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ENSURING SAFETY AND EMPOWERMENT OF WOMEN

BANNARI AMMAN INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY SATHYAMANGALAM, ERODE (DT), TAMILNADU.

PRESENTED BY,

V.SAVITHA,

N.SARANYA,

C.YUVARAJ,

M.SURESH,

SARATH KUMAR KANNAN .K

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CONTENT

Sno Title Pno

1 PROBLEM DEFINISION 2

2 LAWS ON SEXUAL HARASSMENT 3

3 PERSONAL SAFETY AND SECURITY

3.1Situational Awareness 5

3.2 Building Community Relations 5

3.3General Security Guidelines 6

3.4Criminal Activity 6

3.5Traveling 8

3.6Walking 9

3.7Public Transportation 10

3.8Vehicle Safety and Security 10

3.9Additional Considerations for Women 13

3.10Family Members 14

3.11Fire and Electrical Safety 15

3.12Office and Residences 16

4 EMPOWERING WOMEN AS KEY CHANGE AGENTS 18

4.1 Conceptualizing women’s empowerment 18

5 CONCLUSION 25

6 REFERENCES 26

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1. PROBLEM DEFINITION

Women’s safety involves strategies, practices and policies which aim to reduce gender-based

violence (or violence against women), including women’s fear of crime.

Women’s safety involves safe spaces. Space is not neutral. Space which causes fear restricts

movement and thus the community’s use of the space. Lack of movement and comfort is a form

of social exclusion. Conversely, space can also create a sensation of safety and comfort, and can

serve to discourage violence. Therefore planning and policy around safety should always involve

and consider women.

Women’s safety involves freedom from poverty. This includes safe access to water, the existence

and security of communal toilet facilities in informal settlements, slum upgrades, gender-

sensitive Street and city design, safe car parks, shopping centers and public transportation.

Women’s safety involves financial security and autonomy. Family income plays a powerful role

in the cessation of battering. Resource accumulation and mobilization is a core strategy for

coping with abusive relationships. Similarly, women’s economic empowerment reduces their

vulnerability to situations of violence as they become less dependent on men and better able to

make their own decisions.

Women’s safety involves self-worth. In safe homes and communities, women have the right to

value themselves, to be empowered, to be respected, to be independent, to have their rights

valued, to be loved, to have solidarity with other family and community members, and to be

recognized as equal members in society.

Women’s safety involves strategies and policies that take place before violence has occurred to

prevent perpetration or victimization. This can happen by improving knowledge and attitudes

that correspond to the origins of domestic or sexual violence, such as adherence to societal norms

supportive of violence, male superiority and male sexual entitlement.

Furthermore, women’s and girls’ full participation in community life must be promoted,

partnerships between local community organizations and local governments must be pursued,

and including a full diversity of women and girls in local decision-making processes must be

promoted.

Prevention efforts involve strategic, long-term, Comprehensive initiatives that address the risk

and protective factors related to perpetration, victimization and bystander behavior

Women’s safety means a safer, healthier community for everyone. This is a participatory process

focused on changing community norms, patterns of social interaction, values, customs and

institutions in ways that will significantly improve the quality of life in a community for all of its

members.

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This is a natural by-product of efforts that attempt to address issues such as family dynamics,

relationships, poverty, racism and/or ending sexual violence.

2.LAWS ON SEXUAL HARASSMENT: INDIAN PENAL CODE

Sexual harassment of women in public places is not defined precisely under Indian law. Several

sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) deal with it in different ways, and in many cases, with

significant overlaps.

Section 292 states that that showing pornographic or obscene pictures, books or slips to a woman

or girl will draw a fine of Rs.2000 with two years of rigorous imprisonment for first offenders.

Section 298 (A) and (B) of the IPC sentences a man found guilty of making a girl or woman the

target of obscene gestures, remarks, songs or recitation for a maximum tenure of three months.

Section 354 deals with the use of criminal force against a woman with intent to outrage her

modesty, and Prescribes imprisonment of up to two years, or a fine, or both.

Under Section 509, obscene gestures, indecent body language and comments intended to ‘insult

the modesty of a woman’ carry a penalty of rigorous imprisonment for one year, or a fine, or

both.

3.PERSONAL SAFETY AND SECURITY

Each Country Office should conduct a comprehensive security assessment and develop and implement a

security strategy and general safety and security policies and procedures.

However, every CARE staff member must view safety and security as an individual responsibility and

not depend solely on the Country Office’s procedures. A staff member will gain a greater sense of

security and self confidence by preparing ahead for a potential incident.

This presentation provides general safety and security guidelines that individual CARE staff members can

use. Most of them are common sense measures that are frequently forgotten when in an unfamiliar

environment or during crisis.

Successfully employing the safety and security measures in this chapter requires resourcefulness and

vigilance. It is hoped that by applying these measures within a framework of the Country Office security

strategy, CARE staff can prevent safety and security incidents from ever occurring. When they do occur,

the well prepared staff member can take quick and decisive action to minimize the likelihood of injury or

damage. This presentation provides information on:

Situational Awareness

Building Community Relations

General Security Guidelines

Criminal Activity

Traveling

Walking

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Public Transportation

Vehicle Safety and Security

Additional Considerations for Women

Family Members

Fire and Electrical Safety

Office and Residences

3.1SITUATIONAL AWARENESS

Developing situational awareness by examining surroundings and potential threats is the first step in

reducing the likelihood of a safety or security incident.

Because each region poses its own unique threats, it is important to look at each region and culture with

openness and discernment.

Situational awareness in its simplest form means paying attention to your surroundings and being

sensitive to changes in them.

It begins with an understanding of the culture and history of the area and is reinforced by frequent

interaction with the local people. A Country Office can help incoming staff develop situational awareness

by compiling cultural guidelines into a single document for use during staff orientation.

