Birdalservice, Residence & Authority Among the Goba of the Zambezi Valley

International African Institute

Brideservice, Residence, and Authority among the Goba (N. Shona) of the Zambezi ValleyAuthor(s): C. S. LancasterSource: Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Jan., 1974), pp.46-64Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the International African InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1158566 .Accessed: 09/12/2013 04:50

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[46]

BRIDESERVICE, RESIDENCE, AND AUTHORITY AMONG THE GOBA (N. SHONA) OF THE

ZAMBEZI VALLEY' C. S. LANCASTER

INTRODUCTION

THE Shona-speaking complex of tribes covers most of present day Southern Rhodesia, stretching to the Zambian border along the Zambezi River and into

Mozambique in the north and to the Indian Ocean in the east. The Korekore group is the major northern division of the Shona-speaking peoples. The original Korekore appear to have been a band of Karanga invaders from the south who entered the middle Zambezi Valley in the fifteenth century and established the Mwene Mutapa confederacy. Today the Korekore group occupies an area extending south from the Zambezi between longitude 28? and longitude 33? east, including the low-lying valley floor and the middle and high veldt or plains to the south where most of the population is concentrated (Garbett, I966). The valley floor in this region has been considered a poor habitat by African and White settlers alike. The climate is generally poor, there are few cattle because of the tsetse fly, the area is economically unde- veloped, and the population is sparse and scattered. Because of their poorer habitat the valley dwelling Korekore have come to be distinguished from their more for- tunate highland neighbours to the south and are disparagingly known as Goba or poor lowlanders. In times past they have also been known as Banyai or vassals to the stronger Shona chiefs on the more populous cattle-rich highlands, and also as Chi- kunda or followers of the Portuguese and half-caste traders operating along the Zambezi in the nineteenth and earlier centuries. This historical background of changing political relations symbolized by changing ethnic identities will be described elsewhere (Lancaster, n.d.).

Neighbouring highland Shona have traditionally followed a patrilineal ideology indicated by patrilocal residence for a man, virilocal residence for a woman, and the agnatic inheritance of social roles and most property. As compared with this, the absence of bridewealth cattle in the valley has in time led to distinctive changes in social organization brought about by the practice of a form of uxorilocal service marriage (kugarira) sometimes referred to by the younger men who must endure it as 'slave' marriage because it is considered fit only for poor men or slaves. Kugarira has been a standard alternate form of marriage and residence among Shona-speaking peoples practised when the preferred bridewealth cattle are unavailable (see Bullock, I928: 214, 355; Holleman, I969: I24; Schapera, I929). Normally relatively rare among cattle-keeping Shona on the tsetse-free highlands, kugarira appears to have

I This research was supported by NIMH pre- for Social Research in the University of Zambia. A doctoral fellowship 5 FOI MHz8688-o5 and a field grant from Rutgers University Research Council supplement. Field-work was conducted in Zambia financed preparation of this manuscript. The author in the Zambezi-Kafue confluence area from March particularly wishes to thank Thayer Scudder for his I967 to March 1969 during which time the author helpful comments on an earlier draft. was granted a research affiliateship to the Institute


THE GOBA OF THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY 47 been more common in undesirable refuge areas like much of the floor of the middle Zambezi valley where low human population densities have been associated with uncleared bushlands supporting big game and tsetse fly. Because of this, kugarira has been the standard marriage form among the Goba. This has led to an aberrant pattern, in Shona eyes, of matrilocal extended families where ties through co-resident females have come to assume major importance in structuring residential units, descent groups, succession and inheritance, and where both matrilineal and patrilineal principles of descent seem to be operating at once.

In the region of the confluence of the Zambezi and Kafue rivers, the site of the present study, there has been something of a chain migration tradition whereby small groups of Goba have gradually crossed the Zambezi to the north where they have eventually become assimilated as Zambian Tonga, a well-known group of matrilineal Central Bantu. In a previous paper the changes in Goba social organization brought about by kugarira have been described as an environmental adaptation providing a bridge or intermediate form between the social organization of the patrilineal Plateau Shona and that of the matrilineal Zambian Tonga with whom the Goba intergrade (Lancaster, I97I). The purpose of the present paper is to describe Goba social organization in greater detail by examining the brideservice system and the impact it has had on the patterns of marriage, residence, and authority.

THE BRIDESERVICE CYCLE The Goba brideservice system consists of a prolonged cycle of gifts, payments,

and changes in rights and obligations. It is considered a time of testing for something important, the establishment of a marriage and independent household and, as with most major status changes in the life cycle, the people require a long time to draw the experience out to be certain it is acceptable. This extended period of testing can be terminated at the many points at which love, courtship, elopement, sanctioned co- residence, and the filiation of children finally result in a mature marriage between adults acting in harmony with the local community. In the meantime the girl's parents are in a position to derive considerable long-term social and economic benefits if they can maintain control over their daughter and her suitor or his successors.

In the case of a first marriage of a young man and a girl the cycle usually begins when a suitor in his middle to late twenties makes a formal opening gift, nhumbi, to a girl who is likely to be 6 to 8. For the past twenty years the nhumbi token has been a shilling or two.2 If the girl is willing to let matters go further she will pass the coin on to the female head of her family compound, her maternal grandmother or mother, who consults with the girl and passes on the news and the coin to the girl's father. It is up to the father to decide whether the affair can continue and to set the terms and receive subsequent services and payments. He can reject the boy if he dislikes him or his family or if he wants to encourage an elopement and the sizable damages that ensue. If he accepts him the young man becomes an acknowledged suitor (mukwasha).

The next step has traditionally been the handing over of tsambo which usually passes from the young man's father to the girl's father through the young couple who

2 At the time the research was begun the Zambian pound was equivalent to the U.K. pound sterling and to U.S. $1.40.


48 BRIDESERVICE, RESIDENCE, AND AUTHORITY AMONG act as intermediaries between the consenting fathers-in-laws (tshishashi). Like nhumbi, the payment of ritual hoes and the closing gift in the cycle which will be discussed later, the handing over of tsambo is a long-established step in the brideservice sequence to which other elements have gradually been added. Tsambo today consists first of a tiny ring of small white beads obtained from the towns. But by the 1920s the avail- ability of cash in the hands of young unmarried men who had taken up migrant labour for Europeans encouraged most elders to demand a few coins along with tsambo. By the I930S and I940s the beads were generally accompanied by 5s.-Ios. as wage work opportunities increased. By the I95os men were paying as much as ?i or Ci. ios., which level has remained something of a standard though by the late i96os the amount might reach C6 depending upon the suitor's ability to pay and other personal considerations. As is true of all substantial cash payments marking stages in the cycle, the suitor must earn most of the cash himself. For example in thirty-eight cases collected in 1967-9, thirty-five men had earned the tsambo cash supplement from their own efforts. Only two had received help from their father and one from a mother's brother.

