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is much to learn about the nutritive value of differentfood proteins, and it is encouraging to find that the
proportion of the ingested nitrogen which becomesfinally incorporated in the tissues of growing animals isincreased from 23 to 27% as the degree of extraction offlour is raised from 70 to 100%. The nutritive value of
protein hydrolysates and of milk substitutes for use asinfant foods has also received attention, as have biologicalestimations of vitamins. These are a few of the usefulfindings published in some thirty papers during the year,and there is good reason for the feeling of the chairmanof the governing body that the institute is well embarkedon a career of new and expanding service to science andto the community.
IMMUNISATION WITH THE VOLE BACILLUS
THE vole bacillus, or the murine type of tuberclebacillus, occurs as a natural pathogen in some of the wildmice of Britain. It was first described by Wells 1 in1937, when he wa,s collaborating with Elton in a study ofthe- diseases of voles in Great Britain. Tuberculosis involes is a widespread disease, and is the only known
instance of tuberculosis affecting wild animals in theirnatural habitat. The type of tubercle bacillus causingtuberculosis in voles is not pathogenic to the usuallaboratory animals, the infection caused by the inocu-lation of the bacillus being transitory. This led Wellsand Brooke 2 to investigate the question whether inocu-lation of guineapigs with the vole bacillus increasedtheir resistance to subsequent infection with the humanor bovine types of tubercle bacillus. Their experimentswere interrupted at the outbreak of war and the animalshad to be killed. At that stage of the experiment theyconcluded that vaccination of guineapigs with the volebacillus gives a degree of protection against subsequentinfection with virulent mammalian tubercle bacilli whichis apparently far greater than has been recorded by othermeans.
The immunisation experiments in guineapigs have beenrepeated by several workers (Griffith and Dalling 3, inthis country, Irwin and O’Connell 4 in Canada, Wahlgrenet al. in Sweden, Corper and Cohn 6 is America, andBirkhaug in Norway). The methods employed di ffer
widely, but all agree that a pronounced increase of resis-tance to infection with virulent tubercle bacilli followsinoculation with the vole bacillus. It. is quite clear,however, that in the guineapig resistance does notamount to immunity. The effect of inoculation is a
delay, often very considerable, in the establishment of :
generalised disease after infection with virulent tuberclebacilli, but death from tuberculosis eventually follows.The painstaking work of Birkhaug makes this abundantly i
clear. The average survival time of twelve unvaccinated 1
guineapigs after infection with virulent tubercle bacilli 4
was 192 days, whereas that of twelve animals vaccinatedwith the vole bacillus before infection was 403 days. i
It is still uncertain how the resistance conferred on 1
guineapigs by vaccination with the vole bacillus compareswith that produced by B.C.G. The results of Wells and 1Brooke, of Irwin and O’Connell, and of Wahlgren and icolleagues, suggest that in the earlier stages of artificial 1infection vaccination With the vole bacillus produces Ithe greater resistance. Corper and Cohn, and Birkhaug, I
on the other hand, have found that the resistance con- 7ferred is about equal, if the animals are allowed to fsurvive. It is very doubtful if immunity experiments iin tuberculosis in the guineapig can be translated into Iterms of human immunity. The guineapig is absolutely isusceptible to infection with mammalian tubercle bacilli fand shows no natural resistance to progressive infection. t1. Wells, A. Q. Lancet, 1937, i, 1221.2. Wells, A. Q., Brooke, W. S. Brit. J. exp. Path. 1940, 21, 104.3. Griffith, A. S., Dalling, T. J. Hyg., Camb. 1940, 40, 673.4. Irwin, D., O’Connell, D. C. Canad. med. Ass. J. 1943, 48, 486.5. Wahlgren, F., Olin, G., Widström, G. Nord. Med. 1944, 22, 943.6. Corper, H. J., Cohn, M. L. Amer. J. clin. Path. 1943, 13, 18.7. Birkhaug, K. Amer. Rev. Tuberc. 1946, 53, 411.