It should include information on the country, the region, and the specific communities in the operational

area, as well as the following:

• The identity of the various groups within the population and possible hostile or vulnerable

groups.

• The sensitivities, policies, and capabilities of the host government.

• The relationship between local authorities and various interest groups, and the effectiveness of

local government and civil infrastructure, such as police, fire and emergency response.

• Areas of criminal activity or instability.

• Situations that may lead to tension and confrontations among different factions.

3.2BUILDING COMMUNITY RELATIONS

Experienced field workers understand the value of protection provided through building positive rapport

and good relations with the local population.

Such positive acceptance can help reduce vulnerability, creating a buffer of neighbors committed to the

safety of staff in the event of a crisis.

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Steps to building positive community relations include:

• Do not be aloof or isolated. Interact often with neighbors and other staff.

• Consider frequenting the local social gathering places, cafes, and parks.

Families should be included as appropriate.

• Arrange an introduction to the local authorities as appropriate and build rapport with them.

• Become involved in community activities apart from work.

• If not from the area, learn the local language and practice it often. At a minimum, be aware of words or

phrases that could be offensive.

• Avoid political discussions.

• Avoid being drawn into relationships that might carry personal obligations or expectations.

• Understand local religious and cultural beliefs and practices and the various issues that may arise from

them.

“HARD TARGETS”

Aid workers are accustomed to feeling accepted and may have difficulty acknowledging that they are

under threat. They may be reluctant to adopt or adhere to necessary security procedures, leaving them

vulnerable to security incidents.

The intent of an effective safety and security program is to make workers and assets less attractive targets

– hard targets – forcing the criminal or potential attacker to look elsewhere. Aid workers do not have to

hide inside fenced compounds to be considered hard targets. Often adopting simple security measures can

deter a potential perpetrator.

Some characteristics of a hard target include:

• Inaccessible. Staff and assets are difficult to get to. The staff member rarely travels alone and assets are

out of sight, secure, or well-protected.

• Unpredictable. Staff members vary their routine, using different routes and times for daily activities

without any apparent pattern.

• Aware. Alert to surroundings, each staff member constantly maintains situational awareness and adheres

to recommended security procedures.

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• Safe habits. Everyone in the Country Office supports and maintains all safety and security policies and

procedures.

3.3GENERAL SECURITY GUIDELINES

• Take time to plan activities. Try to know the exact route before traveling.

• Dress and behave appropriately, giving consideration to local customs.

• Learn a few words or phrases in the local language to deter an offender or call for for help, such as

“police” or “fire.”

• At a new assignment, find out about local customs and behavior and potential threats or areas to avoid.

• Know the local security arrangements, such as the nearest police station, emergency contact procedures,

and potential safe areas.

• Maintain a calm, mature approach to all situations.

• Be non-provocative when confronted with hostility or potentially hostile situations.

• Be alert to the possibility of confrontation with individuals or groups. Be aware of times when crowds

can be expected, such as after religious services or sporting events.

• All international staff, family members, and visitors should register with their embassy or consulate.

They should know the telephone numbers, contact personnel, location and emergency procedures for their

embassy.

3.4CRIMINAL ACTIVITY

In recent years, criminal activity has become a significant threat to the safety of aid workers. Criminal

activity can take many forms, including armed assault, hijackings, or robbery. Be aware of the extent and

activities of organized crime and take necessary precautions (for detailed information on dealing with

specific incidents, see Chapter Five – Safety and Security Incidents).

General precautions against criminal activity include:

• Avoid tourist areas that are often favorite places for criminal activity.

• Do not display jewelry, cash, keys, or other valuables in public.

• Pickpockets often work in pairs using distraction as their basic ploy. Be aware of jostling in crowded

areas.

• When carrying a backpack or purse, keep it close to the body. Do not carry valuables in these bags;

instead, leave them in a secure place.

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• It is better to carry only a small amount of money and a cheap watch to hand over if threatened. Divide

money and credit cards between two or three pockets or bags.

3.5GENERAL GUIDELINES FOR TRAVELING

• Use hard case, lockable luggage and label it so the name and address are not easily seen.

• When traveling, leave a planned itinerary with a responsible person.

• Carry a list of emergency names, addresses, phone numbers, and the names of reputable hotels along the

route.

• When appropriate, photocopy passport and other documents and carry only the copy, keeping a second

copy at home or office. When carrying the original, consider disguising it with a plain slip-on cover.

• Country Offices should provide photo identification cards for all staff and emergency contact cards for

visitors. They can be laminated, two-sided cards with English or another UN standard language on one

side and the local official language on the reverse.

• Carry a phone card or local coins to make emergency phone calls if required.

• In public areas or on local transport, sit near other people and hold all belongings.

• Use caution when taking taxis in areas where cab drivers are known to be involved in criminal activity.

When available, take licensed taxis and always settle on the fare BEFORE beginning the trip. Have the

destination address written out in the local language to show the driver if necessary.

HOTELS

• Be sure the hotel is approved by the Country Office. If possible, contact the appropriate embassy for

security and evacuation information for that location.

• Take note if people are loitering in front of the hotel or in the lobby. Avoid hotels frequented by

criminals.

• Ask for a room between the second and seventh floors, avoiding the top floor. This minimizes unwanted

access from outside the building yet is within reach of most fire-fighting equipment.

• Be alert to the possibility of being followed to the room.

• Advise colleagues of hotel location and room number.

• Note the evacuation route in case of fire or emergency. Keep a flashlight by the bed to aid emergency

evacuation.

• Always secure doors when inside the room, using locks and security chains.

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• Examine the room, including cupboards, bathrooms, beds, and window areas for anything that appears

suspicious.

• If the room has a telephone, check to be sure it is working properly.