The provision of tsambo beads symbolizes the suitor's father's or sponsor's role and acquiescence in the proceedings just as his willingness to receive tsambo symbolizes the girl's father's role and acquiescence. Most suitors accept the beads from their fathers, indicating his role as a general patron and sponsor and the suitor's intention of returning to his compound if possible when the uxorilocal service period has ended. In addition, if the suitor accepts tsambo beads from his father a member of the father's descent group is given an opportunity to finish any out- standing service or payments and to inherit the wife and household estate if the suitor should die. If the father or his successor has not finished his own marriage cycle or is not interested and is a relatively poor sponsor, tsambo beads may be accepted from the mother's descent group instead, enabling the suitor's maternal kinsmen to control any future positional succession and inheritance stemming from the union. In former times the descendants of female slaves were especially likely to follow the latter course and in that event the source providing tsambo would again be a factor in long-term residential alignments. In a sample of 37 tsambo exchanges recorded in 1967-9, 24 men had received the beads from their father or his successor, 3 from their mother, 6 from a mother's brother, and 4 had purchased the beads themselves.

The two components of tsambo today, the beads and the cash, represent dual spheres of exchange which have been developing throughout this century. The beads continue to represent traditional village controls backed by religious sanctions, the need for sponsorship, and reciprocal kinship encumbrances. While not neglecting the cash, it is this element of the tsambo exchange that the village elders stress as most important. The cash, which older village men acting as sponsors are unlikely to possess in abundance, represents the suitor's independent activities in the external cash economy. Men who have gained some affluence from this source prefer to be unencumbered by village ties and may seek no help with tsambo. They also tend to make large lump-sum payments early in their marriage careers in order to evade uxorilocal service and retain freedom of action. Such men are still few and are usually shopkeepers or government employees.

Once the girl's father accepts tsambo the suitor should take up residence in his


THE GOBA OF THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY father-in-law's compound and begin his service. If the father-in-law can control him this still includes helping with the construction of sleeping huts, field shelters, granaries, and animal pens, the clearing of fresh bush fields and streamside gardens, weeding, cultivating, harvesting and other heavy labour, and errands that may be required. If his service is acceptable the suitor becomes a recognized member of the village and while he may not openly cohabit with his girl she may visit him and he can claim damages or the return of tsambo at the end of the affair if she is seduced by another man. After a variable period of some months the father-in-law may permit the couple to live together openly while the suitor continues his service in residence. At this point the latter may present the girl's mother with a small gift of thanks for keeping his girl for him (mucheka). After the first night of sanctioned cohabitation the suitor has a traditional opportunity to reject the girl at the risk of damages enforceable both by the village moot and the local government court and which today may run as high as 30o. Unlike tsambo these damages are not returnable. Her parents are thus likely to be richly compensated if the courtship proceeds no further and the threat of damages tends to encourage the suitor who has reached this stage to continue on through the cycle. By this time pregnancy is likely and a suitor who has displeased the girl's parents and, supposedly, her guardian ancestral spirits is likely to be held responsible if there is a long and painful childbirth, miscarriage, weak child, or if the child should die. In these circumstances the suitor is frequently pressed to accelerate his progress, and payments, through the cycle. Some payments are likely to be en- larged and additional levies may be imposed upon the suitor in the form of subsidies for herbalist's and diviner's fees and offerings to appease the appropriate spirits. If the suitor is slow or recalcitrant he may lose access to his wife, and if she should die at this point payments for terminating the marriage and filiating the children are likely to be higher than would otherwise be the case. These steps will be described later.

Uxorilocal brideservice can thus be a difficult period for a man, particularly in its earlier stages when the work is hardest and his status most peripheral. In many cases he finds himself in a strange village where he has few close kinsmen or family friends. He may soon develop close ties with his wife's younger male siblings but must observe avoidance of the older in-laws and continue with his service and payments while his unmarried friends continue to enjoy the freedom and adventure of town life. Recognizing the suitor's uneasiness in a difficult situation, most in-laws have long capitalized on the attractions of the towns by encouraging young husbands to serve them by means of migrant labour and the remittance of payments and gifts rather than the performance of manual labour in residence. This monetization of the brideservice cycle is reflected in labour migration statistics collected in two sample villages in 1967-9. The labour migration rate is 65 per cent among married Goba males and this rather high rate is due to a number of factors rather than the desire to escape brideservice alone. For example, this high rate is in line with the experience of other Zambian peoples occupying marginal lands in reasonable proximity to major centres of employment (see Kay, I967). Young Goba males begin to enter the migrant labour stream at the age of I 5 or i 6, many years before entering the marriage cycle. The labour migration rate for males aged 5 to 19 is a substantial 57 per cent, with some 29 per cent almost permanently absent from their rural homes (see Table I). While some of these younger men talk of their trips to town in terms of saving for

E

49


50 BRIDESERVICE, RESIDENCE, AND AUTHORITY AMONG

TABLE I

Labour Migration Rates from Two Villages

27 25

21

14 2 g 0P

AGE 15-19

19

0 z

*4% 74%

20-29 30-39

20

AGE 0-39 30-39

V////A HOME ? TIME OR LESS

!-- RARELY HOME A-Unmarried. B-Damages due. C-Tsambo accepted. D-Pfuma accepted. E-Mutsimutso accepted.

'D

11

E

50+ 40-49

16

E

D

iB

15

MI,

E E

B D

40-49 50+

___

_I __~~~~~~~~~~~mm

_

__.___

E


THE GOBA OF THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY their future wives, most young men of this age leave home for the sake of adventure and to satisfy other cash needs. The brideservice system begins to make itself felt on labour migration statistics when we consider men in the 20 to 29 age-group. Over 80 per cent of these men are service husbands, 93 per cent are regularly involved in the shuttle to the towns, and 82 per cent are almost never seen in the villages during these years. The situation is similar for men in the 30 to 39 age-group in which 88 per cent continue with their labour tours and as many as 68 per cent are still almost totally absent from the local scene.

