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Name(s)____________________________________________________________Dat e______________ Lincoln-Douglas Debate Packet The Lincoln-Douglas Debates were an important event in American History because through them Abraham Lincoln was introduced the people of the United States. At the start of the debates Lincoln was unknown and it was thought that he would lose by a large margin to Stephen Douglas who was one of the most well-known people in the country. We are going to analyze these debates through the eyes of the people who witnessed them. As you work through this packet please read each account carefully and fill out the assignment that goes with it. As you do this, if you desire, you may check off the circles below. You may work with a partner on this assignment if you would like. o Ottawa Debate: Read the recollections of Henry Villard & J.K. Magic. Fill out two Primary Document Deep Thinking Forms. One for Henry Villard and one for J.K. Magic. o Freeport Debate: Read the recollections of Henry Villard and Joseph Medill. Fill out two Primary Source Cartoon Strips. One for Henry Villard and one for Joseph Medill. o Charleston Debate: Read the Recollections from Henry Whitney and Lew Wallace. Fill out the 4-Column Notes paper. o Galesburg Debate: Read the recollections of Lydia Titus and Mary Boutelle. Fill out two Primary Source Document Analysis Sheets. One for Lydia Titus, One for Mary Boutelle. o Quincy Debate: Read the recollections of Carl Shurz and David Dyer. Fill out the Venn Diagram Chart. o Alton Debate: Read the recollections of Gustave Koerner and Jeriah Bonham. Fill out the K-W-L Chart. Final Assignment for the Packet: Debate Re-Creation: On the last pages of this packet you will find a script for a Lincoln-Douglas Debate. Using the knowledge that you have gained from what you have read and written down I would like you to write statements, responses & questions that Lincoln and Douglas might have said to each other. This is entirely your own creation, so have fun with it. When you have completed this, please make sure you grade your packet below and then turn it in.
Transcript

Name(s)____________________________________________________________Date______________

Lincoln-Douglas Debate PacketThe Lincoln-Douglas Debates were an important event in American History because through them Abraham Lincoln was introduced the people of the United States. At the start of the debates Lincoln was unknown and it was thought that he would lose by a large margin to Stephen Douglas who was one of the most well-known people in the country. We are going to analyze these debates through the eyes of the people who witnessed them. As you work through this packet please read each account carefully and fill out the assignment that goes with it. As you do this, if you desire, you may check off the circles below. You may work with a partner on this assignment if you would like.

o Ottawa Debate: Read the recollections of Henry Villard & J.K. Magic. Fill out two Primary Document Deep Thinking Forms. One for Henry Villard and one for J.K. Magic.

o Freeport Debate: Read the recollections of Henry Villard and Joseph Medill. Fill out two Primary Source Cartoon Strips. One for Henry Villard and one for Joseph Medill.

o Charleston Debate: Read the Recollections from Henry Whitney and Lew Wallace. Fill out the 4-Column Notes paper.

o Galesburg Debate: Read the recollections of Lydia Titus and Mary Boutelle. Fill out two Primary Source Document Analysis Sheets. One for Lydia Titus, One for Mary Boutelle.

o Quincy Debate: Read the recollections of Carl Shurz and David Dyer. Fill out the Venn Diagram Chart.

o Alton Debate: Read the recollections of Gustave Koerner and Jeriah Bonham. Fill out the K-W-L Chart.

Final Assignment for the Packet: Debate Re-Creation: On the last pages of this packet you will find a script for a Lincoln-Douglas Debate. Using the knowledge that you have gained from what you have read and written down I would like you to write statements, responses & questions that Lincoln and Douglas might have said to each other. This is entirely your own creation, so have fun with it. When you have completed this, please make sure you grade your packet below and then turn it in.__________/40 Ottawa Debate Deep Thinking Forms

__________/40 Freeport Debate Cartoon Strips

__________/20 Charleston Debate 4-Column Notes

__________/40 Galesburg Debate Primary Document Analysis

__________/20 Quincy Debate Venn Diagram

__________/20 Alton Debate K-W-L Chart

__________/20 Lincoln-Douglas Debate Re-Creation

__________/200 Total Score for the entire packet

All Primary Source Documents were accessed from the website: http://housedivided.dickinson.edu/debates/research.html

Ottowa Debate-August 21, 1858Recollection of Henry VillardThe first joint debate (in the famons series of seven) between Douglas and Lincoln, which I attended, took place on the afternoon of August 21, 1858, at Ottawa, Illinois. It was the great event of the day, and attracted an immense concourse of people from all parts of the State. Douglas spoke first for an hour, followed by Lincoln for an hour and a half; upon which the former closed in another half hour. The Democratic spokesman commanded a strong, sonorous voice, a rapid, vigorous utterance, a telling play of countenance, impressive gestures, and all the other arts of the practised speaker. As far as all external conditions were concerned, there was nothing in favor of Lincoln. He had a lean, lank, indescribably gawky figure, an odd-featured, wrinkled, inexpressive, and altogether uncomely face. He used singularly awkward, almost absurd, up-and-down and sidewise movements of his body to give emphasis to his arguments. His voice was naturally good, but he frequently raised it to an unnatural pitch. Yet the unprejudiced mind felt at once that, while there was on the one side a skilful dialectician and debater arguing a wrong and weak cause, there was on the other a thoroughly earnest and truthful man, inspired by sound convictions in consonance with the true spirit of American institutions. There was nothing in all Douglas's powerful effort that appealed to the higher instincts of human nature, while Lincoln always touched sympathetic chords. Lincoln's speech excited and sustained the enthusiasm of his audience to the end. When he had finished, two stalwart young farmers rushed on the platform, and, in spite of his remonstrances, seized and put him on their shoulders and carried him in that uncomfortable posture for a considerable distance. It was really a ludicrous sight to see the grotesque figure holding frantically on to the heads of his supporters, with his legs dangling from their shoulders, and his pantaloons pulled up so as to expose his underwear almost to his knees. Douglas made dexterous use of this incident in his next speech, expressing sincere regret that, against his wish, he had used up his old friend Lincoln so completely that he had to be carried off the stage. Lincoln retaliated by saying at the first opportunity that he had known Judge Douglas long and well, but there was nevertheless one thing he could not say of him, and that was that the Judge always told the truth.