• Keep room curtains closed during hours of darkness.

• Do not open the door to visitors (including hotel staff) unless positively identified. Use the door

peephole or call the front desk for verification.

• When not in the room, consider leaving the light and TV or radio on.

• If available, use the hotel’s safe deposit boxes for the storage of cash, traveler’s checks, and any other

valuables. Do not leave valuables or sensitive documents in the room.

3.6 WALKING

In most settings it is possible to walk safely to and from work or on errands. Walking can help increase

exposure to the community and build acceptance, dispelling the image of the privileged aid worker taking

a vehicle everywhere.

When the situation permits walking, staff members can help increase their safety with these precautions.

• Seek reliable advice on areas considered safe for walking. Consult a local street map before leaving and

bring it along.

• Be aware of surroundings. Avoid groups of people loitering on the streets.

• If possible, walk with companions.

• Avoid walking too close to bushes, dark doorways, and other places of concealment.

• Use well-traveled and lighted routes.

• Maintain a low profile and avoid disputes or commotion in the streets.

• Never hitchhike or accept a ride from strangers.

• If a driver pulls alongside to ask for directions, do not approach the vehicle. A common criminal

technique is to ask a potential victim to come closer to look at a map.

• Carry all belongings in a secure manner to prevent snatch-and-run theft.

• If someone suspicious is noted, cross the street or change directions away from them. If necessary, cross

back and forth several times. If the person is following or becomes a threat, use whatever means

necessary to attract attention of others. Remember, it is better to suffer embarrassment from being

overcautious than to be a victim of crime.

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3.7 PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION

• Avoid traveling alone.

• Have the proper token or change ready when approaching the ticket booth or machine.

• During off-peak hours, wait for the train or bus in a well-lit, designated area.

• In areas where crime is common on public transport, especially at night, consider using a taxi instead. In

some areas, taxi use may also be dangerous but can be safer than waiting for public transport.

• Be mindful of pickpockets and thieves when waiting for transportation.

• If bus travel at night is unavoidable, sit near the driver. Avoid riding on deserted trains or buses.

• If train travel at night is unavoidable, select a middle car that is not deserted and try to sit by a window.

This provides a quick exit in the event of an accident. Alternatively, select a lockable compartment if

available.

• Leave any public transport that feels uncomfortable or threatening. After getting off any public

transport, check to be sure no one is following.

3.8 VEHICLE SAFETY AND SECURITY

Traffic and vehicle-related accidents are the major cause of injuries and fatalities among aid personnel.

Driving in unfamiliar and sometimes difficult conditions, or where traffic laws are different from what

staff members are used to, can increase the likelihood of an accident. If available and practical, all staff

members should receive driver safety training.

GENERAL GUIDELINES

• It is CARE policy for all staff members to wear seat belts at all times, in the front and rear of the

vehicle.

• Do not speed or drive too fast for conditions. Observe local driving laws and regulations.

• Take extra precautions when driving through rural villages or on undeveloped roads with pedestrians on

the roadway.

• Avoid night driving or driving alone.

• Avoid letting the fuel tank fall below half full.

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• Keep a spare vehicle key in the office. Keep vehicle and residence keys on separate key chains to reduce

additional losses during a carjacking.

• Never voluntarily carry unauthorized passengers, especially soldiers.

However, if threatened, provide the transportation.

• Keep doors locked. Open windows no more than 5 cm and only those windows near occupied seats.

• Know where the vehicle safety and communication equipment is and how

to use it. Know how to perform basic vehicle maintenance (changing a flat, checking and adding fluids,

etc.)

• Motorcycle drivers and riders should wear helmets at all times. While it is perhaps not local law,

Country Offices should encourage this safety guideline and examine insurance policies for International

staff to determine if it is a requirement for coverage.

• In remote areas or where threats may be present along the route, select primary and alternate routes.

Avoid developing patterns.

• Avoid areas with criminal activity or known threats. If possible avoid “choke points” such as narrow

alleys.

• When possible, consult with other agencies and organizations to monitor route conditions and change

routes as necessary.

• If approaching a suspicious area, stop well before the area and observe other traffic passing through it.

This is especially useful for “unofficial” or unexpected checkpoints or police roadblocks.

• Notify others of travel times, destination, and steps to take if late.

• Vehicles should be well maintained and checked daily. Safety discrepancies should be corrected before

any journey. Make a maintenance checklist and keep a copy of the checklist and maintenance schedule

with each vehicle.

• Do not travel without appropriate safety and communication equipment, such as HF or VHF radio, first-

aid kit, maps, compass, etc.

• Have travel documentation in order, including vehicle registration, inspections, and passes as required.

All drivers should have an international driver’s license or a valid license for the host country.

• Avoid transporting sensitive documents or equipment in areas prone to banditry. Arrange proper permits

for transporting items that could be interpreted as useful to combatants or terrorists.

• Mark official vehicles appropriately for the area. In most cases it is advantageous to have CARE

placards or flags clearly visible.

• Consider posting a decal on your door or window indicating guns are not permitted in the vehicle.

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CONVOY SAFETY

Traveling by convoy in two or more vehicles is often the safest way to travel in areas of conflict or high

crime. Having more than one vehicle can deter attack or provide assistance during breakdown. It may be

possible to coordinate travel with other aid organizations in the area to create convoys or accompany

security force convoys already scheduled.

In addition to the basic guidelines for transportation safety listed elsewhere, convoy travelers are

advised to consider the following:

• Identify a leader for each vehicle as well as an overall team leader to follow regarding all safety issues.

• Use a pre-planned intended route, have an alternative route, and ask local authorities about the

feasibility of those routes. Ensure availability of accommodations along the route in the event of delay.

• Leave behind a description of the intended and alternate routes and expected arrival times.