The scarcity of fit men in their prime years has had its effects upon younger village women. Though many parents would like to keep their daughters at home to help in the fields as in former times, most young women want a taste of modern town life too. Some girls accompany their kin to look for rich husbands in town, and many young wives like to follow the men, some of whom never return or marry women in town. Rather than undergo the old formalities, restrictions, and hard work traditionally associated with nhumbi, tsambo, and years of local manual labour, both sexes have found it in their interest to escape parental supervision through elopement to town. While Goba women never seek wage work themselves, this has resulted in a 'labour migration' rate of some 36 per cent among married women in general though the movement is much more marked in the I5 to 19 age category of girls and young wives in which 74 per cent make regular journeys and 63 per cent are almost totally absent from their village homes. As men progress with their payments and make their marriages more secure, women burdened with growing families tend to spend more time at home and in the 20 to 29 age-group the female migration drops below that of the men to 64 per cent and is negligible thereafter.

Claims for elopement damages constitute a potential civil case in the government administered local courts and must be cleared up satisfactorily before a suitor is allowed to proceed with the remaining marriage stages. Based upon the suitor's estimated savings from town and his earning power from future labour tours, damage payments have come to take a regular place in the marriage cycle between nhumbi and tsambo. Elopement damages usually consist of three parts. Some time not long after eloping the abductor may make a small payment to let the girl's parents know officially who has taken her and where she has gone (vunzirakuno). Usually little more than a voluntary token, this may amount to ?I or ?2 and is a nicety designed to soften later demands. After returning from town he may then pay for having taken her 'outside the kraal' (mariye kudzoresa mukadzi). This has also been considered something of a token. It is paid upon returning her to her parents and should be settled promptly for if she should sicken or die while in her abductor's hands the suitor is subject to the pressure of spiritual sanctions and higher final damages. In recent times this payment has ranged from ?2 to as much as ?I 5. This is followed by the largest single payment in the cycle, the damages for the elopement itself (mariye murandu or mhoswa). The suitor is told how much is expected at the time he returns the girl and is generally allowed to pay in instalments over a period of time inasmuch as the local courts will uphold this claim and the girl and her children are now safely in her parents' hands while he continues his labour tours.

As of 1967-9 most elders had paid no mhoswa in their own marriages, having given nhumbi, tsambo, and served for periods ranging up to 2o-5 years though the service

5z



period might be shortened in the second marriage of women and in cases where a persuasive husband held important kinship positions requiring his return home. Thirty or more years ago damages seem to have been limited to 5s. or a few pounds if the elopement was brief and service was also provided. Some twenty years ago damages generally ranged from CI 2 to ?I 5. Mhoswa now ranges from ?6 to ?45 and in normal circumstances the average villagers may expect to pay about o20 and the trend seems to be rising. Damages remain lower in cases involving men with important kinship positions, good bargaining ability, plural wives, and women who are undesirable because of age, barrenness, or a poor reputation, while damages tend to be higher in cases involving important women, local shopkeepers, and other wealthy men unwilling to perform lengthy manual service in residence. Damages are never returnable. Some young men today manage to finish their damages within a year or two of eloping but many take much longer and eight to ten years is not uncommon, depending upon the perseverance of the father-in-law, the size of his claim, the suitor's health and willingness to work for Europeans, and the state of the wage labour market. Delays during this portion of the cycle contribute to the dissolution of many marriages so that serial monogamy together with polygyny keeps some men working for damages well into their forties (see Table I).

During his period of labour migration and until elopement damages are completed, a son-in-law is generally not allowed to live regularly with his mate in her village until tsambo has been accepted. Until that time he may arrange to visit the girl from time to time when home from town or when she travels to see him but cannot enjoy normal domestic relations. Many men at this stage abandon their village wives, emigrate permanently to the towns, or take another wife elsewhere so that throughout this often lengthy period a man is pressured to finish his damages or risk losing his wife and children. Only when he settles his elopement damages case and tsambo can he move into the village as in a traditional marriage, build a house near his father-in- law, and continue the modern version of the service cycle. In some situations such as illness or inability to find work, he may temporarily be allowed to occupy an old or vacant shelter before that time but he is not allowed to build a regular village house for that is a signal that tsambo or its equivalent has been accepted and that damages have been completed.3

Once the suitor has been allowed to erect a house in their village he is expected to indicate his compliance with the wishes of the girl's family in marital and domestic affairs by supplying a ritual hoe (badza), plus a few shillings, 'to please her ancestral guardian spirit' (sazita mudzimu).4 Her father and mother then announce the marriage to the spirit community, dedicate the hoe, and ask their family spirits to protect the

3 In former times Goba headmen did not count eloped couples and absent labour migrants as village a suitor among their residential followers until he members even before tsambo has been delivered. had paid tsambo. This severs his residential connec- This practice has been followed in enumerating tion to his mother's compound and fixes his position residence in Table II. as a junior member of his wife's compound where 4 Some women have two or more family spirits his behaviour is supervised by the fathers-in-law to be recognized. In childhood everyone is given the who control the circulation of tsambo and consented name of an ancestor whose spirit (sazita mudzimu) to the marriage. But because modem elopement acts as a guardian for all its namesakes. In addition damages are usually satisfied over a period of years older women sometimes inherit the spirit of a de- interspersed by many visits to the wife's village, ceased sibling or ancestor of the same sex (mudzimu headmen now tend to overlook this and count re nhaka).


THE GOBA OF THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY couple and their house. Henceforth the couple will depend upon her parents to com- municate with her family spirits on their behalf and this is still an important sanction, for it is believed that the spirits will attack her and the children, causing illness or death and casting blame on the husband, if things go wrong with the service or payments. And as he is a junior member of their extended family household at this stage in the marriage, it is thought that her family spirits can also attack her husband. To be sure, the husband has a protective spirit from his own family which can be invoked on his behalf by a senior member of his own consanguineal descent group. But until his status improves and he becomes head of his own independent household, his guardian spirit is believed to be a relatively weak one attached to him since the days of his childhood and therefore inadequate to protect him from the adult demands of his in-laws. Moreover, his own family spirits are likely to side with those of the in-laws if he fails to perform his marital duties in a trouble-free manner. The spiritual sanctions of the wife's family are therefore particularly strong at this stage. For example, if the wife should die the husband enters a period of ritual pollution during which his activities are restricted until his in-laws co-operate by removing his wife's spirit from his own (kuchenesa). A special payment may be required for this service, especially if an unpopular son-in-law has been implicated in the death. The marriage hoes that symbolize a groom's general dependence upon his wife's people are known as hoes of the realm (mapadza re nyika) and they should be as ancient as possible. Pre-Colonial iron hoes smelted locally or obtained in trade are still preferred. Owing to their scarcity they may now be obtained from any quarter available and are often purchased for about L2.