Recollection of J.K. MagicThe Senatorial Contest in Illinois in 1858- Recollections of J.K. Magic.The first time I ever saw Mr. Lincoln was at the first joint debate between him and Mr. Douglas at Ottawa. I traveled over 100 miles to attend that debate. Mr. Douglas spoke first, occupying one hour. Mr. Lincoln followed in a speech of an hour and a half, and Mr. Douglas closed in half an hour. It was in August, 1858. The Legislature to be chosen that year would be endowed with the choice of a United States Senator, and those two gentlemen were candidates for that position. A leading question was, whether Mr. Lincoln was in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, as proposed in the resolutions. Mr. Lincoln at that time was not aware of the mortifying mistake that Mr. Douglas had fallen into as to the time and place of the passage of the resolutions, and when he came to speak he declined to answer the interrogatories of Mr. Douglas, saying that he refused to be catechized by Mr. Douglas on fine points until Mr. Douglas would first agree with him to answer question for question. There was an immense concourse of people at this debate. It was held in the open air, and the day was especially mild and pleasant. The best shorthand reporters were present, and the speeches were published the next day in the Chicago papers. At first the Democrats made much of MR. Lincoln’s refusal to answer the questions of Mr. Douglas but it was not long before it was discovered that Mr. Douglas had made a terrible mistake in connecting Mr. Lincoln with the radical resolutions which he had quoted, and then the Republican papers teemed with charges of “bold and deliberate forgery,” “unparalleled mendacity,” etc.At the close of the meeting the partisans of each champion were wild in their demonstrations of enthusiasm over the victory that each had won. The Republicans hoisted Sir. Lincoln upon their shoulders and carried him in this manner nearly half a mile to the house of a Republican friend, he begging, in the meantime, to be let

down, saying it was the most ridiculous position that he had even found himself in in his life. And indeed it was. His head and body could be seen above the surging mass, and his countenance bore an expression of real humiliation. The Democratic paper used this incident to announce that Mr. Lincoln had been so completely used up that his legs refused to support his body, and his friends were obliged to carry him off the ground.At the house of this Republican friend I was introduced to Mr. Lincoln and had a short conversation with him. His next appointment to speak was over in Macomb, in my district, and I agreed to meet him at a certain point on the following Tuesday and proceed with him to the place of meeting. On our way to this meeting we stopped together at a hotel in a small village and remained over night. Mr. Lincoln’s room was just across the hall from that occupied by a certain distinguished editor of the Chicago daily in this State and myself. That same evening Mr. Lincoln came into our room and told us that he had concluded to answer all the questions of Mr. Douglas, fairly and squarely, at their next debate, which would take place at Freeport on Friday of that week, and that then he would propound the same number of questions to Mr. Douglas, and trust to his fairness to answer them. He read over those questions to us, and asked what we thought of them. My editor friend (of The CHICAGO TRIBUNE) thought one of the questions a little dangerous, and suggested how Douglas might answer it, affording him an opportunity of conciliating Free-Soil Democrats without losing the more Pro-Slavery Democrats. This dangerous question read as follows:“Can the people of the United States Territory in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution?”The importance and significance of this question may be better understood by some reference to the peculiar attitude to slavery in the Territories assumed by Mr. Douglas at that time. The position of Mr. Douglas was that the people of the Territory should have the right to vote slavery up or vote it down, as suited them best. This view of the subject was quite popular with a large class of the people, and it seemed to be the effort of Mr. Douglas to admit of no modification or qualification of the simple proposition that slavery might be voted up or down, as the people of the Territory might choose.The Dred Scott decision had been promulgated, out of which Pro-Slavery Democrats drew much comfort. Mr. Douglas had eulogized this decision as eminently fair and proper. The logical deduction from this decision was that slavery existed in the Territories by virtue of the Constitution, and, if so, the people could not vote down the Constitution or a constitutional right. Mr. Douglas had refused thus far to debate this phase of the subject, and the question of Mr. Lincoln was calculated to bring him to a more detailed explanation of his views. It was suggested by the editor of THE TRIBUNE that Douglas would escape a direct issue by assuming that without legislation slavery would be worth nothing in a Territory, and if the people were opposed to slavery they would refuse to pass police laws regulating or protecting it. Douglas did take this precise stance, and here arose the doctrine of “unfriendly

legislation” first suggested my Mr. Douglas, and which effectually killed him a Democratic candidate for the Presidency.Mr. Lincoln recognized the tocsin of the suggestion made, and said: “Let it be so. If Mr. Douglas, by this answer, succeeds in being elected Senator, he just as surely succeeds in detracting himself for the Presidency, and splitting the Democratic party and securing the election of a Republican President in 1860.” The sagacity of Mr. Lincoln was thoroughly vindicated, little did he think, however, that his question, so adroitly framed and pressed home upon Mr. Douglas, involving as it did his own detour as Senator, would ultimate in his own election as President and in the utter extinction of slavery in this country. When I look back to the time and place that Mr. Lincoln wrote out those questions for Mr. Douglas, I feel that then and there can be seen the pivot upon which the destiny of this Republic turned. A more selfish and time-serving man than Mr. Lincoln would have made his question serve himself, regardless of his cause, but Mr. Lincoln served his cause regardless of himself.It was not until after the defeat of Mr. Lincoln for the Senatorship that he was publicly mentioned as a possible candidate for the Presidency in 1860. For my own part he became my candidate for that office even before hi defeat for the Senatorship. I can remember many incidents, some of them of an amusing character, in the light of subsequent events, growing out of my partiality for Mr. Lincoln as a Presidential candidate. I was visiting an Eastern State and, meeting an old acquaintance, he asked my opinion concerning political prospects and Presidential candidates. I took occasion to remark that I thought Abraham Lincoln stood as good a chance for the Presidency as any other man. My friend had never heard of the man and before I left that neighborhood I learned how I had been laughed at for my zeal in behalf of a backwards lawyer in my locality. I owned a newspaper in 1857 which I sold, but the trade was almost spoiled because I had the name of Lincoln as the must-head for President. I could name several prominent politicians of that day in this State who sneered at the idea of Lincoln for President. The fact is, thus it was the people more than the politicians who made Lincoln President. It was impossible to resist the “Lincoln boom,” and when the fact became palpable there was a general tumble among the politicians in the same direction.

