or the US.33
24 Baluchmedia.com (14/05/2011). 25 Tahir (03/04/2008). 26 See Baluchmedia.com (14/05/2011) and also Tahir (03/04/2008). 27 Brown et al, 2012:14, Tahir (03/04/2008). 28 Mapping Militant Organizations (Stanford University), 2012. 29 Mapping Militant Organizations (Stanford University), 2012, GTD (2013). 30 ICG (2006:12). 31 Mapping Militant Organizations (Stanford University), 2012, Grare (2013:5). 32 Government of the UK (27/06/2014). 33 National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, University of Maryland (2014).
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Also in favour of a “greater” Baluchistan independence is the Baluch Republican Party. It is
also assumed to be led by Brahamdagh Bugti (currently in exile in Switzerland) since the
killing of his grandfather, Akbar Bugti, by the Pakistani army in 2006. The BRP does not
engage in any sort of political dialogue, and asks for intervention from the international
community to halt a “genocide.”34
The Baluch Republican Army (BRA) is a Baluch nationalist armed militant group and
presumed to be the militant wing of the Baluch Republican Party35 According to Grare, the
BRA is also assumed to be led by Brahamdagh Bugti.36
Another group is the Baluch National Movement, which also advocates the independence of a
‘greater’ Baluchistan, but refuses to participate in the political process. The military is
assumed to be responsible for the death of its leader, Ghulam Mohammed Baluch, in 2009.
This was condemned by the UN.37
The National Party is led by incumbent Chief Minister of Baluchistan, Abdul Malik Baluch. It
is a ‘moderate, centre-left Baluch nationalist party that claims to represent the middle class. It
was formed in 2003.’38 It boycotted the elections in 2008 as a sign of protest against the
military operation which was conducted in Baluchistan at that time. Abdul Malik Baluch has
been Chief Minister of Baluchistan since June 2013. As head of the weak provincial
government he is not in a position to change much unless the violence between Baluch and
the Pakistani security forces ends.39
The Baluchistan National Party (BNP), led by Akhtar Mengal, is a major nationalist party that
controlled the provincial government before 2002 but boycotted the polls in 2008. The party
was formed in 1996. In 1997, Akhtar Mengal was elected Chief Minister but then stepped
down in 1998.40 Considered a moderate organization, it calls for an increase in Baluchistan’s
share of revenue from provincial resources, but, until recently, it demanded only wide
autonomy for the province, with the authority of the federal government limited to
defence, foreign affairs, and the currency. Members have been killed by the authorities, and
the party now calls for a referendum on self-determination. Following Akbar Bugti’s death in
2006, the BNP quit the parliament.41
The Baluch Student Organization was formed in 1967. It is a leftist organisation which was
formed as response to the government of Pakistan’s armed intervention against the second
Baluch insurgency in the early 1960s.42 According to Grare, ‘it is considered the middle-class
entry point into the nationalist movement and is composed of four different factions that
support the BLA, the Baluch National Movement, the National Party, and the Baluchistan
34 Grare (2013:6). 35 TRAC (2014), Grare (2013:6). 36 Grare (2013:6). 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid. 39 See Rashid (2014). 40 Dawn.com (16/04/2013). 41 Dawn.com (16/04/2013). 42 Paracha (03/02/2012), also see Grare (2013:6).
7
National Party.’43 The four different factions are BSO (Awami), BSO (Azad), BSO (Mengal),
and BSO (Pajjar). BSO Azad is the most radical faction which openly advocates armed
struggle against the Pakistani government in order to establish an independent Baluchistan.
The BSO Pajjar is the splinter group with the largest number of student followers and is also
the most mainstream in its goals. 44 The different splinter groups of BSO cooperate
occasionally against extremist right-wing Islamic groups, such as the Taliban, Al-Qaeda, or
Jundallah.45
Recently, there has been a shift from targeting only the Pakistani army to targeting non-
Baluch living in the Baluchistan region in order to drive them away. The spectrum of the
groups and parties above shows that they are deeply divided on what degree of autonomy is
desirable, on whether they pursue Baluch independence, and on whether they engage in the
political process. In addition, it should be kept in mind that Baluchistan is a large province
with low population density, which also hampers cooperation. Looking at the different groups
active in Baluchistan it can be seen that there is a lack of unity in the movement and a lack of
a common goal.
Outside of Pakistan there has been a new movement surfacing in the Iranian Sistan and
Baluchistan province: the Jaish ul-adl (Army of Justice). It is assumed that it was established
in 2010 after the capture of Jundallah’s46 leader and is thus its successor. It is considered to be
the most organized militant group in Iranian Baluchistan. Most of the ten leaders of Jaish ul-
adl are former influential members of Jundallah (‘Soldiers of God’).
In terms of ideology, Jaish ul-adl refuses claims to have a separatist agenda. It claims to
defend Sunni Muslim rights in predominantly Shia Iran. All members of the group are Sunnis
and ethnic Baluchs. There are similarities between Jaish ul-adl’s ideology and that of the
Taliban and al-Qaeda and Jaish ul-adl considers itself part of the international Islamic jihad.