In former times the hoes were supplied by the husband's sponsor, with much the same significance as tsambo. Together with a reed mat or two, some small stock, and an indefinite period of uxorilocal service, the mapadza or hoes completed the sequence of transactions necessary to establish a marriage. However, as wealth in cash increased and came to be valued for its own sake, the mats and small stock gradually gave way to a cash equivalent known as pfuma or lobola in simulation of the bridewealth, especially cattle, used in marriage contracts among highland Shona and Ndebele groups. Traditional older men disinclined to seek wage work naturally preferred to observe the mapadza customs in their own marriages but some men over 60 were found to have paid an average of ?6 to ?7 for pfuma. Most men from 40 to 6o had paid from ?L I to ?I2 and cash pfuma is now expected in all marriages. The amount now seems to have stabilized at ?9 to ?Io for the average villager though shopkeepers may be asked to pay as much as 5 5.

Some fathers-in-law like to minimize the cash claims made in their daughters' marriages in hopes of cementing their bond with her husband and keeping the couple at home permanently. But others are out to maximize their cash income from the marriage cycle and they usually accomplish this by inflating their claims for elopement damages rather than pfuma. Elopement damages are set higher thanpfuma for a number of reasons. High damages can be set with relative impunity and they lengthen the suitor's period of dependency. During this time he may be pressured for gifts while the girl is still not irrevocably committed and the suitor may be re- jected in court with no abatement of the claim. But after paying damages the husband is likely to be less tractable in the face of a sizable demand forpfuma, especially if

53


54 BRIDESERVICE, RESIDENCE, AND AUTHORITY AMONG damages were high. Once pfuma has been paid the husband is at last head of his own household. His personal spiritual protection is then stronger in relation to the influence of his in-laws and he can address the spirit community on behalf of himself and the children. And upon payment ofpfuma the children are ritually severed from their mother, formally filiated with father's descent group in addition to mother's, and the mother's kin may thereafter be replaced by the patrikin as the children's intercessors with the spirits. Should the wife die after the payment ofpfuma, her kin are obliged to purify her husband and terminate the marriage without any further com- pensation. Should the husband die his wife and household are inherited by a member of his own descent group signalled by those who provided his tsambo beads. The payment of pfuma thus bespeaks the younger family's potential spiritual and residential independence should the father-in-law's behaviour seem too harsh. The government courts are relatively conservative about the size ofpfuma, which must be returned if the marriage is dissolved. By the time pfuma becomes an issue the wife, children, and mother-in-law are likely to side with the husband in tempering the father-in-law's demands if a large claim threatens to destroy the unity of the matrilocal extended family.

While mapadza firmly establishes the marriage and pfuma increases a husband's rights and independence, the remaining tokens have been more in the nature of closing prestations designed to mark the end of the cycle. Muchato was introduced in the early days of the British Colonial Administration. As touring District Officers passed through their large districts in the rugged valley and attempted to collect their annual tax many men evaded them by alleging residence in some remote village, perhaps in another district, where their wives lived. In addition, service husbands complained about their endless 'slavery'. The administrators attempted to stabilize the taxpaying population and deal with tax evasion and alleged slavery by issuing a receipt witnessed by the husband, wife, and father-in-law in cases where the marriage cycle had been completed. This gave the union something of the flavour of a registered marriage and came to be known as muchato. This frequently required the father-in-law's co-operation in making a lengthy trip to the nearest administrative post and in return he required some clothing gifts from town, perhaps a few shillings, a goat, or some beer to leave a good taste in his mouth. In many cases this step might be avoided if the son-in-law decided to cast his lot permanently with the affines and in such amicable situations it has not been unknown for a sister to be provided to replace a deceased wife. Even after muchato has been provided in her marriage the youngest daughter is expected to remain with her ageing parents.

After muchato the husband might offer to pay 5s. to Ios. as 'money for taking the wife away' (mutsimutso or nhakura), should he decide to join the original tsambo pro- vider, or some other sponsor who seemed significant by that time, or if he simply wished to increase his bargaining power among his wife's people. Especially before the development of a significant cash pfuma the father-in-law might use spiritual sanctions to delay acceptance of mutsimutso for some time. An offer to pay mutsimutso was most likely to be pressed in cases where the husband had a chance to succeed to an important kinship position in another village. Failing that, this final payment might be foregone though if a father-in-law was weak a husband might simply take his wife and children away with no further ceremony.


THE GOBA OF THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY Both muchato and mutsimutso are probably things of the past. Before the develop-

ment of a sizable cash pfuma the son-in-law incorporated as a junior member of his wife's residential compound by the ceremony of the hoe might eventually be adopted into his wife's family, much as a 'slave' might have been, and his period of uxorilocal service might continue indefinitely unless the father-in-law could be induced to accept muchato and mutsimutso. The final steps in the cycle were important. Without them the children of many men felt themselves closer to the descent group of the mother's father, mother's brother, or other maternal kinsman who looked after their mother's interests and they tended to take their descent names and praise names5 from this source of patronage rather than from their father. But now that a sizable bridewealth equivalent has been established this practice has been modified. The matrikin still command prime loyalties but once the father has paid pfuma the children take descent and praise names from their father's kin group and the final closing tokens are likely to be ignored.

RESIDENCE

Data concerning the residence of persons at successive stages in their lives are presented in Table II. Of course the majority of children live with their parents (8I per cent). The remaining residential ties of children illustrate their distribution upon separation or death of the parents or the need of an elder for company. Whether a divorced or deceased father has completed his marriage cycle or not, most unmarried children remain with the mother or their matrikin.

The Goba male who marries for the first time in his mid to late twenties can expect to leave his father-in-law by age 38 if he wishes. Although this age varies widely among individuals, 74 per cent of men under the age of 40 still find their choice of residence determined primarily by the rule of uxorilocal marriage. And as Table I indicates, most men under 40 are still in the early stages of their marriage cycles and deeply involved in labour migration. The significance of these figures may be made clearer if we remember that the life expectancy for a male live-birth in Zambia is probably of the order of 32 to 3 3 years, rising to about 5 z years for those who survive to age o. Comparable figures for women are 35 and 53 (Coale and Demeny, I966). Sufficient data are available to establish that at least 5 per cent of these uxorilocal males under 40 in Table II had married into unrelated families frequently some dis- tance from their homes. Because the service period can be long and difficult for a husband many men prefer to marry available women within their home communities or, failing that, related women in other villages where they can expect greater kind- ness and easier terms from kinsmen and family friends.