Primary Document Deep Thinking

Instructions: Read through the Primary Document. While you are reading it, you need to fill this assignment out the best you can.

1. Who is the author of the document?

2. What is this person’s main opinion or viewpoint? (What point are they trying to get across?)

3. Give three specific examples from the document that support what you think this person’s main viewpoint is.a.

b.

c.

4. Think of a response to this person. What would someone who was opposed to their viewpoint say? Write a 4 sentence response below.

Primary Document Deep Thinking

Instructions: Read through the Primary Document. While you are reading it, you need to fill this assignment out the best you can.

1. Who is the author of the document?

2. What is this person’s main opinion or viewpoint? (What point are they trying to get across?)

3. Give three specific examples from the document that support what you think this person’s main viewpoint is.a.

b.

c.

4. Think of a response to this person. What would someone who was opposed to their viewpoint say? Write a 4 sentence response below.

Freeport Debate-August 27, 1858

Recollection of Henry VillardI was introduced to Lincoln at Freeport, and met him frequently afterwards in the course of the campaign. I must say frankly that, although I found him most approachable, good-natured, and full of wit and humor, I could not take a real personal liking to the man, owing to an inborn weakness for which he was even then notorious and so remained during his great public career. He was inordinately fond of jokes, anecdotes, and stories. He loved to hear them, and still more to tell them himself out of the inexhaustible supply provided by his good memory and his fertile fancy. There would have been no harm in this but for the fact that, the coarser the joke, the lower the anecdote, and the more risky the story, the more he enjoyed them, especially when they were of his own invention. He possessed, moreover, a singular ingenuity in bringing about occasions in conversation for indulgences of this kind. I have to confess, too, that, aside from the prejudice against him which I felt on this account, I believed, with many prominent leaders of the Republican party, that, with regard to separating more effectively the antislavery Northern from the proslavery Southern wing of the Democracy, it would have been better if the reelection of Douglas had not been opposed.

Recollection of Joseph MedillI traveled around with Mr. Lincoln after the Ottawa discussion to Freeport. He addressed three or four meetings during that time, one of them at Galesburg, where he had an immense audience; another at Macomb in McDonough county, where the crowd was comparatively small. As I recollect it we proceeded directly from Macomb to Freeport on the morning of Aug. 27. On the way north on the cars Mr. Lincoln beckoned to me to take a seat beside him—I was sitting a few seats behind him at the time—which I did. He took a half sheet of writing paper out of his pocket and handing it to me said: "I am going to answer Mr. Douglas' questions today in our discussion which he put to me at Ottawa and I intend to ask him a few questions in return, and I jotted them down this morning at the hotel before I left there. I wish you to read them over and tell me what you think of my questions. "I did so, reading one of them several times. After a considerable pause he said: "Well, how do those interrogatories strike you?" I replied: "Mr. Lincoln, I do not like the second question." "What's the objection to it?" Mr. Lincoln asked. I replied: "It opens the door through which Senator Douglas will be enabled to escape from the tight place in which he finds himself on the slavery question in this State since he succeeded in getting the Missouri compromise repealed (which excluded slavery from the territories north of 36° 30', and that included, of course, Kansas and Nebraska) ." We argued at some further length, but I could make no impression whatever on Mr. Lincoln's mind. He said that he wouldn't change the form of the question, and that he intended "to spear it at Douglas that afternoon. "In due time we arrived at Freeport and there was a great crowd of Lincoln's friends at the depot with a carriage to take him up to his hotel. The town was swarming with people, great numbers coming from all the adjoining counties. I found at the hotel the Republican member of Congress from that district, E. B. Washburne, with whom I was intimately acquainted, and Norman B. Judd, of Chicago, who was chairman of the Republican State Central Committee. I took each of them aside and related what passed between Lincoln and myself on the cars, and repeated the language of the second question which he intended to propound to Douglas, and both of them said that they feared the ill effects from it, and they would try and persuade Lincoln to leave it out or modify its language. They followed Mr. Lincoln up stairs into his apartments, where he was making his toilet for dinner, as the road had been dusty on the way up, and they spent a considerable time with him. When they came down stairs I saw both of them again, and they informed me that they had argued the impolicy of putting question two to Douglas as strongly as they could, but were not able to change his purpose. Other leaders saw Mr. Lincoln before the debate began and urged him not to give Douglas such an opportunity to get out of the tight place it was believed he was in before the people of Illinois on the slavery question.