In man, natural resistance, or resistance acquired as aresult of previous infection, can completely overcome atuberculous infection. In other words, infection in theguineapig is inevitably fatal ; whereas the result in man isdetermined by the balance between natural or acquiredresistance and the infective process. An increase inresistance in man may lead to healing of the infection ;an increase in resistance in the guineapig merely delaysits death.There are several questions still to be answered beforethe vole bacillus can be considered for human vaccination.Is it incapable of producing progressive disease in man ?Will it convert a negative reactor to tuberculin into apositive reactor, and how long does this sensitivity last ? YCan human vaccination with the vole bacillus be donewithout causing severe local or general reaction ? Y Doeshuman vaccination confer increased resistance to tubercu-losis It is hoped that the first three questions may soonbe answered. The last question is vital, but the answermay be delayed for some time. Evidence of this natureis notoriously difficult to collect, and careful planningwill be needed if the answer is not to be indefinitelypostponed.BICENTENARY OF THE LONDON LOCK HOSPITALAT the time the London Lock Hospital was founded
200 years ago, there were two ancient lock hospitalsstill functioning in London-all that remained of theseven lazar-houses granted to St. Bartholomew’s Hos-
pital by Henry vm at the time of the dissolution of themonasteries.
Locks, lazars, or outhouses were a recognised featureof the medieval hospital system of England. Theywere built by the pious especially for the treatment oflepers, because these outcasts were not admitted tothe buildings attached to the monasteries reserved forthe sick, the halt, and the blind. Instead, for them,wandering along the highways of medieval Englandwith their begging-bowls and rattles, special lazar-houses were erected close to the monastery gates ; andthere -at sundown the real lepers as well as the mencovered with the foul ulcers of untreated scabies, thevictims of lupus and rodent ulcer-all loosely diagnosedas lepers-were segregated. Outside the lazars, basketsof rags, lint, or wool were placed so that the lepers mightwipe their sores before admission. The baskets wereles loques (French for rags) and the lazars in NormanEngland came to be known as les locks. But whenleprosy declined in Europe, and especially in England,towards the end of the 15th century, the lazar-housesbecame almost empty ; and it was then as it happenedthat syphilis burst upon an unprepared world. Naturallythe lazars were hastily turned over to the treatmentof venereal disease ; and the few remaining leperswere quickly swamped by the victims of syphilis. Itis believed that it was in this way the word " lockbecame associated with venereal disease.
Certainly there is no doubt that the hospitals for
lepers became hospitals for venereal disease. Up to 1813,for instance, there was a plaque on a tumbledownbuilding in Southwark labelled " The Chapel of thehospital for lepers, Le Lock, dedicated to St. Maryand St. Leonard. Founded prior to the 14th year ofEdward n." This belonged to the old lock hospitalfor men in Kent Street, vacated by St. Bartholomew’sin 1760 after 2t centuries of use as a venereal hospital.It was returning from this hospital that Percivall Pottis said to have broken his leg, for the surgeons ofSt. Bartholomew’s were surgeons to Le Lock from thetime of Thomas Vicarv until its extinction. It was
possibly the knowledge that the lock hospital in KentStreet and the " spital" for women in Kingsland wereabout to be done away with, coupled with the greatincrease in venereal diseases in outer London, thatinduced William Bromfeild (1713-92), surgeon to St.
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George’s Hospital and the Princess of Wales, to decidethat he ought to start a hospital for the treatment ofvenereal diseases in the West End. His court appoint-ment enabled him to acquire royal patronage, and tocollect around him an influential committee of noblemenand gentlemen with whose aid he started the LondonLock Hospital in what afterwards came to be calledChapel, Street, halfway down Grosvenor Place fromSt. George’s Hospital itself.The first meeting of the committee was held on July 4,
1746, and a house belonging to a Mr. Cooper was boughtwith the remains of a 99 years’ lease from Sir RobertGrosvenor for £350 and a ground rent of :EI0 annually.The site was then an open land infested by footpads atnight and the scene of occasional duels by day. Andthere the hospital remained until its lease expired in1840. The Grosvenor estate by then had greatly changedits character. It -had been built over and becomefashionable. It was thought, therefore, that a hospitalof this nature was undesirable in the area, and thegovernors were given notice to vacate by the then
Marquis of Westminster. This made the board decideto obtain a freehold for the hospital in the future, andafter some delay they found a site on Westbourne Greenwhich they bought from the executors of Mrs. Siddons,the famous actress, who had a cottage there. The
hospital accordingly reopened in Harrow Road in 1842and its main activities were carried on there. Out-
patients from other parts of London, however, foundHarrow Road difficult to get at, so the site of St. Paul’sMission College in Dean Street, Soho, was bought andadapted for hospital use, the Brst outpatients being seenin July, 1862. Just before the 1914-18 war this anti-quated building was pulled down and the present hospitalwas built on the site. Elaborate extensions were madein 1926 to bring the building and equipment up to date,and when in 1940 the Harrow Road Hospital was com-mandeered by the War Office, activities were concen-trated in Dean Street. Considerable damage was doneto the buildings during the blitz, but the work wenton without interruption throughout the war. The
hospital has now weathered its first 200 years, and itswork seems to be steadily increasing.