The marriage pattern is illustrated in Table III. An analysis of 217 marriages of men of all ages in which the pattern of kinship and residence were well known to the investigator revealed that 5 3 per cent were kin marriages. And in Table II at least 29 per cent of husbands under 40 whose residence is primarily determined by the rule of uxorilocal marriage are known to have improved their situation by marrying related women or neighbours in 'home' villages. Since uxorilocal residence im- mediately after marriage is still universal and generally prolonged for the average

s I am following Bourdillon (1972) in referring to the Shona mutupo as a praise name rather than a clan or clan name.

55



TABLE II

The Goba residence pattern Men under age 40

Principal Number Percentage residence tie of cases marrying kin'

self S D B 7 57 z MB 4 I00 MF I M II 91 M&F I9 20% 95 F Io 40 uxor. 146 = 74% 29

Total 198 42

Women under age 35

Principal Number residence tie of cases

D B 5 Z I MB 4 MM I M 328 M&F I04 86% F I8J H I5 = i5%

Total I80

Men over age 40


self 5 S 2 D 2 B1 5 )14% B 8 )4% 38 MB 6 MF M 18 i M & F 42 51% 48 F 21 43 uxor. 41 = 26% 24

Total I6o 28

Women over age 3 5


D 4' 27 B I5 I9% Z 7 MB 4/ MM M 27 41 M&F 30 46% 57 F 14 2I H 54 = 35% 9

Total 155 26

Unmarried children

Principal Number residence tie of cases

MM & MF I7 B 5 Z I MB 21 I MZ 2 M 6I) M & F 557= 81% F i6 FZ 2 FM5

Total 687

Note I: 'kin' refers to categories II, II, and IV in Table III.


THE GOBA OF THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY

TABLE III

The Goba marriage pattern (Sample of 217 marriages of men of all ages)

Number of marriages Percentage

I. Marriages to strangers among whom no kin ties were recognized at the time of inquiry

II. Marriages to village kin associated with the village who were either unrelated people living in the village or assumed to be distant kin whose ties were no longer traced precisely

mI. Marriages to distant kin generally in or near the village where a clear and con- sistent tie could not be established but where kinship is undoubted

IV. Marriages to specifiable kin in or near the village where precise ties were recognized as follows:

Married his real or classificatory:

z Z ZD

MBD= D MZD = Z

MZDD = ZD MZSD = D

MMBD = D MMBDD = DD MMBSD = SD

MMZDD = Z MMZDSD = D

MMZSD = D MFZSD = D

FBD = Z FBSSD = SD

FZD = ZD FZDD = ZD FZSD = Z FFZD = ZD

FFZDD = Z FMZSD = Z

FMZSDD = ZD FMZDD = Z

FMZDDD ZD FMBDD = DD

FMMZDDD = Z FFMBSSD = D

Before marriage he called her: hanzadzi muzukuru mwana hanzadzi muzukuru mwana mwana muzukuru muzukuru hanzadzi mwana mwana mwana hanzadzi muzukuru muzukuru muzukuru hanzadzi muzukuru hanzadzi hanzadzi muzukuru hanzadzi muzukuru muzukuru hanzadzi mwana

102 47

Io%

21

I2%

26, \

8 3

I3 8 2 I I I 2 I I I I I I

9 2

3 I I I I I I I I

685

217

k3I%

53

I00

57

\ =


58 BRIDESERVICE, RESIDENCE, AND AUTHORITY AMONG villager, the matrilocal extended family is the most stable unit in social life and uterine ties are both important and plentiful. As a result a significant number of men aiming to practise local endogamy marry their matrikin. Not counting marriages to 'sister' and 'sister's daughter', 55 per cent (32 of 57) of the marriage to specifiable kinswomen in Table III are to matrikin, for example. Of course the prevalence of in-marriage makes its possible to redefine many matrilateral links as patrilateral ones and vice versa. Marriage to a kinswoman in the home community is the preferred pattern as it obviates the need to leave it during an extended period of brideservice; failing that it is easier for a man to bring his wife back to his childhood surroundings of parents, siblings, and matrikin at an early age if his wife is a relative and feels that she too has made a good marriage among her own people. With the exception of a full sister or mother, a man may marry any other kinswoman. While no preferences are expressed it is still particularly prestigeful in village circles to marry one's half or classificatory sister. As Table II suggests, if a man is to escape uxorilocal residence among relative strangers before the age of 40, local endogamy and the practice of marrying kinswomen have been the likeliest solutions.

Men over 40 still exhibit a significant tendency towards uxorilocality as the prime mover in their choice of residence (26 per cent in Table II). Like younger men, many of these uxorilocal husbands have improved their situation by marrying kinswomen (24 per cent) and in any event many older men decide to remain permanently with their affines, especially if they have no attractive collection of matrikin to return to. But compared to younger men, most men over 40 have finished their service cycle and labour migration tours (see Table I). Many more men over 40 have had time to rejoin the compounds of one or both parents (5 per cent in Table II) or to reunite with a sibling (14 per cent), while a few go to other villages as relative strangers or join their offspring in old age.

Most women under 35 are still residentially tied to their parents (86 per cent) or other close uterine kin. Women begin to be taken away by their husbands at an average age of 3 3 but even in older age the majority of women live with their parents (46 per cent) or close uterine kin (19 per cent). This of course is the preferred life for a woman and marriage to a kinsman or neighbour increases the chances that her spouse will not want to take her away to live with strangers in her old age.

AUTHORITY

When they are still young, dependent children are under the immediate control of their mother and father who handle most daily household problems and, especially for daughters, this dependence upon parents continues up to the time thatpfuma has been accepted in their own marriages. Before that time the children are more likely to turn to their father with their problems than at any other time in their lives because a father who has finished his own marriage cycle is always head of his own household. Daughters are not detached from the father until their pfuma has been received. Meanwhile until he has deliveredpfuma in his own marriage a son continues to depend upon his father and father-in-law.