• Maintain communication between vehicles, ideally via radio, particularly between the lead and rear

vehicles. Agree on manual signals in the event of radio failure.

• Do not transmit the names of destination and convoy routes when communicating by radio; use code

words.

• Maintain an agreed-upon convoy speed.

• When necessary, notify local authorities of movements to alleviate suspicion.

• Follow in the tracks of the vehicle ahead while maintaining a distance of two to three car lengths. The

vehicle behind should always be in view.

• If required to turn back, start with the last vehicle first, and drive in reverse until it is safe for all vehicles

to turn around.

TRAFFIC ACCIDENTS

Traffic accidents involving CARE staff can be minimized by implementing defensive driver training and

other precautions, but they can never be avoided entirely. When an accident is mishandled, it can quickly

change from an unfortunate occurrence into a security risk. In extreme situations, it can trigger violence

or threats of retribution.

The following procedures are useful when involved in an accident:

• Quickly discern the attitudes and actions of people around the accident site to ensure that the staff

member is not at risk by staying.

• Do not leave the site unless staff safety is jeopardized and then only to drive to the nearest police or

military post.

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• Provide care and assistance as appropriate. As appropriate, contact local authorities immediately and

cooperate as required. Contact the Country Office as soon as practical.

• If feasible, take pictures of the scene and record the names and contact information of witnesses,

responding authorities, and those involved.

• When approaching an accident involving other vehicles consider safety and security, taking care not to

become involved in a second accident while responding.

SECURITY AT CHECKPOINTS

Checkpoints are manned by personnel with varying degrees of experience, education, or training. Regard

all checkpoints with caution, especially in the evening.

All staff should receive specific training on identifying and navigating the variety of checkpoints

encountered in a given area.

• Avoid checkpoints whenever possible. Increase attentiveness when approaching checkpoints or possible

threat areas.

• Consider later departure times to ensure others have traveled the route. When approaching a checkpoint

or threat area, if possible allow others to pass through the area and observe from a safe distance.

• Approach slowly with window slightly opened.

• At night, switch to low beams and put on the interior light.

• Be ready to stop quickly, but stop only if requested.

• Keep hands visible at all times. Do not make sudden movements.

• Show ID if requested, but do not surrender it unless it is insisted.

• Leave the vehicle only if requested. If the checkpoint is not judged to be an attempted carjacking, turn

the vehicle off and take keys. Remain close to the vehicle if possible.

• Do not make sudden attempts to hide or move items within the vehicle. High theft items, such as radios,

cameras, and computers, should always be stored in nondescript containers or kept out of sight.

• Comply with requests to search the vehicle. Accompany the searcher to ensure nothing is planted or

stolen.

• Use judgment about protesting if items are removed. Do not aggressively resist if something is taken.

Request documentation if possible.

• Do not offer goods in exchange for passage. This can make it more difficult for later travelers.

3.8ADDITIONAL CONSIDERATIONS FOR WOMEN

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Female CARE staff members should never be pressured, or allowed to forgo common sense safety

measures, to prove themselves in the field. General safety and security measures are the same for

everyone. Both men and women should review all sections of this handbook.

Additionally, women should consider the following:

• Upgrade hotel accommodations if they feel unsafe.

• For long-term housing, consider sharing a residence with another woman or living in a group home or

apartment.

• Do not use first names in the telephone book or by the entryway or doorbell.

• Do not hesitate to call attention when in danger. Scream, shout, run, or sound the vehicle horn.

• Immediately leave a location or person that feels uncomfortable.

SEXUAL HARASSMENT

In any area, sexual harassment is incompatible with providing a safe and secure working environment and

as such is unacceptable. Sexual harassment can be directed at men or women, but women are most often

the targets. Staff members should be aware when someone is focusing unwanted attention on them or

others with overt or subtle pressure or by other actions or comments.

Each Country Office will clearly post the CARE Sexual Harassment Guidelines and ensure all staff know

and comply with them.

The Country Office will investigate all sexual harassment complaints in accordance with CARE policies

and procedures.

• Exercise caution when meeting people. Arrange the meeting in a public place or with others.

3.9 FAMILY MEMBERS

Families of national and international staff are just as exposed to threats from crime and other local risks

as the staff but are often overlooked.

Including family members in a basic safety and security training program can enhance overall office

security and safety and should be part of the standard indoctrination training for all new hires.

Some procedures that should be stressed to all family members include:

• All staff members and their families should register with the appropriate embassy and know its

emergency evacuation procedures.

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• Family members should know the address and telephone numbers for the office and residence and know

how to use the local telephones, both public and private, and radios if in use.

• Family members should avoid local disturbances, demonstrations, crowds, or other high-risk areas. In

areas of significant risks the location of family members should be known at all times.

Family members should be encouraged to develop the habit of “checking in” before departure, after

arrival, or when changing plans.

• Everyone should know the personal security procedures for the region and policies and procedures in

case of natural disasters, bombings, or assault.

• Everyone should receive fire and electrical safety training and know the location of safety equipment

such as fire extinguishers.

• A Record of Emergency Data (RED) should be completed on family members as appropriate.

• Procedures for childcare should be carefully laid out, such as who can pick up children from school, etc.

3.10 FIRE AND ELECTRICAL SAFETY

Basic safety and security procedures are often overlooked in Country Offices and residences. Simple

improvements in fire and electrical safety and first aid training and procedures can safeguard all staff,

national and international, and should be the first step in any Country Office security plan.

Individual staff members, even when traveling, should make every attempt to adhere to commonsense

precautions concerning fire and electrical safety.

Staff members should take advantage of local or Country Office fire and electrical safety training and

include family members.

Safety and Security Assessment Checklist provides guidelines for ensuring a safe living and working

environment.