Mr. Lincoln opened the discussion in the afternoon, and first replied to Douglas' seven questions put to him at Ottawa, and then said: “I now proceed to propound to the Judge interrogatories so far as I have framed them. I will bring forward today an installment, only to number four, and reserve the other questions to our next debate." And thereupon he read his four questions, including the No. 2, to which I have referred. He went on and finished his speech, and Mr. Douglas arose in reply and proceeded to answer the four questions. When he came to No. 2 he realized in his reply my worst fears. He said in substance: "It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract questions whether slavery may or may not go into a Territory under the constitution; a majority of the people thereof have the lawful means to introduce or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere unless it is supported by local police regulations. These police regulations can only be established by the local Legislature and if the majority of the people of the Territory are opposed to Slavery they will elect representatives to that body who will by unfriendly legislation, effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for Slavery, their Legislature will favor its admission and extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave Territory or Free Territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems my answer satisfactory on that point." That was Senator Douglas' reply to Mr. Lincoln's sharp question, and it so pleased the thousands of Democrats present that they cheered and shouted and kept it up so long it was with difficulty the chairman of the meeting, aided by Mr. Douglas himself, could induce them to stop applauding in order that he might proceed with his speech, while Republicans maintained an absolute silence.The Democratic papers all over Northern Illinois quoted and applauded Douglas' triumphant reply to Mr. Lincoln's interrogatory. Two or three days after the election of 1860, learning that the active workers of the Republican party in the State were calling on Mr. Lincoln in Springfield from all Illinois to congratulate him on his triumphant election to the Presidency, I concluded to make the same pilgrimage and went down to the Alton cars with a number of other Chicagoans reaching there in the morning. After breakfast I walked up to the old State House in the public square of the city, where Mr. Lincoln was holding his levee in the office of the Secretary of State. He bent his head down to my ear and said in low tones, something like this: "Do you recollect the argument we had on the way up to Freeport two years ago over my question that I was going to ask Judge Douglas about the power of squatters to exclude slavery from territories?" And I replied—that I recollected it very well. "Now," said he, "don't you think I was right in putting that question to him?" I said: "Yes Mr. Lincoln, you were, and we were both right. Douglas' reply to

that question undoubtedly hurt him badly for the Presidency but it re-elected him to the Senate at that time as I feared it would."Lincoln then gave me a broad smile and said—"Now I have won the place that he was playing for." We both laughed and the matter was never again referred to.

Primary Document Cartoon Strips

Instructions: For Henry Villard’s recollection draw two cartoon strips that show what Henry Villard described in his recollection.

Primary Document Cartoon Strips

Instructions: For Joseph Medill’s recollection draw three cartoon strips that show what Joseph Medill described in his recollection.

Charleston Debate-September 18, 1858Recollection of Henry WhitneyLincoln, [Jesse K.] Dubois and myself passed the day on the fair ground; no greater attention was bestowed on Lincoln than on any average visitor at the fair; for our dinner, I remember, we were indebted to some of my friends from Champaign who were picnicking there. Dubois and I chaffed Lincoln through the afternoon at the trotting match; and our victim, though pensive, entered into the spirit of our sport but rather wearily. A colored jockey drove one of the horses: we named him Lincoln, and Dubois and I got up small mock bets on his success. Lincoln spoke of him as “my friend.” “There,” said he, “my friend is gaining,” etc. But Lincoln was in no frolicsome mood on that day. Dubois went up on the main line to Decatur, and Lincoln and I waited for the Cairo train, which was to carry us to Mattoon en route to Charleston, where he was to debate again with Douglas on the 18th. Here was exhibited, in a characteristic manner, the different qualities of treatment accorded to Lincoln and to Douglas, by the officials and employes of the Illinois Central Railroad Company. George B. McClellan (afterward the General) was Vice-President of the company and took especial charge of Douglas – furnished him with the director’s car – and a platform

car for his cannon and frequently went with him: I need scarcely add that the commissary department of the car was provided with several huge demijohns. Lincoln traveled on an attorney's pass the same as I did, but he got no further courtesies. Knowing the division superintendent very well, I tried to secure for Lincoln, who was jaded, some little easy favor, but I was, not very graciously, repulsed. The entire management of the road, emulating McClellan's example, was in deadly hostility to Lincoln. Finally, by the favor of Mr. Bell, Lincoln and I got an apartment to ourselves, in what was called an apartment car, where we were entirely secluded; and notwithstanding Lincoln's weariness, he outlined to me, his designed mode of attack on Douglas, on the succeeding day, viz: by renewing Trumbull's charge on him of complicity with the slave power in forcing slavery on Kansas, through the Toomb’s bill – a complete inconsistency with his position on the Lecompton Constitution. A reference to that joint debate will show the consternation with which Douglas was paralyzed at this unexpected attack. Lincoln had become aroused and had taken the aggressive very decidedly; and Douglas, who was no stranger to Lincoln's characteristics, was well aware of it. I may add, that the trenchant, domineering and patronizing style of Douglas, as evinced by him at Chicago and Ottawa, had vanished entirely. One of the most eminent men in the Northwest recently wrote me a sprightly letter about his several meetings with Lincoln, from which I extract the following which speaks for itself. “I saw him at Charleston in his joint debate with Douglas. I was a Democrat then of the strictest sect and expected of course to hear Douglas pulverize the Abolitionist. “I left in the evening, the most astonished squatter sovereign you ever saw. Who the ---- was Lincoln? What in thunder was the matter with Douglas? “I was sick ---- very sick.” This was the candid judgment of a very able and astute observer; and one prejudiced against Lincoln, as he, himself, says.

Recollection of Lew WallaceIn the afternoon of the day of the fourth meeting of the disputants, I found myself in Charleston, Illinois, lost in a crowd assembled in a grove near that interesting little city. The platform for the speakers reminded me of an island barely visible in a restless sea—so great was the gathering. By good management I succeeded in getting standing-room close up in front of the platform.Mr. Douglas was first to appear. It had not been my good-fortune to have had sight of him before; now I recognized him by his pictures, a short man with a deep chest, Websterian head, and a countenance somewhat lowering. He seemed worried, and took seat with the air of one too closely occupied with thoughts to notice or care for surroundings. It struck me, also, that he was niggardly in his recognition of friends.