Afterpfuma has been paid over for a daughter she and her children are still members of the father's kin group (mugowa) but now the strength of her attachment to her mother's kin group emerges more clearly. After all in most cases her children like


THE GOBA OF THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY 59 herself, her sisters, and her mother's sisters have spent their formative years and in- deed the bulk if not all of their lives among their mothers' matrilateral kin. Compared with virilocal and patrilineal Plateau Shona who marry with cattle, Goba local units are based upon a nucleus of mothers, sisters, and daughters and their descendants of both sexes. It is largely to their children, the vazukuru, that wealth and social position are handed down when male household heads die and family estates are given over to a successor. The Goba point out that many fathers are mere strangers, present in their wives' villages only for marriage while the dominant, generally co-resident matrikin 'eat nothing' from a daughter's marriage payments though she has lived and may continue to live among them. Once pfuma has been settled in her marriage a daughter's frame of reference widens as her status grows from that of dependent junior member of her father's household to that of full adult member of her matrilateral descent group (mugowa) which is likely to control the entire village. She is also forced to think of her children's position as they are likely to find their loyalties divided between her own mugowa, which supports her, and that of her husband who generally wants to take his wife and children away if he is a stranger in the village. Especially after pfuma has been delivered for her, a woman is likely to heed the authority of her mother's father, if he is still alive, her mother's brother, mother, or senior brother with the father's authority running second particularly if he has no close ties with the mother's descent group.

A corresponding pattern holds true for a son. After he delivers pfuma his father-in- law's hold is relaxed and a son's children's loyalties are then mainly divided between their father and his matrilateral descent group and that of their mother. In their own youth his children are likely to consider their mother's mother's brother, mother's father, or mother's senior brother as their chief authority figure while the father occupies a marginal position and, being younger, is generally away seeking wage work. As they progress further in the life cycle the children are ever more likely to recognize and identify with a senior male matrikinsman as head of their descent group unless the father belongs to a strong mugowa of his own and has been able to take his family home while he is still young or has been able to marry and live within it in the first place.

Even before he marries and leaves the family compound, a son begins to assume a certain brotherly concern for his sisters' welfare. As he grows older he begins to take the father's place when necessary, in normal Shona fashion, and this informal patrilineal succession may be of more than token significance if there are many fertile sisters to look after and if the father is a 'stranger' from a distant section of the chieftaincy so that his genealogical superiors (father's father and father's mother's brother) and other potential successors (father's brother, his sisters' sons and other sons) are unable to look after minor problems on a regular basis. All sons represent and eventually replace the father in this manner, at least on a situational basis in con- junction with other successors, including the father's brother or father's sister's son who eventually inherits father's household estate. Personal dominance, relative age, and accidents of early death usually determine which son shall have senior fraternal responsibility for his sisters and their families and if a son is ever to break away from his in-laws and amass an independent residential following larger than his own extended family its nucleus is likely to be a married sister. As he grows older his main source of support will probably continue to consist of a co-resident sister


6o BRIDESERVICE, RESIDENCE, AND AUTHORITY AMONG along with her co-resident daughters and his own. This residential core, or minimal mugowa, is about all most independent men have been able to amass in the relatively short time left after the marriage cycle is ended. With such a following a son may become head of his own village section and be a welcome ally of competing headmen.

Much more influence can be attained by a son who succeeds to a position of authority among his mother's kin, especially if they control an important headmanship; most of his real and classificatory sisters, women of his mother's generation and other matrikin are likely to be gathered together by the combined forces of uxorilocal marriage, matrilocal residence, and the largely matrilineal processes of succession and inheritance. Succession to the position of a mother's brother can be an important step in such circumstances inasmuch as it tightens a man's hold over his immediate circle of sisters and daughters while adding influence over women of his mother's generation, their wider circle of descendants, and other of the mother's brother's former dependants.

Effective succession to the critical position of senior mother's brother in a major descent group is keenly contested in a system where co-resident blocks of sisters are linked together by matrilateral ties. Nevertheless the Goba still prefer patrilineal succession in matters affecting a descent group as a whole. The sister's son whose father was a 'village kinsman' or close member of the mother's descent group and, preferably, the sister's son who is also an actual or classificatory son of the mother's brother has a competitive advantage over the sister's son whose father was merely an uxorilocal 'stranger'. The candidate who succeeds a key mother's brother as a son as well as a sister's son may achieve effective positional succession as a leader of the descent group to the exclusion of the sister's son who succeeded the mother's brother as a compound head at the time his household estate was settled. Succession by men who follow their parents in marrying close relatives, who can therefore remain in or near their base of support in a home village, and who can trace claims to positions within the kindred through both their mothers and fathers, represents the preferred mode of succession in major matters. In view of their patrilineal traditions and largely matrilineal practices this has been the only way a man can succeed to major positions of authority among the Goba. In the case of an important succession, such as a major headmanship or chiefship, where the descent group is unusually large, influence over the various blocks of sisters likely to be involved usually has to be shared with other more closely related brothers and mother's brothers and as time passes fresh in- marriages tend to bring peripheral sorority groups back into closer contact with the central descent group factions. Finer rank distinctions between competing mother's brothers within the descent group are based upon positional succession and manceuvrings for genealogical seniority, but in general men related to the 'original' chief or headman through an uninterrupted line of men rank ahead of those have to utilize one or more uterine links. Table IV illustrates the pattern of succession to positions of authority.

DISCUSSION The Goba brideservice system exerts a substantial influence on the individual's life

cycle, directly encouraging a high rate of labour migration and influencing experience throughout much of the individual's life span, as we have seen. In a region where life


THE GOBA OF THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY 61 expectancies are short, a considerable number of men in the 40 to 49 age-group are still involved with the brideservice cycle in their own marriages. The brideservice system also has a substantial impact on the residence pattern and through it the descent pattern. While the father's kin are still referred to as comprising a rudzi, the word for patriline among neighbouring cattle-owning Shona, uxorilocal residence

TABLE IV

The locus of authority

Descent group leaders Adult Informants whose marriage (Nhundu heads) informants cycle is incomplete

IMMMBSS = MB I 2MMF- MMB- MB 2 I 4 MMB- MMBS = MB 2 3 MMB- MMBZS = MB I MFMBS - MB I MF- MFBS- MB I I MF MB 2 I I 2 MB 27 40 27 22 MB- MBS = MB 2 2 I M 3 MZ= M I MB-B= MB 2 4 MB-> self (male speaker) 5

3MB- self- ZS = MB I 3MB- self-- S =MB I

Totals 46 53 3 32

F I 7 7 10 F- FZS= F 2 5 FMB -F I FF I FZ I F-B=F I

Totals 4 13 8 I I

= means 'terminological equivalent'. 2 = means 'succeeded by'. 3 Anticipatory succession as indicated by two old men.

and succession by sisters' children have broadened the Goba rudzi into a patrilateral descent group. The minimal effective descent group that crystallizes out of the pre- vailing residence pattern is the nhundu whose primary reference is to the 'dependent family members' or vazukuru. The nhundu is normally the unit composed of a brother who looks after the interests of his co-resident sisters and their co-resident married daughters. Ambitious men seek to gain influence over as many such units as possible via the force of personality, the application of religious sanctions, and manceuvrings for seniority on the kinship grid. A larger collection of such followers, not all of whom need be co-resident, is called the mugowa, chipani, or tsaka. In practice the


62 BRIDESERVICE, RESIDENCE, AND AUTHORITY AMONG mugowa is actually a bilateral kindred although the Goba conceptualize it in dual terms as a house or set of uterine kin who are looked after by a line of in-marrying father's sons.