Most of the group’s senior members were trained in al-Qaeda military camps in Waziristan to
use roadside bombs, car bombs and suicide vests.
The group’s main source of finance is the kidnapping of wealthy Iranian Shia civilians who
they bring to Pakistan. The ransom accounts for the main part of their budget. If ransom is
denied, hostages are normally killed. In the past two years the Iranian regime has taken
measures to try and block this source of finance by pressurising the hostage families not to
pay. That has resulted in the killing of many hostages. Sometimes they receive money from
Baluchis in the Gulf but this is limited. Other group members try running small businesses in
the Gulf and Pakistan which is also not successful.
Jaish ul-adl has managed to spread its influence much further than Jundallah. They mobilized
many small groups and non-active Baluch militant individuals and conducted political
43 Grare (2013:6). 44 Paracha (03/02/2012). 45 Ibid. 46 Jundallah is also sometimes spelt as Jundullah or Jund’ullah.
8
marriages to expand influence in certain parts of Baluchistan. There might be thousands of
supporters, but the number of active fighters is estimated to be around 300.47
Relations with the Taliban of Afghanistan have improved in comparison to those between
Jundallah and the Taliban, which could turn them into a potential source of fighters. Jaish ul-
adl’s military operations mainly target Iranian border police and security forces in the border
area and not civilians. No suicide attacks have been launched yet.48
Yet another group in Sistan and Baluchistan is Ansar al-Furqan. It was formed in late 2013 as
a merger of the Harakat Ansar Iran (HAI) group and another Sunni group active in Sistan and
Baluchestan, called Hizbul-Furqan.49 Judging from its media releases, HAI seems to have
connected its cause with wider Sunni and Jihadist causes, as opposed to Jundallah and Jaish-ul
Adl.50 Both groups hold several twitter accounts and facebook pages and also distribute
information in English.
The degree of cooperation between different groups is not clear. While some experts presume
rather close ties between ethnic Baluch in Pakistan and Iran, others fear that better relations
could be built as a reaction to the mistreatment of Baluch on both sides.51
5. The 2009 Baluchistan Package
On 24 November 2009, the Baluchistan Package (Aghaaz-e-Huqook Baluchistan, ‘The
Beginning of Right in Baluchistan’) was presented to the Parliament. It sought to address a
number of concerns in the province of Baluchistan and proposed reforms regarding the
constitution, administration, economy, and political issues.52
Regarding the constitution, one proposal was to consider “various amendments in the
constitution, including on provincial autonomy, [which] should be immediately addressed”.
Other proposals included the release of political workers, establishing a ‘political dialogue
with all major stakeholders in the political spectrum of the province’, and the return of exiles.
The killing of Akbar Bugti in 2006 and other Baluch leaders was also to be examined.
Regarding the missing persons, the reform package suggested to set up a commission. ‘The
commission should be headed by sitting member of the superior judiciary from Baluchistan,
including the federal defence, interior ministers and the home minister of the province. The
proceedings of such a commission shall be held in camera.’
The federal paramilitary Frontier Corps was proposed to take over a new Cantonment at Sui,
replacing the armed forces. The role of the Frontier Corps (FC) is disputed within Baluchistan
47 According to article by Asian Affairs, May 2014. 48 Information about Jaish ul-adl taken from Asian Affairs, May 2014. 49 Paraszczuk (21/12/2013), also see IHS Jane’s 360 (27/05/2014). 50 Rehman (2014:4). 51 See Rehman (2014:5). 52 According to translation 39 reforms, in other sources it says 61.
9
and comprised of mainly non-Baluch. It is also believed to play a role in human rights
violations and in the forced disappearance of Baluch.53
Regarding the distribution of royalties of contracts, the provincial government of Baluchistan
is now proposed to receive 15% instead of 2% as before. ‘Due representation should be given
to the province’ on boards of several companies, such as Sui Southern Gas. An equivalent to
10% of the net profits of successful finds in the province should be spent on development
projects in the area by the federal government.
Proposals for more participation in the decision making process are also made in the field of
mega project: All of them are ‘to be initiated with the consent and approval of the
provincial government.’
The package further promises the immediate creation of five thousand additional jobs in the
province. Of the federal government’s 30% shares in the Sandak Project, 20% are supposed to
be given to the province. In already existing agreements such as Sandak and Rekodic, ‘the
federal government may reconsider the agreements concerning the sharing of income, profits
or royalty between the federal government and the provincial government.’ There is no
obligation to reconsider this proposal.
While the package was praised by many Pakistani politicians and ministers, it was criticized
by many Baluch for not being comprehensive enough. According to Mir Suleman Dawood
Khan, the current Khan of Kalat, the government had not consulted Baluch nationalist parties.
Military operations in the province had not been addressed according to National Party
Senators, and the NP leader Habib Jalib said it had not given the Baluch a constitutional
guarantee.54
There is little information on the actual results following the introduction of the package.
According to The Express Tribune, in 2011 just 15 of the reforms had been implemented.55 It
remains unclear whether and to what extent these reforms were successfully carried out. Most
analysts doubt any positive impact of the reforms. It is also not clear in many cases who will
carry out the reforms.