Presently there was a commotion in the crowd and a general looking that way, and Mr. Lincoln mounted the steps. He paused on the platform, and took a look over the crowd and into the countenances near by, and there was a smile on his lips and a whole world of kindness in his eyes. The thin neck craned out over his sweat-wilted shirt collar while he bowed to acquaintances. Mr. Douglas's outer suit had conic from an accomplished tailor; Mr. Lincoln's spoke of a slop-shop. The multitude impressed me as the most undemonstrative of all I had ever seen on a political occasion. Every man of them, however, was palpitating with an anxiety too great for noise. So, I fancy, men must behave when they are spectators of a duel to the death.At Ottawa, Mr. Douglas had presented a number of questions to Mr. Lincoln, which that gentleman answered at the Freeport meeting and countered by interrogatories on his side. It resulted that when the two came to Charleston the issues between them were all joined.When time was called—if I may use the expression— Mr. Lincoln arose, straightening himself as well as he could. But for the benignant eyes, a more unattractive man I had never seen thus the centre of regard by so many people. His voice was clear without being strong. He was easy and perfectly self-possessed. The great audience received him in utter silence, and the July sun beat mercilessly upon his bare head.Now, not having been blessed with a vision of the events to come, which were to set this uncouth person in a niche high up alongside Washington, leaving it debatable which of the two is greatest, I confess I inwardly laughed at him; only the laugh was quite as much at the political manager who had led him out against Mr. Douglas. Nevertheless, I gave him attention. Ten minutes—I quit laughing. He was getting hold of me. The pleasantry, the sincerity, the confidence, the amazingly original way of putting things, and the simple, unrestrained manner withal, were doing their perfect work; and then and there I dropped an old theory, that to be a speaker one must needs be graceful and handsome. Twenty minutes—I was listening breathlessly, and with a scarcely defined fear. I turned from him to Mr. Douglas frequently, wondering if the latter could indeed be so superior to this enemy as to answer and overcome him. Thirty minutes—the house divided against itself was looming up more than a figure of speech. My God, could it be prophetic! An hour—the limit of the speech. Mr. Lincoln took his seat. How many souls sat down with him —that is, how many of the unbelieving like myself were converted to his thinking—I could not know; yet of one thing I was assured—it was in somebody's intention to do the old government to death, and slavery was to be the excuse for the crime. Nor could I get from under a conviction that Mr. Lincoln's speech was a defence of Freedom.Then Mr. Douglas arose. As his stumpy figure appeared, provoking comparison with his tall rival, I was amused thinking, what if in an alignment of company they should be required to dress right or left upon each other? He had an hour and a half for reply. Despite my predilections, I was driven shortly to acknowledge that the prepossession did not belong to him. His face was darkened by a deepening scowl,

and he was angry; and in a situation like his anger is always an admission in the other party's favor. He spoke so gutturally, also, that it was difficult to understand him. Still he was my Gamaliel. From him I had my politics. He failed to draw me like his competitor; he had no magnetism; he was a mind all logic; at the same time, be it said in truth, Stephen A. Douglas could not make a poor speech. I listened almost prayerfully. Whereas Mr. Lincoln had been the fine flower of courtesy, Mr. Douglas made no return in kind. What could be the matter? Afterwards I knew. He was handicapped by a continuous terror lest he should say something that would lose him the support of the South in the vastly more important convention then shortly to be held at Charleston, South Carolina. I did not stay to hear him through, but left carrying with me a damaging contrast—while Mr. Lincoln had been the advocate of Freedom, Mr. Douglas, with all his genius for discussion, had not been able to smother the fact that he was indirectly and speciously acknowledging all the South claimed for slavery.So Lincoln came into my view a second time.And so, that day in Charleston, I discerned what all of opportunity the voting masses of the country could have to see and hear the men chosen by their respective parties for United States Senators, and choose between them. Accordingly, my scheme of legislation was to give conventions authority to nominate without disturbing the right of the legislature to elect. For this no change of Constitution was required; neither had I a doubt that the legislature would be governed by the action of the convention. The invariable loyalty of electoral colleges, invested as they are with the utmost freedom, appeared to me precisely in point.

4 Column Notes

Background-Use your knowledge from previous

notes or primary documents to

write down all you know about Lincoln and

Douglas

Henry Whitney-Write everything you thought was

interesting or important that

Whitney recalled-Fill this column

Lew Wallace-Write everything you

thought was interesting or important that

Wallace recalled-Fill this column

Educated Guesses-What do you think will happen in the next debate with

Lincoln and Douglas? Make your predictions

here.

Galesburg Debate-October 7, 1858Recollection of Lydia TitusOne event that happened the same fall that I started to teach school stands out in my memory. Far and wide the news spread that Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln would hold a debate at Galesburg on October 7,1858. The girls near Rio decided that we would attend the debate in a body. Accordingly, we decorated a hay wagon and each girl made a banner to carry with the name of a State on it. I chose New York as that was my native State. We limited our party to thirty-two, the number of States in the Union at that time. As most of us were Republicans we made one large banner with the slogan "Rio, Lincoln, and Liberty."

The day of the debate dawned bright and clear and we made an early start for it was sixteen miles to Galesburg. Each of us was dressed entirely in white, and each carried the banner inscribed with the name of the State which she represented. Two men drove our six-horse team and a third carried our large banner. Our drivers passed every team in sight for most of them were only two or four- horse outfits, and with all of us yelling and shouting the miles rolled past rapidly. When we had gone about seven miles on our way we overtook three girls walking, who seemed glad to accept our invitation to hop aboard the "Lincoln Express". However, they proved to be Democrats and before we arrived in Galesburg, they said they wished they had walked. We stopped just outside the city by a stream of clear cold water to eat our lunch and to water our horses.

Our outfit was among the first to arrive at the park where the debate was to be held. A short time before it began, we marched in a body down close to the small platform where Mr. Douglas and Mr. Lincoln were seated. Lincoln sat in a splint-bottomed chair, and it looked as if his knees were up to his chin, the chair was so low and his legs were so long. When he saw us and our banners he arose and stepped down from the platform to shake hands with each girl and to say a word of welcome to all.

Soon the debate began. The crowd had to stand as no benches had been provided. Although the discussion lasted two hours and a half or three hours none of us girls

left our place down in front. I think Mr. Douglas was the better orator, but of course I felt that Mr. Lincoln was right. On our way home we laughed and sang, and arrived at Rio tired but happy.