Minimum general guidelines include:

Fire extinguishers

Install and regularly inspect extinguishers useful for all possible fires in all vehicles, offices and

residences. Know the location of fire alarms and extinguishers, if present, in hotels, residences

and offices.

Emergency exits

Every office and residence should have a primary and secondary exit route.

Plan ahead on how to exit the office, residence or hotel room in the case of fire.

Smoking areas

Smoke only in designated areas and dispose of cigarettes properly.

Electrical safety

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The electrical condition of many Country Offices and residences can be considered poor, with overloaded

circuits, poor maintenance and inferior wiring.

This can increase the risk of electrical shock or fire. Measures to improve electrical safety include:

• Conduct regular inspections of residences and office spaces and correct electrical discrepancies.

• Locate and mark the electrical cut-off for all offices and residences. The cut-off should be kept free from

obstruction, should never be in a locked space, and everyone should be made aware of its location.

Smoke detectors

When available, smoke detectors should be placed where there is cooking or a heat source (lounges with

microwaves, coffeepots, kitchens, etc.) and by the main electrical circuit box. Detectors should be tamper

resistant, ideally using a sealed power source to prevent battery theft.

3.11 OFFICES AND RESIDENCE SAFETY AND SECURITY LOCKS AND KEYS

Having secured locks and proper key management is central to the concept of physical security. Cheap

locks are easily overcome or bypassed and secure locks are worthless if their keys are not protected from

unauthorized access.

Some general guidelines for lock and key security include:

• Keep a minimum number of keys for each lock and strictly control who has access to them. Keep

household keys separate from vehicle keys.

• Use caution when providing keys to house staff.

• Do not allow duplicate keys to be made without permission, and record who has each duplicate.

• If a key is lost under suspicious circumstances have a new lock fitted.

• Never leave keys under the mat or in other obvious hiding places.

DOORS

• Solid doors provide important protection against theft. Install a peephole, safety chain, strong locks and

bolts, lights and intercom (where appropriate) at the main entrance. Keep entrance doors locked at all

times, even when at home.

• When answering the door, identify visitors first through an adjacent window, a peephole, or a safety-

chained door.

• Use an outside light when answering the door at night to illuminate your visitor. Do not turn on the

interior light.

• Pay attention to interior doors. In some areas heavy steel internal doors can be used to create “safe

rooms” for use during emergency or criminal attack.

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WINDOWS

• Keep access windows locked whenever possible. Bars on windows can prevent unwanted entry but

ensure that proper emergency and fire exits are created. In some cases this involves certain windows fitted

with hinged bars and locks.

Those designated for emergency exit should have working locks on them with keys kept nearby in an

easily accessed and well marked location.

• After dark, keep curtains or blinds closed. Draw curtains before turning on lights and turn off lights

before drawing back curtains.

• In areas where there is a threat of violence or disaster, select offices and residences without large glass

windows and use heavy curtains over all windows.

3.12ADDITIONAL GUIDELINES FOR RESIDENCES IN INSECURE

ENVIRONMENTS

Additional security measures should be taken if located in an environment with a high crime level or

potential for insecurity or disaster.

• Know and practice the Country Office evacuation plan and ensure coordination with embassy and other

agency (UN, host nation, etc.) plans.

• Select housing as far as possible from host nation military bases.

• An apartment located above the ground or first floor is considered more secure than a single-family

dwelling.

• If multiple CARE staff families are in the same city or area, select housing that is in close proximity.

• Keep shrubbery and bushes around residences trimmed low.

• Establish a family communication and support system, especially for families of staff members who

travel often.

• Preplan for emergencies by stocking extra water, food, and supplies.

• Establish a back-up power supply if appropriate.

• Be familiar with the routes to approved hospitals or clinics.

RESIDENCE STAFF

Trustworthy and competent staff employed at private residences can contribute to security. However,

even trustworthy staff, if inadequately briefed, may unwittingly endanger the safety of the staff or family.

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Guidelines for residence staff include:

• Whenever possible, hire domestic staffs that are recommended by others.

• Thoroughly evaluate any applicant for employment. Conduct background checks as appropriate. Take

the staff member’s photograph and attach it to their personnel record.

• Give all new staff a security briefing to include guidelines for:

• Visitor procedures and unexpected visitors.

• Telephone calls and messages, including what to tell people during residence absence.

• Procedures for securing keys, windows and doors.

• Emergency procedures and emergency telephone numbers.

• Safety and security incidents, such as fire, electrical safety, or attempted robbery or attack.

• Handling family affairs, habits, and movements with discretion.

• Dismissing a residence staff person should be conducted in a timely manner, avoiding confrontation.

Financial considerations in the event of dismissal should be discussed and agreed upon when hiring.

4. Empowering Women as Key Change Agents

Women bear almost all responsibility for meeting basic needs of the family, yet are systematically denied

the resources, information and freedom of action they need to fulfill this responsibility.

The vast majority of the world's poor are women. Two-thirds of the world's illiterates are female. Of the

millions of school age children not in school, the majority are girls. And today, HIV/AIDS is rapidly

becoming a woman's disease. In several southern African countries, more than three-quarters of all young

people living with HIV are women.

The current world food price crisis is having a severe impact on women. Around the world, millions of

people eat two or three times a day, but a significant percentage of women eat only once. And, now, many

women are denying themselves even that one meal to ensure that their children are fed. These women are

already suffering the effects of even more severe malnutrition, which inevitably will be their children's

fate as well. The impact of this crisis will be with us for many years.

Studies show that when women are supported and empowered, all of society benefits. Their families

are healthier, more children go to school, agricultural productivity improves and incomes increase. In

short, communities become more resilient.

The Hunger Project firmly believes that empowering women to be key change agents is an essential

element to achieving the end of hunger and poverty. Wherever we work, our programs aim to support

women and build their capacity.