Richards (1950: 208) has demonstrated how variations in family structure in Central Africa 'depend largely on the nature of the marriage contract and the extent to which the husband is able to gain control over his wife' and children. She found the rule of residence at marriage to be the most important index of the husband's status. In keeping with this, kugarira or prolonged uxorilocal brideservice has been an influential institution among the Goba in both personal and structural terms. It has also been a key characteristic traditionally used to distinguish the poor lowland Goba from more powerful Shona-speaking groups on the Southern Rhodesian highlands. In pre-Colonial times the manual labour of service husbands and dependent sisters' children (vanyai) in the family compounds was augmented by their activities as hunters, raiders, and traders and this service or tribute was an important element in the hierarchical political structure of the Shona confederacies in the Zambezi Valley and in the prazo system developed by the Portuguese. Today, in an entirely different political context, the kugarira system continues to characterize the Goba but because it has been monetized through labour migration remittances from a money economy the modern Goba brideservice system now generates a cash flow rivalling that of some bridewealth-paying groups.

Regardless of the wider political context, as long as a society remains kin-oriented it would seem that some culturally approved form of commensurate value must be exchanged in order to detach a wife from her family of orientation. The Goba have learned to value money and today the Goba male can expect to pay a total ranging from ?26 to as much as ?130 for his first wife, though the average village husband pays something of the order of ?40 and his father-in-law may have to wait some twelve years to receive all of it. Unlike the Goba, other Zambezi Valley groups such as the Tavara and Valley Korekore of Southern Rhodesia and the Valley Tonga of Zambia have used the growing wealth obtainable from migrant labour to convert their former uxorilocal brideservice systems6 into patrilocal bridewealth systems. Like the Goba the Tavara used to marry uxorilocally in the absence of cattle, marry close relatives, and inherit the praise names of their matrikin but all this is being replaced as the Tavara, like the Valley Korekore, seek to copy the more general and prestigious Shona practice of substantial bridewealth followed by patrilocal residence. No figures are available for Tavara bridewealth but the Valley Korekore paid some ?C35 as of I963-4 (Bourdillon I972; Garbett, 1967). The Tavara and Valley Korekore use the practices of neighbouring highland Shona groups as standards in evaluating their own performances whereas the Zambian Goba have used the obvious matrilineal aspects of their social behaviour to imitate their own prestigeful neighbours, the matrilineal Plateau Tonga of Zambia with whom they intergrade. But in recent years both the Plateau and Valley Tonga of Zambia have themselves taken up bridewealth and developed a patrilocal residential bias. No recent figures are available for the Plateau Tonga but the Middle River Valley Tonga had established bridewealth

6 That the Valley Tonga of Zambia formerly Tour Reports, Gwembe, dating from colonial times. practised uxorilocal brideservice on a large scale is These documents are on file in the Zambian National reported in the unpublished District Notebook and Archives, Lusaka.


THE GOBA OF THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY and damages averaging some ?50 by I963 (Colson, 1971). It seems clear that this Tonga precedent together with government efforts to eradicate tsetse, introduce cash cropping, and eliminate local poverty will eventually lead to a more obvious asser- tion of patrilineal ideals among the Zambian Goba, especially once border problems limiting freedom of travel between Zambia and Southern Rhodesia have been resolved.7

REFERENCES BOURDILLON, M. F. C. 1972. 'The Manipulation of Myth in a Tavara Chiefdom', Africa xlii. 2: 112-21. BULLOCK, C. I928. The Mashona, Cape Town: Juta. COALE, A. J., and DsmENt, P. 1966. Regional Model Life Tables and Stable Populations. New Jersey: Princeton

University Press.

7 This reassertion of patrilineal practices among the Goba will probably occur through slight changes in the normal composition of the residential nhundu, the critical local unit in Goba social organization. From the viewpoint of its male leader the residential nhundu is most commonly composed of dependent sisters' children (vazukuru), as described earlier, though his own set of descendants and those of his brothers are also recognized as vazukuru who com- prise a nhundu. In localities where cattle survive and wealth accumulates from growth of the herd, income from ploughing services, and the higher crop yields obtainable from ploughed fields, a father can help his son terminate the marriage cycle earlier, young men with growing families tend to live with their fathers, and the nhundu of descendants stemming from a father can become an important factor in village organization. This is also noticeable in villages where a dominant father is able to control the cash savings of migrant sons or sons getting involved in local cash cropping. As acceptable bride-wealth and patrilocal residence increase the patrilateral nhundu assumes greater importance in the local-level competition for residential followers. For example, among the pre- dominantly patrilocal Middle River Valley Tonga the patrilateral lutundu (Tonga for nhundu) is a key institution (Lancaster, x966). A large group of Middle River Valley Tonga were resettled among the Zambian Goba in I957-8 in connection with the Kariba Hydro-Electric Power Project. Presumably they will influence Goba hoping to assimilate as Tonga. Of course the uxorilocal Goba have long recognized the usefulness of in-marriage combined with control of the patrilateral nhundu as a device for constituting a meaningful patriline.