AMERICANS FROM JAPANESE PRISONS
PRISONERS-OF-WAR have shown fewer signs of mentalstress than we had been led to expect. Indeed, it seemslikely that most of them meet their abnormal experiencein ways which, while they may deviate a little from thoseof the untried mind, are yet the normal response tothat particular situation. But as with other stresses,it takes a sound mind-and, in the case of prisoners ofthe Japanese, a sound body-to survive unharmed.Three years in Japanese prison camps seems to havehad little effect on the minds of some 4000 Americansoldiers now repatriated.l When they landed in theUnited States these men were received by teams ofmedical specialists from the office of the Surgeon-General,and a report on their neuropsychiatric condition hasjust been made by Lieut.-Colonel N. Q. Brill. In spiteof starvation rations and frequent beatings during theirimprisonment these men had survived, though manyof their comrades, in about the same physical conditionwhen captured, had succumbed. The psychiatristsfound nothing to explain this difference in endurance
except a " will to live " in the survivors. ’
They lived only for the day and at once ate whatcame their way. Men who began to hoard their riceallowance for several meals in order to enjoy the sensationof one good meal were described as " rice happy."Such hoarding was usually a sign of crumbling fortitude,and the man who showed it was likely to die before long.If they became ill those who were less determined to
1. News Notes. Office of Surgeon-Genera], Washington, May 15,1946.
live would often stop eating entirely and die in a fewdays. The common factor among the survivors, whowere otherwise widely different in character, was thatthey never gave up their struggle to live. " They ateanything available, including cats, dogs, silkworms, andother things repulsive to normal human beings," ColonelBrill reports. " When struck with dysentery and malariathey would nevertheless attempt to carry on. This
strength and courage had no connexion with socialbackground or education."The men have no doubts about their ability to resume
normal life : after three years in the camps, they feltthey would be equal to any situation likely to arise athome.
TACTICAL APPROACH TO LEPROSYDr. T. F. Davey last week described precisely how
leprosy is tackled in.a province of Nigeria (Owerri) wherethere are some 70,000 lepers. The general plan is to
attack the disease in each clan or locality, developing alocal campaign as self-contained as possible. The firststep is to appoint a local organiser, the " leprosyinspector," whose initial duties include preparation of adetailed map and inquiry into local beliefs about leprosy.Next comes propaganda : public opinion has to be
enlightened through schools, meetings -of chiefs, visits tovillages, posters, and booklets. With the ground thusprepared, the third step is to open a clinic, offering localpatients free treatment of leprosy, of its complications,and of associated ailments, free hospital care beingprovided at a central settlement for those who need it.This clinic is staffed by one or more resident nurses(themselves patients), working with the leprosy inspector,and is visited by specialist staff from the central settle-ment : the site must be given by the people themselvesas a sign of their cooperation.
" Although," said Dr. Davey, " the clinic quickly
becomes the centre of the lives of local patients, whorender much voluntary service in its maintenance, itsvalue from the public-health standpoint is limited, asleprosy treatment is only partially successful with themore severe types of leprosy, and treatment alone willnot stamp out the disease." The fourth stage in thecampaign, therefore, is the segregation of infectious
patients--if possible in a model village or hamlet whichshould be an object lesson in sanitation and organisation." This is the most vital and by far the most difficultstep in the programme. It is no small thing for a manto leave the village of his fathers and move to a newvillage, residence at which stamps him as a suffererfrom leprosy. The fact that between 3000 and 4000have done so in Owerri Province is evidence of theirreadiness to cooperate." The fifth stage, which can beundertaken only by the general wish of the clan, byinvitation, village by village, is to make a leprosy surveyto discover hidden cases and assess the situation. Thougha survey team is available for areas of special. difficultyor interest, the usual custom is for the leprosy inspectorto go from house to house, taking a census as he goes-a process which may take some two years, so that it isthen time to start again. If each case is treated with
sympathy, and family difficulties are smoothed out, it isgenerally possible to induce the vast majority of sufferers—maybe all--to isolate themselves, and when this hasbeen achieved the decisive stage in leprosy control hasbeen passed. The sixth or final stage of the campaignis its maintenance, with special emphasis on the observa-tion of child contacts.
Dr. Davey was speaking at the annual meeting inLondon of BELRA, the British Empire Leprosy ReliefAssociation, which has made this work possible not onlyby advice and encouragement but by providing staff,including a doctor, a nursing sister, and a succession ofToc H volunteers who act as accountants, dispensaryworkers, organisers, and supervisors of clinics and model