4.1 Conceptualizing women’s empowerment

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While concerns with women’s empowerment have their roots in grassroots mobilizations of various

kinds, feminist scholars helped to move these concerns onto the gender and development agenda2. Their

contributions drew attention to the unequal power relations which blocked women’s capacity to

participate in, and help to influence, development processes and highlighted the nature of the changes that

might serve to promote this capacity at both individual and collective level. There were a number of

features that distinguished these early contributions.

First of all, there was a focus on women’s subjectivity and consciousness (‘the power within’) as

a critical aspect of the processes of change.

Secondly, they emphasized the importance of valued resources (material, human as well as

social) to women’s capacity to exercise greater control over key aspects of their lives and to

participate in the wider societies (‘the power to’).

Thirdly, these contributions attached a great deal of significance to the need for women to come

together collectively as women, both to acquire a shared understanding of the institutionalized

(rather than individual and idiosyncratic) nature of the injustices they faced and to act

collectively to tackle these injustices, a challenge beyond the capacity of uncoordinated

individual action.

Processes of empowerment were seen to have a strong collective dimension (‘the power with’).

Finally, these contributions recognised that women did not form a homogenous group. Gender

inequalities intersected with other forms of socio-economic inequality, including class, caste,

race, ethnicity, location and so on, frequently exacerbating the injustices associated with them.

The widely used distinction between women’s practical gender needs and strategic gender

interests partly helped to capture some of the differences and commonalities between women

within a given context (Molyneux, 1985).

Women’s practical gender needs reflected the roles and responsibilities associated with their

position within the socio-economic hierarchy, and hence varied considerably across context,

class, race and so on. Strategic gender interests, on the other hand, were based on a deductive

analysis of the structures of women’s subordination and held out the promise of a transformative

feminist politics based on shared experiences of oppression.

As gender equality concerns began to enter the mainstream of development policy, there were

various attempts to conceptualise women’s empowerment in ways that spoke to the mainstream

policy discourse.

My own contribution to these attempts sought to translate feminist insights into a policy-oriented

analytical framework. It defined women’s empowerment as the processes through which women

gained the capacity for exercising strategic forms of agency in relation to their own lives as well

as in relation to the larger structures of constraint that positioned them as subordinate to men

(1999; 2001).

A later version of this definition sought to link change at the level of individuals with the more

collective forms of agency needed to bring about sustained structural change:

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..the conceptualisation of empowerment that informs this (research) touches on many different

aspects of change in women’s lives, each important in themselves, but also in their inter-

relationships with other aspects.

It touches on women’s sense of self-worth and social identity; their willingness and ability to

question their subordinate status and identity; their capacity to exercise strategic control over

their own lives and to renegotiate their relationships with others who matter to them; and their

ability to participate on equal terms with men in reshaping the societies in which they live in

ways that contribute to a more just and democratic distribution of power and possibilities

(Kabeer, 2008 p. 27)

The conceptualization of women’s empowerment in terms of agency proved influential in policy

circles, although with varying degrees of attention to broader structures which constrained women’s

agency.

An ICRW publication made the case that ‘economically empowering women is essential both to

realise women’s rights and to achieve broader development goals such as economic growth, poverty

reduction, health, education and welfare’ (Golla et al., 2011). According to its authors, ‘a woman is

economically empowered when she has both the ability to succeed and advance economically and the

power to make and act on economic decisions’.

UNDP (2008) sought to extend the five components outlined in the UN Task Force definition quoted

earlier to the economic sphere ‘where women’s economic empowerment can be achieved by

targeting initiatives to expanding women’s economic opportunity; strengthen their legal status and

rights; and ensure their voice, inclusion and participation in economic decision-making’ (p. 9). The

OECD-DAC Network on Gender Equality defined women’s economic empowerment as their

‘capacity to participate in, contribute to and benefit from growth processes in ways that recognise the

value of their contributions, respect their dignity and make it possible to negotiate a fairer

distribution of the benefits of growth’ (OECD , 2011 p. 6).

Finally a paper by SIDA on women’s economic empowerment defined it as ‘the process which

increases women’s real power over economic decisions that influence their lives and priorities in

society. Women’s economic empowerment can be achieved through equal access to and control over

critical economic resources and opportunities, and the elimination of structural gender inequalities in

the labour market including a better sharing of unpaid care work’ (Tornqvist and Schmitz, 2009:p. 9).

There are clear overlaps in these various efforts to conceptualise women’s economic empowerment,

with agency, choice and decision-making in relation to markets featuring as a common theme but

there are also some important differences.

First of all, there are differences in the extent to which economic empowerment is seen primarily as

an end in itself or a means to other development goals. Secondly, there are differences in whether

empowerment is defined in purely economic terms (as in the World Bank and ICRW definitions) or

whether there is scope for spill-over effects in other domains of women’s lives.

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And finally, there are differences in the role allocated to market forces in the achievement of

women’s economic empowerment. The World Bank definition suggests that it is primarily about

improving women’s competiveness in the market.

SIDA sees it as including, but going beyond, the focus on markets to considering the structural

causes of gender inequalities in access to, and control over, key economic resources and in the

distribution of unpaid, as well as paid, work: in other words, fairer competition.

In relation to this last point, I would like to return to OECD-DAC definition of women’s economic

empowerment which quotes from an earlier paper which I co-authored (Eyben et al 2008). The paper

was commissioned to explore the organisation’s pro-poor growth strategy from an empowerment

perspective. The OECD-DAC’s definition of pro-poor growth was growth which ‘enhanced the

ability of poor women and men to participate in, contribute to and benefit from growth’ (2006 p. 11).

Our elaboration of this definition was an attempt to draw attention to the importance of the terms on

which poor women – and men – engaged with market forces. The significance we attached to the

terms of engagement – and our emphasis on the importance of recognition, dignity and

transformative agency – reflected our view that purely market-generated growth could not, on its

own, generate these outcomes.