In this connection it may be of interest to note that an historical understanding of the dynamics underlying Goba social organization may shed some light on the unusual 'double descent' of the Ila originally studied by Smith and Dale (I968 [I920]) and later reanalysed by Richards (1950). To re- capitulate briefly, a father-son nhundu (lutundu in Tonga) becomes localized and important among the Goba as the wherewithal for acceptable bride payments increases. We then find patrilocal residence

upon marriage or fairly soon thereafter. This results in a patrilocal extended family, or nhundu, which is in effect a localized patriline superimposed upon a matrilineal framework supplied by the matrilateral kindred, or mugowa, most of whose members are usually dispersed. Because of local variations in wealth, personality, and other factors, a localized nhundu or 'minimal' mugowa composed of a woman and her co-resident married daughters and grand- daughters may also be found, so that both patrilineal and matrilineal groups can emerge from a kinship nexus that is essentially bilateral. In the circumstances a Goba male can succeed to kinship positions both through his father and mother's brother. This would appear to fit Richards's description of Ila social organization rather than that of the Goba if we substitute the Ila term lunungu for nhundu or lutundu to refer to the Ila cattle inheritance unit and the Ila term mukoa for mugowa. Field research is needed to verify this hypothesis, of course. And it must be remembered that in common with many Central African peoples the Ila have been amor- phously organized politically so that rather than representing a neatly bounded and homogeneous ethnic unit the Ia label has probably been applied to peoples occupying somewhat different environ- ments who may therefore be expected to display varying social patterns. However, the hypothesis may be favoured by the fact that there has been historical contact between the Ila and the Goba. The Ia appear to have migrated west along the Zambezi to reach their home in the Kafue basin and in the nineteenth-century, if not earlier, the Goba along the lower Kafue River near its junction with the Zambzsi intergraded with the Ila. Smith and Dale included the population of the Kafue-Zambezi confluence among their Ila-speaking peoples. One major difference between the Ila and the Goba, of course, is that the Goba have been known for their posses- sion of few if any cattle, so that only a thin father-son patriline of in-marrying mothers' brothers exists to look after a descent group core composed of co- resident descendants of female agnates. The Ila, in contrast, are known for their large cattle herds and localized cattle-holding patrilines.

63


THE GOBA OF THE ZAMBEZI VALLEY COLSON, E. I971. The Social Consequences of Resettlement. Kariba Studies IV. Manchester: Manchester Uni-

versity Press. GARBETT, G. K. I966. 'Religious Aspects of Political Succession among the Valley Korekore (N. Shona)',

In E. Stokes and R. Brown (eds.), The Zambesian Past. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 967. 'Prestige, Status, and Power in a Modem Valley Korekore Chiefdom, Rhodesia', Africa, xxxvii.

3: 307-26. HOLLEMAN, J. F. I969. Shona Customary Law. Manchester: Manchester University Press (reprint of I952

original). KAY, G. 1967. A Social Geography of Zambia. London: University of London Press. LANCASTER, C. S. I966. 'Reciprocity, Redistribution and the Male Life Cycle: variations in Middle River

Tonga social organization', African Social Research, 2: I39-57. - I97I. 'The Economics of Social Organization in an Ethnic Border Zone: the Goba (Northern Shona)

of the Zambezi Valley', Ethnology, IO: 445-65. n.d. 'Ethnic Identity, History, and "Tribe" in the Middle Zambezi Valley'.

RICHARDS, A. I. I950. 'Some Types of Family Structure amongst the Central Bantu'. In A. R. Radcliffe- Brown and D. Forde (eds.) African Systems of Kinship and Marriage, London: Oxford University Press.

SCHAPERA, I. I929. 'Matrilocal Marriage in Southern Rhodesia', Man 29: II3-17. SMITH, E. W., and DALE, A. M. 1968. The Ila-Speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia (reprint of 1920 original).

New York: University Books.

Resume PRESTATIONS EN NATURE, RESIDENCE ET AUTORITEI PARMI LES GOBA

(N. SHONA) DE LA VATLL,TA DU ZAMBIZE LES Goba de langue Shona de la vallee du Zambeze qui habitent pres de l'affluent de la riviere Kafue en Zambie occupent une region infestee par la mouche tse-tse qui detruit le cheptel. Contrairement aux autres groupes Shona des hautes terres de la Rhodesie du Sud qui epousent traditionnellement des femmes dotees de cheptel et qui sont patrilineaires et patrilocaux, les Goba, eux, pratiquent une forme de mariage comportant des prestations en nature effectuees dans la residence de la future femme, vivent en vastes families matrilocales et observent a la fois des regles de descendance matrilineaires et patrilineaires.

La migration de la main-d'ceuvre comportant une retribution en especes ont quelque peu, ces dernieres annees, mis en echec le travail manuel effectue par le fiance dans les champs de la famille de sa fiancee, mais les Goba, qui sont peu nombreux en Zambie, ont conserve quelques traits essentiels de leur systeme de prestations en nature afin de faciliter l'assimila- tion avec leurs voisins Tonga matrilineaires qui constituent le groupe ethnique dominant en Zambie du Sud.

64


Article Contentsp. 46p. 47p. 48p. 49p. 50p. 51p. 52p. 53p. 54p. 55p. 56p. 57p. 58p. 59p. 60p. 61p. 62p. 63p. 64

Issue Table of ContentsAfrica: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Jan., 1974), pp. 1-4+1-116Front Matter [pp. 1-4]Daryll Forde: Further Tributes [pp. 1-10]Woman-Marriage, with Special Reference to the Loedu. Its Significance for the Definition of Marriage [pp. 11-37]An Analytical Note on the Land and Spirits of the Sewa Mende [pp. 38-45]Brideservice, Residence, and Authority among the Goba (N. Shona) of the Zambezi Valley [pp. 46-64]Youths as Elders and Infants as Ancestors: The Complementarity of Alternate Generations, Both Living and Dead, in Tiriki, Kenya, and Irigwe, Nigeria [pp. 65-70]Arabic Literacy among the Yalunka of Sierra Leone [pp. 71-81]Meeting of the Executive Council, London, 26-7 June 1973 [pp. 82-83]Notes and News [pp. 84-87]Ruth Jones, Librarian of the International African Institute, 1944-73 [p. 88]Letters to "Africa" [pp. 89-91]Reviews of BooksReview: untitled [pp. 92-93]Review: untitled [pp. 93-94]Review: untitled [pp. 94-95]Review: untitled [p. 95]Review: untitled [pp. 95-96]Review: untitled [pp. 96-97]Review: untitled [pp. 97-98]Review: untitled [pp. 98-99]Review: untitled [pp. 99-100]Review: untitled [pp. 100-101]Review: untitled [pp. 101-102]Review: untitled [p. 102]Review: untitled [p. 103]Review: untitled [pp. 103-104]Review: untitled [pp. 104-106]Review: untitled [pp. 106-107]Review: untitled [pp. 107-108]Review: untitled [p. 108]Review: untitled [pp. 108-109]Review: untitled [pp. 109-110]Review: untitled [p. 110]Review: untitled [pp. 110-111]Review: untitled [pp. 111-112]Review: untitled [p. 112]Review: untitled [pp. 112-113]Review: untitled [pp. 113-114]

Books Received [pp. 115-116]Back Matter

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Birdalservice, Residence & Authority Among the Goba of the Zambezi Valley

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