In letters to the newspaper Dawn, some readers criticized the lack of permanent contracts for
new teaching positions created as part of the package as well as delays in payment which
discouraged Baluchs to continue in their positions.56
In an attempt to reform province-state relations, the 18th Amendment to the constitution in
2010 introduced a shift towards greater devolution of powers from the centre to the provinces.
Despite the rewriting of the National Finance Commission (NFC) award in favour of the
provinces, it has been criticized that provinces have not enough taxation power to efficiently
run the issues being transferred to them.57 Kugelman (2012) agrees with this assessment and
53 See HRW 2011, Abbas, 2007. 54 Unless stated otherwise, all the above has been taken from translation of the Baluchistan Package by Hamid. 55 Gishkori, Zahid. 07/03/2011. 56 Dawn.com (03/11/2011), Dawn.com (11/07/2012). 57 See Fair, 2012:11; for the full text of the bill see CFR (19/04/2010).
10
writes “Provincial governments need more revenue to support their new responsibilities, but
Pakistan’s abysmal rates of tax revenue collection effectively prevent this from happening”,
calling the 18th Amendment a ‘lost opportunity’.58
6. Human Rights
Most of the victims of enforced disappearances are males between 25 and 45, the majority of
who are allegedly part of Baluch nationalist parties and movements, such as the BRP, BNF,
and others.59 According to Human Rights Watch, the Frontier Corps assisted or carried out the
abductions in 16 cases out of 45, most of which were reported between 2009 and 2010.60
Numbers vary as to how many people have disappeared in Baluchistan with figures ranging
from a few hundred to several thousands.61 On 17 January 2014, 13 bodies were discovered
near Khuzdar of which two were identified shortly after as men who had disappeared four
months earlier.62 In protest at the disappearances, the families of those missing completed a
long march from Karachi to Islamabad.63
In June 2011, 41 disappeared persons were reported to have returned home. There has been an
investigation by the Supreme Court on which hardly any information is available.
Of the forced disappearances, the victims sometimes reappear and sometimes are found dead.
Many are never heard of again. Other incidents are targeted killings that often aim at Baluch
political leaders. One of the most prominent cases of targeted killings is that of Akbar Bugti,
suspected leader of the Baluchistan Liberation Front (BLA) and former Chief Minister of
Baluchistan, which sparked protests in the province. Another one is the killing of three leaders
of BNM, BNF and Baluch Republican Party in Turbat in 2009 (‘Turbat Killings’). The three
were abducted and found dead, among them was Ghulam Mohammed Baluch, president of
the Baluch National Movement.
While most disappearances and targeted killings are suspected to be carried out by the
Pakistani army or assisted by the Frontier Corps, the BLA in its initial stages also targeted
attacks at the Pakistani security forces.64
Other targeted killings have been aimed at the Hazara Shia minority in Baluchistan. Human
Rights Watch estimates that there were 450 killings of Shia in 2012 and of another 400 in
2013.
The International Voice for Baluch Missing Persons is an organization based in Sweden with
the goal of bringing together activists, families of disappeared, and the U.N. Working Group
58 http://www.peacebuilding.no/Regions/Asia/Pakistan/Publications/Decentralisation-in-Pakistan-the-lost-
opportunity-of-the-18th-amendment. 59 HRW, 2011:3. 60 Ibid. 61 For a comparison see Grare (2013:13). 62 Rashid (22/02/2014). 63 Rashid, ibid. 64 See Grare (2013:13).
11
on Involuntary and Enforced Disappearances and related U.N. bodies to protest against
enforced disappearances in Baluchistan.65
There was a UN mission 2012 which seems primarily to be an attempt to raise awareness of
the issue of enforced appearances.66 Additionally, the UK and US have expressed concerns
over the human rights situation in Baluchistan at the 19th session of the UNHRC.67 In March
2014, an UNPO Conference took place in Geneva highlighting human rights issues in
Baluchistan.
Pakistan claims that India has supported some Baluch groups with arms but has failed to
deliver any evidence. India does not seem to take a prominent position in defending human
rights in Baluchistan.
EU Role and Current Situation
The EU has played only a limited role in Baluchistan. Since 2012 the EU has been supporting
vocational training (TVET) in Northern Baluchistan. In October 2012, Noordin Mengal and
Nasser Boladai, representatives of the Baluch in Pakistan and Iran, paid a visit to the EP.68
The EP also held two events on Baluchistan in 2013. According to the Pakistani newspaper
‘The News’, attendees at the event ‘Baluchistan: Destiny Denied’ in October 2013 expressed
‘solidarity with Baluch nationalists’. 69 There was a visit of representatives of the
Baluchistan’s People’s Party to the European Parliament the same year. In March 2014, the
EU delegation met with long march representatives.
The stalemate thus looks like continuing for some time as none of the parties appears
interested in a compromise solution.
65 http://www.bygwaah.com/modules/content/index.php?id=1. 66 Grare (2013:22). 67 Ibid. 68 http://theBaluchhal.com/2012/10/02/Baluch-leaders-seek-european-parliaments-help-to-end-violence/. 69 The News International (20/10/2013).
12
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