This view was based on an emerging literature on the role of market forces in perpetuating – rather

than mitigating - inequality. As the OECD report recognized, while economic growth has long been

seen as an important route to poverty reduction, there was increasing recognition that patterns of

growth mattered as much as pace. Recent studies have shown that inequalities, particularly in the

distribution of assets, influenced growth outcomes. The higher the initial level of inequalities in the

distribution of education, land or capital, the less likely it was that a particular growth path would

lead to declines in poverty (Alesina and Rodrik, 1994; Birdsall and Londono, 1997 and 1998;

Persson and Tabbelini, 1994; Deininger et al. 1998; Deininger and Olinto, 2000; Li et al. 1998).

Consequently, while markets of various kinds continue to occupy centre stage in current strategies

for economic growth, the OECD-DAC report accepted the need for specific policies to increase

people’s access to markets in land, labor and capital and for investments in basic social services,

social protection and infrastructure. However, merely increasing access to markets does not

necessarily address the terms on which poor women and men enter different market arenas or their

ability to negotiate a fairer deal for themselves. Market forces cannot on their own dissolve the

‘durable inequalities’ in rules, norms, assets and choices that perpetuate the historically established

disadvantages of certain social groups (World Bank, 2006). Rather, in the absence of offsetting

forces, they tend to reproduce these deep-seated structural inequalities, rewarding the powerful and

penalizing the weak.

Those who enter the market without assets, the world’s poor, must rely on their physical labor to

meet their daily needs. They are seldom in a position to negotiate the price of their labor or opt for

leisure if they do not receive their asking price. They rarely generate a sufficient surplus from their

labor efforts to invest in land or capital nor do they have the mental security and peace of mind to

take the risks necessary to break out of what the WDR, 2006 termed ‘inequality traps’.

Those with considerable assets at their disposal, on the other hand, are not only better able to

determine the price at which they will engage in market transactions and to take advantage of any

new opportunities that may emerge, they are also in a position to close off such opportunities to less

fortunate groups.

Market inequalities reproduce themselves because they are manifestations of underlying inequalities

of power. Those with power are better able to frame ‘the rules of the game’ to protect their own

22

privilege. Or, in many cases, to ignore the rules of the game they themselves have framed. As an

example of the former, Nyamu-Musembi (2005 ) notes that there has been far more attention to the

rights of capital than the rights of labor in the World Bank’s efforts to improve the rule of law in the

African context – and certainly very little attention to the rights of women.

And as an example of the latter, Kanbur (2009) points out that it is not the existence of regulations

alone that distinguishes the formal and informal economy in much of the developing world but the

extent to which these regulations are actually enforced. A large body of literature testifies to the fact

that labor regulations are among those most frequently violated.

Historically established inequalities in resources and opportunities persist into the present because

they are reinforced by the actions of those who hold power within a society.

The evidence that will be discussed in later sections of the paper relating to deeply entrenched gender

stratification of economic structures, continued gender inequalities in access to paid work and the

over-representation of working women in lower-paid, casual, part-time, irregular market activities

testifies to the durability of gender as a form of disadvantage, notwithstanding the fact that many

women in many different countries have benefited from economic growth and some have made their

way into the higher echelons of economic decision-making (Anker et al., 2003).

Gender inequalities in the labour market: theoretical approaches and an analytical framework

Theoretical approaches to gender inequalities in labour market outcomes can be broadly divided

into those which focus on individual choice and those which focus on structural constraint. Over

time, there has been some convergence between these approaches as social norms and other

structural constraints have been incorporated into choice-theoretic frameworks and greater

attention is paid to issues of agency within structuralist explanations - but the differences remain.

Individual choice is, of course, at the heart of neo-classical economics and is reflected in early

work on gender and labour markets. One strand of work explained gender-differentiated labour

market outcomes in terms of gender differential investments in human capital endowments,

reflecting women’s role in biological reproduction and weaker attachment to the labour market

(Polachek, 1981).

Another set of explanations suggested that gender inequalities in labour market outcomes

reflected a ‘taste for discrimination’ on the part of individual employers but that such taste were

viable only as long as markets were not competitive (Becker, 1971). A third set of explanations

focused on ‘statistical discrimination’, suggesting that, given imperfect information, employers

used aggregate group characteristics, such as group averages in education, to make judgements

about the suitability of all members of that group for particular jobs. This meant individuals

belonging to different social groups could be treated very differently even if they were identical

in every other way (Arrow, 1973).

Neo-classical economic contributions to labour market analysis largely rely on econometric

approaches to model how providers and suppliers of labour made decisions in the face of market

forces. Their work has helped to identify and measure gender discrimination but it has not provided

an understanding of the processes that give rise to it. For feminist economists, as Figart (2005) puts

it, gender is much more than a dummy variable. By way of example, she notes that the use of the

unexplained residual of the gender wage gap, after controlling for gender differences in education,

experience, skills, size of firm and other likely influences on wages, is commonly taken as a measure

23

of gender discrimination. Some economists believe that the residual could converge to zero if the

model was correctly specified. However, as Figart points out, decreasing the size of the residual by

adding further explanatory variables does not necessarily imply a reduction in gender discrimination.

It merely shifts our attention to processes of discrimination other than direct wage discrimination,

processes that operate through inequalities in access to, and control over, valued resources and

through the very different structure of opportunities/rewards facing men and women.

There has been considerable work by feminist economists in developed country contexts into the

processes of labour market discrimination, offering insights that can be extended to other contexts as

well. Bergmann’s ‘crowding’ hypothesis (1974) suggested that women and blacks were historically

confined - by social stereotyping or employer discrimination – to a narrow range of occupation.