Recollection of Mary BoutelleI attended the Lincoln-Douglas debate in Galesburg in 1858. We lived on a farm near Wataga. My father, James Hastie, who was a staunch Republican, my mother, two brothers and myself rode to Galesburg the day of the debate in a lumber wagon, which was almost the only mode of conveyance at that time. I think there was no delegation from Wataga, but wagons were coming from every direction, and by the time we reached Main street there was quite a long procession. In front of us was a wagon filled with coal “diggers,” as they were then called, they carried a large banner on which was inscribed, “Coal Diggers of Wataga for Lincoln.” When we passed a hotel on the south side of Main street, I don’t remember the name, Lincoln was on the upper balcony surrounded by friends, he responded by a bow, and smile, to our greetings which consisted of cheers, waving of flags, and handkerchiefs. When the coal miners passed the hotel, the man who carried the banner, stood upon the seat and held the banner as high as possible, while his companions cheered. I thought Lincoln seemed more pleased with them, than any others who were passing while I saw him. We came down in the morning, and ate our lunch at the side of the East Brick on the college campus. I remember a feeling of sympathy for Douglas, because he had to speak directly under the inscription “Knox College for Lincoln” until I saw an elegant banner, which bore the inscription, “Lombard College for Douglas,” which I thought equalized on matters somewhat. Another banner which I recall had these words Douglas the Dead Dog—Lincoln the Living Lion.” We had to stand during the debate, and we were as near the speakers as we dared to be in such a great crowd. Douglas opened the debate, but he was hoarse from speaking in the open air, and could not make himself understood for any great distance. I supposed it would be the same with Lincoln, but his voice rang out clear as a bell, and I could understand every word. I remember his opening sentence, perhaps I cannot repeat it verbatim, but this is the substance of it. “The speech of my opponent has been delivered before, and has been put in print,” this caused great laughter, but Lincoln raised his right hand, and said, “Hold my friends, I did not intend that for a hit. I was about to say that such a reply as I was able to

make has also been put in print.” He pronounced “put” with the short sound of u as in putty, which perhaps is one reason I remember it so well. I remained standing until Lincoln had finished speaking, by that time I was so tired. It seemed impossible to stand any longer, so I did not hear Douglas’ closing speech. Oct. 7th, 1858 was a great day in Galesburg, and I am very glad the 50th anniversary I to be observed. I expect to attend the celebration, and hope the plans which are being made will be carried out. I think it would be ideal if Jules Lombard could be here to sing on that occasion.

MARY HASTIE BOUTELLE,Omaha, Neb.

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Quincy Debate-October 7, 1858Recollection of Carl Shurz"When we arrived at Quincy, we found a large number of friends waiting for him [Lincoln]; there was much hand-shaking, and many familiar salutations were exchanged. Then they got him into a carriage, much against his wish, for he said that he would prefer to 'foot it to Browning's,' an old friend at whose house he was to have supper and a quiet night. But the night was by no means quiet outside. The blare of brass bands and the shouts of enthusiastic and not in all cases quite sober Democrats and Republicans, cheering and hurrahing for their respective champions, did not cease until the small hours.The next morning the country people began to stream into town for the great meeting, some singly, on foot or on horseback, some in small parties of men and women and even children, in buggies or farm wagons; while others were marshaled in solemn procession from outlying towns or districts, with banners and drums, tricolored scarfs, who represented the Goddess of Liberty and the different states of the Union, and whose beauty was duly admired by everyone, including themselves.

On the whole, the Democratic displays were much more elaborate and georgeous than those of the Republicans, and it was said that Douglas had plenty of money to spend for such things. He himself traveled in what was called in those days great style, with a secretary and servants and a numerous escort of somewhat loud companions, moving from place to place by special train, with cars especially decorated for the occasion, all of which contrasted strongly with Lincoln's extremely modest simplicity. There was no end of cheering and shouting and jostling on the streets of Quincy that day. But in spite of the excitement created by the political contest, the crowds remained very good natured, and the occasional jibs flung from one side to the other were uniformly received with a mere laugh.The great debate took place in the afternoon in the open square, where a large, pine-board platform had been built for the committee of arrangements, the speakers, and the persons they wished to have with them. I thus was favored with a seat on that platform. In front of it many thousands of people were assembled, Republicans and Democrats standing peacefully together, only chaffing one another now and then in a good-tempered way.As the champions arrived, they were demonstratively cheered by their adherents. The presiding officer agreed upon by the two parties called the meeting to order and announced the program of proceedings, Mr. Lincoln was to open with a speech of one hour. Senator Douglas was to follow with a speech of one hour and a half, and Mr. Lincoln was to close with a speech of a half hour. The first part of Mr. Lincoln's opening address was devoted to a refutation of some things Douglas had said at previous meetings. This refutation may, indeed, have been required for the settlement of disputed points, but it did not strike me as anything extraordinary, either in substance or in form.Neither had Mr. Lincoln any of those physical advantages which usually are thought to be very desirable, if not necessary, to the orator. His voice was not musical, being rather high-keyed and apt to turn into a shrill treble in moments of excitement ; but it was not positively disagreable. It had an exceeding penetrating, far-reaching quality. The looks of the audience convinced me that every word he spoke was understood at the remotest edges of the vast assemblage. His gestures were awkward. He swung his long arms sometimes in a very ungraceful manner. Now and then, to give particular emphasis to a point, he would bend his knees and body with a sudden downward jerk and then shoot up again with a vehemence that raised him to his tiptoes and made him look much taller than he really was—a manner of enlivening a speech which at that time was, and perhaps still is, not unsual in the West, but which he succeeded in avoiding at a later period.There was, however, in all he said, a tone of earnest truthfulness, of elevated, noble sentiment, and of kindly sympathy, which added greatly to the strength of his argument, and became, as in the course of his speech he touched upon the moral side of the question in debate, powerfully impressive. Even when he was attacking his opponent with keen satire or invective, which, coming from any other speaker, would have sounded bitter and cruel, there was still a certain something in his