An earlier version of the crowding hypothesis by Edgeworth (1922) had focused on the collective

action of unions in excluding women from ‘men’s work’, causing an oversupply of women and the

reduction of their wages.

Whatever the mechanisms, ‘crowding’ insulated privileged groups of workers from competition from

the rest of the workforce for the more desirable jobs in the economy.

Treiman and Hartmann (1981) were among the first to demonstrate that the percentage of an

occupation that was female was negatively associated with wages earned in that occupation.

Phillips and Taylor (1980) drew on empirical evidence to suggest that definitions of skill in the

workplace was often based on the identity of the person carrying out the jobs rather than on the

technical demands of the job: women’s work was typically designated as ‘inferior’, not because their

labour was regarded as inferior but because they were regarded as inferior bearers of labour.

For feminist economists, therefore, gender inequality in the market place could not be explained

away in terms of choices on the part of individual men and women regarding the use of their time or

the ignorance and prejudice of employers. Rather it was structured into market forces by

discriminatory practices inherited from the past as well as by the bargaining power exercised in the

present by powerful market actors pursuing their own self-interest. Employers and workers might be

engaged in a struggle over wages and working conditions but they also benefited from the exclusion

of particular groups.

Employers had an interest in exploiting gender divisions within the work force as a means of

weakening class solidarity or ensuring that some of the workforce could be treated as a ‘reserve

army’ of labour, to be drawn in or expelled as the business cycle required. Organised male workers

were able to use collective action to constitute themselves as the core The norms, values and

practices associated with the intrinsically gendered relations of family, kinship and community are

further reinforced through a second category of ‘imposed’ gender constraints which are associated

with the public domains of states and markets. Unlike the relations of family and kinship, the

institutions of states and markets are purportedly impersonal.. They become ‘bearers of gender’

(Whitehead, 1979) when they reflect and reproduce preconceived notions about masculinity and

femininity as routine aspects of their rules, procedures and practices.

For instance, many countries in the world have statutory laws which explicitly discriminate against

women. In their review of data from 141 countries in the world, the World Bank/IFC (2011) found

widespread evidence of legal differences between men and women which differentiated their

incentives or capacity to engaged in waged work or to set up their own businesses. These restrictions

ranged from the less frequently reported ones of needing husband’s permission to start a business to

24

the more frequently reported ones that differentiate access to, and control over, land and other

property.

Along with formalized gender discrimination, attitudes and behavior on the part of actors in the

public arena can further curtail women’s capacity to take advantage of economic opportunities.

Anker and Hein (1985) point out that many employers expressed a preference for male workers on

the grounds that women were seen to have a weaker attachment to the labor market, with higher rates

of absenteeism and turnover. For some jobs, however, particularly in highly competitive, labor-

intensive export sectors, the preference was for female labor because they made less trouble (Kabeer,

2000) or because they could be paid less on the grounds that they were secondary earners or merely

earning pin money (‘working for lipstick’ Joekes, 1985).

Hampel-Milagrosa (2011) reports examples of woman entrepreneurs in Ghana who were denied

business by male customers and purchasing agents on grounds of their gender. And in India,

Chhachhi and Pittin (1996) described how male workers within a factory they studied rejected the

demands of women workers for company transport to and from work as being irrelevant to the ‘real’

issue of wages – despite the fact that the women’s demands reflected the very real sexual harassment

they faced on public transport.

Gender-related constraints, both intrinsic and imposed, thus underpin many of the gender inequalities

we observe in relation to labour market processes and outcomes, including persistence in the gender

segregation of jobs. They may operate invisibly and routinely through institutionalized forms of

discrimination or more overtly through the actions of powerful individuals and groups. In addition

they may operate as feed-back mechanisms that represent rational responses to pre-existing

constraints.

For instance, customs and laws cannot be held directly responsible for the fact that women farmers

received only 3% of contracts issued by agro-processing firms for growing snow peas and broccoli,

the most important export crops in the Central Guatemala (WDR 2012); that less than 10% of women

farmers benefited from the smallholder contract-farming schemes in the Kenyan FFV export sector

(Dolan 2001); and that contract-farming schemes in China issued contracts exclusively to men (Eaton

and Shepherd, 2001). Instead, as Dolan (2001) points out, companies pursued such behaviour

because of their need to secure access to land and labor for a guaranteed supply of primary produce:

women do not generally have statutory rights over land nor do they exercise the same authority over

family labor as their husbands or brothers.

Equally there is nothing in custom or law that requires girls to be given less education than boys but

if women face poorer job prospects in the labor market relative to men, it is understandable that

parents will invest more resources in their sons’ health and education than their daughters’

particularly among poorer households with severe resource constraints. Feedback mechanisms thus

reinforce and perpetuate gender inequality over time.

There are two final points to make with regard to the structural analysis of gender inequality. The

first relates to the fact that gender is not the only form of inequality in a society. Many of the

disadvantages faced by women from low income or socially marginalized households in their

struggle to make a living are shared by men from such households but gender generally (but not

25

always) intensifies class and other forms of disadvantage in ways that will be touched on in the

paper.

And secondly, while the institutionalized nature of gender disadvantage discussed in this section is

intended to emphasize its resilience in the face of change, it is not immutable. Public policies and

public actions have made many inroads into long-standing gender inequalities of various kinds.

Indeed, they have helped to close – and in some contexts reverse – the gender gap in education noted

earlier. The discussion later in the paper of possible policies and actions that can help to promote

women’s economic empowerment is premised on the recognition that change is possible.

CONCLUSION

Gender-based violence against women is violence that is directed against a woman because she

is a woman or affects women disproportionately; it constitutes a breach of the fundamental right

to life, liberty, security, dignity, equality between women and men, non discrimination and

physical and mental integrity.

26

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