utterance which made his hearers feel that those thrusts came from a reluctant heart, and that he would much rather have treated his foe as a friend.When Lincoln had sat down amid the enthusiastic plaudits of his adherents, I asked myself with some trepidation in my heart, 'What will Douglas say now? ' Lincoln's speech had struck me as something very clear, logical, persuasive, convincing even, and very sympathetic; but not as something overwhelming. Douglas, I thought, might not be able to confute it, but by the cunning sophistry at his command, and by one of his forceful appeals to prejudice, he might succeed in neutralizing its effects.No more striking contrast could have been imagined than that between those two men as they appeared upon the platform. By the side of Lincoln's tall, lank and ungainly form, Douglas stood almost like a dwarf, very short of stature, but square-shouldered and broadchested, a massive head upon a strong neck—the very embodiment of force, combativeness, and staying power. On the stage at Quincy he looked rather natty and well-groomed, being clothed in excellently fitting broadcloth and shining linen. But his face seemed a little puffy, and it was said that he had been drinking hard with some boon companions either on his journey or since his arrival. The deep horizontal wrinkle between his keen eyes was unusually dark and scowling. While he was listening to Lincoln's speech, a contemptuous smile now and then flitted across his lips, and when he arose, the tough parliamentary gladiator, he tossed his mane with an air of overbearing superiority, of threatening defiance, as if to say: 'How dare any one dare stand up against me?'When the debate at Quincy was over, the champions were heartily cheered by their partisans, the assemblage dissolved peaceably, the brass bands began to play again—several of them within hearing of one another, so as to fill the air with discordant sounds—and the country people, with their wagons and their maidens in white, got in motion to return to their homes.

Recollection of David DyerIn the fall of 1858, a joint debate between Senator Stephen A. Douglas and Honorable Abraham Lincoln was being held in the State of Illinois that attracted world-wide attention. On the 13th day of October of that year, I went to Quincy, Illinois, to hear them. I left Bowling Green at night and went to Louisiana, remaining there overnight, and took the boat about daylight the next morning for Quincy, some fifty miles distant. The boat arrived about 11:00 A. M., just as the Republican procession was passing. I had never seen a Republican procession before, and up to that time had never heard a Republican speech. I was curious to hear everything that was to be said by the representative of either party, and especially by the Republican. I fell in behind the procession, which after awhile halted in front of the hotel where Mr. Lincoln was stopping.

There was much enthusiasm and much cheering as Mr. Lincoln appeared upon the balcony to say a few words of thanks. I saw him on two or three occasions during the day, but never again after that time. His sincere face, so full of tenderness and seeming sadness, made a deep and lasting impression upon me.

The debate that day between Mr. Lincoln and Senator Douglas took place in a public park, and the crowd that gathered there was immense. Douglas was short in stature but a great orator. Lincoln was tall, ungainly-looking, with a bronzed face, a voice not near so charming as that of his opponent, but his power as a logical and convincing debater, in my opinion, surpassed that of Mr. Douglas. I was only twenty years old at the time and my sympathies were with Mr. Douglas, but the logical reasoning of Mr. Lincoln shook my faith in the correctness of Mr. Douglas's position.

After the debate was over, I took the "down boat" for home. I heard Mr. Douglas once after that, but never saw or heard Mr. Lincoln again. The debate at Quincy was one of a series planned and agreed upon by the two. Douglas was the Democratic candidate for the United States Senate and Mr. Lincoln was his Republican opponent. The Legislature at that time chose the senator, and at the election in November a majority of three Democrats, I think, was elected to the Legislature. Mr. Douglas was chosen senator for another six years and Mr. Lincoln returned to Springfield and resumed the practice of law.

Alton Debate-October 15, 1858Recollection of Gustave KoernerI attended only the last joint meeting, shortly before the election, at Alton. I arrived there in the morning, and found Lincoln in the hotel sitting-room. He at once said: '' Let us go up and see Mary." I had not seen Mrs. Lincoln, that I recollected, since meeting her at the Lexington parties, when she was Miss Todd. "Now, tell Mary what you think of our chances! She is rather dispirited." I was certain, I said, of our carrying the State and tolerably certain of our carrying the Legislature. St. Clair was perfectly safe. The outlook in Madison was good. We had just then been reading the St. Louis morning papers, where it was announced that more than a thousand Douglas men had chartered a boat to attend the Alton meeting, and that they represented the Free Soil party in Missouri and were enthusiastic for Douglas's election. We discussed fully the singular position that party had taken under the lead of Frank Blair, who had been the great champion of the cause of our party in Missouri, ever since the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. I found Lincoln a little despondent. He had come quietly down from Springfield with his wife that morning, unobserved, and it was not until an hour or so that his friends were made aware of his arrival. He was soon surrounded by a crowd of Republicans; but there was no parade or fuss, while Douglas, about noon, made his pompous entry, and soon afterwards the boat from St. Louis landed at the wharf, heralded by the firing of guns and the strains of martial music.

The speaking commenced at two o'clock. The stand was on the public square. It was occupied by the speakers and by the Lincoln and Douglas Reception Committees of Alton. Mr. Lincoln took me with him on the platform. Here I met, for the first time since 1856, Judge Douglas, who in his genial manner shook hands with me, apparently quite cordially. But I was really shocked at the condition he was in. His face was bronzed, which was natural enough, but it was also bloated, and his looks were haggard, and his voice almost extinct. In conversation he merely whispered. In addressing his audience he made himself understood only by an immense strain, and then only to a very small circle immediately near him. He had the opening and conclusion. His speech, however, was as good as any he had delivered. Lincoln, although sun-burnt, was as fresh as if he had just entered the campaign, and as cool and collected as ever. Without any apparent effort he stated his propositions clearly and tersely, and his whole speech was weighted with noble and deep thoughts. There were no appeals to passion and prejudice.

The Alton speech contained, by general admission, some of the finest passages of all the speeches he ever made. When Douglas's opening speech had been made, he was vociferously cheered. When, after Lincoln's speech, which made a powerful impression, Douglas made his reply, there was hardly any applause when he closed.

Alton Debate-October 15, 1858Recollection of Gustave KoernerI attended only the last joint meeting, shortly before the election, at Alton. I arrived there in the morning, and found Lincoln in the hotel sitting-room. He at once said: '' Let us go up and see Mary." I had not seen Mrs. Lincoln, that I recollected, since meeting her at the Lexington parties, when she was Miss Todd. "Now, tell Mary what you think of our chances! She is rather dispirited." I was certain, I said, of our carrying the State and tolerably certain of our carrying the Legislature. St. Clair was perfectly safe. The outlook in Madison was good. We had just then been reading the St. Louis morning papers, where it was announced that more than a thousand Douglas men had chartered a boat to attend the Alton meeting, and that they represented the Free Soil party in Missouri and were enthusiastic for Douglas's election. We discussed fully the singular position that party had taken under the lead of Frank Blair, who had been the great champion of the cause of our party in Missouri, ever since the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. I found Lincoln a little despondent. He had come quietly down from Springfield with his wife that morning, unobserved, and it was not until an hour or so that his friends were made aware of his arrival. He was soon surrounded by a crowd of Republicans; but there was no parade or fuss, while Douglas, about noon, made his pompous entry, and soon afterwards the boat from St. Louis landed at the wharf, heralded by the firing of guns and the strains of martial music.

The speaking commenced at two o'clock. The stand was on the public square. It was occupied by the speakers and by the Lincoln and Douglas Reception Committees of Alton. Mr. Lincoln took me with him on the platform. Here I met, for the first time since 1856, Judge Douglas, who in his genial manner shook hands with me, apparently quite cordially. But I was really shocked at the condition he was in. His face was bronzed, which was natural enough, but it was also bloated, and his looks were haggard, and his voice almost extinct. In conversation he merely whispered. In addressing his audience he made himself understood only by an immense strain, and then only to a very small circle immediately near him. He had the opening and conclusion. His speech, however, was as good as any he had delivered. Lincoln, although sun-burnt, was as fresh as if he had just entered the campaign, and as cool and collected as ever. Without any apparent effort he stated his propositions clearly and tersely, and his whole speech was weighted with noble and deep thoughts. There were no appeals to passion and prejudice.

The Alton speech contained, by general admission, some of the finest passages of all the speeches he ever made. When Douglas's opening speech had been made, he was vociferously cheered. When, after Lincoln's speech, which made a powerful impression, Douglas made his reply, there was hardly any applause when he closed.

Recollection of Jeriah BonhamThe next speech delivered when the author was present was at Alton, Oct. 15, 1858, the last speech the two made together,— closing the joint addresses.

Mr. Douglas opened by speaking one hour, in which he displayed considerable irritability. The campaign was wearing on him, as no doubt by this time he began to see that the political scepter he had so long held over the people of the state was about to depart from him. As it was the last joint discussion of the campaign, he took occasion to review the arguments of Mr. Lincoln at each place, Ottawa, Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston, Galesburg and Quincy, in the order they occurred, trying to show that Mr. Lincoln's arguments were not the same at Freeport as they were at Jonesboro, in the south part of the state. His whole hour was taken up in this recapitulation.

Mr. Lincoln sat taking in the speech with seeming immobility, and when Mr. Douglas concluded, he rose, his time being one hour and a half. He, as in the opening of all of his speeches, spoke slow but distinct, did not rise to his full height, leaning forward in a stooping posture at first, his person displaying all the angularities of limb and face; for the first five or ten minutes he was both awkward and diffident, as in almost monotonous tones he commenced to untangle the meshes of Douglas' sophistry. Proceeding, he gained confidence gradually, his voice rang out in clearness, rose in strength, his tall form towered to its full height, his face assumed almost angelic brightness, and such an outburst of inspiring eloquence and argument without a break in its force or power for the whole time allotted him to speak. He could be heard to the outskirts of the vast throng. As he proceeded the people became enthusiastic, but his voice could be heard above their cheers. Frequently throughout the speech he would turn towards Douglas and very emphatically say, "You know these things to be so, Mr. Douglas," if they were affirmative propositions, or," You know these things are not so, Mr. Douglas," if they were negative propositions. At one time in his address he bent his tall form over Douglas, pouring in his eloquent remonstrance so sharply that Douglas rose to explain, but Lincoln would none of it. He said," sit down Mr. Douglas; I did not interrupt you and will not be interrupted. You can reply to me, if you can, in your closing speech," and his solid, argumentative and logical statement of facts rang out, his audience becoming more enthusiastic as he proceeded. He warned the people against being diverted from the great question at issue by sophistical

contrivances, as were trying to be impressed on them by the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" fantastically called "popular sovereignty."

We remember his line or argument throughout that great ninety-minute speech, the closing one he made in the seven joint discussions. Could give an outline of it, but it is not necessary as the speeches of both these great statesmen have been published and are accessible to the student of history in the libraries of the state.

K-W-L

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Lincoln-Douglas Debates Re-CreationInstructions: Please follow the prompts given by the moderator and give Lincoln’s and Douglas’s Opinion using the knowledge you have gained through taking notes and working on this packet.Moderator: Welcome to this debate Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas. The first question I would like to ask you is this: Should new slavery be allowed to spread beyond the present states where it is now allowed? Please explain why you said yes or no. Mr. Douglas you respond first to this question.

Douglas:

Lincoln:

Moderator: The next question will go to Mr. Lincoln first. Will you please explain how you feel about the abolition of slavery? Will you also please tell how you feel about slaves having equal rights to white men?

Lincoln:

Douglas:

Moderator: Mr. Douglas this question is yours. After Mr. Douglas’s response, Mr. Lincoln may respond. This is the question: Why should you be elected President of the United States?

Douglas:

Lincoln:

Moderator: Final question gentlemen. It seems to me that our country is headed toward a Great Civil War. How will you keep the South as part of the United States and avoid having a war between the North and the South? Mr. Lincoln you may respond first.

Lincoln:

Douglas:


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