BOHEMIA AS A MODEL TERRITORY FOR RESEARCH ON TRANSPORT AND TRADE IN PREHISTORY · 2017-11-03 ·...

265V Salač. Bohemia as a model territory for research on transport and trade in prehistory

BOHEMIA AS A MODEL TERRITORY FORRESEARCH ON TRANSPORT AND TRADE INPREHISTORY

Vladimír Salač

The Bohemian basin is surrounded by mountain chains which remained uninhabited throughoutprehistory. Any contact between the population of present−day Bohemia and other regions musthave passed through this border zone and required therefore a journey of several days in anuninhabited territory crossed via various routes which were in use throughout prehistory. Thereis evidence of numerous and intense trade contacts with neighbouring regions. This paperfocusses on two case studies of Late Iron Age trade: the import of salt to Bohemia and the exportof quernstones from Bohemia to Moravia. In both cases we can observe a regular long−lastingtrade where great volumes of goods were transported. It is argued that this trade and the relatedtransport must have been well organised and involved numerous people at least partlyspecialised in these activities; the crossing of the Frontier Mountain chains required hundredsof people and pack animals. It is hypothesised that some 5−10% of Bohemia’s population in theLate La Tène period took part in this trade to various degrees. As supported by written sources,it is suggested that some exchange activities were involuntary or forced, althougharchaeological sources do not permit to estimate the proportion of free and forced circulationof goods.

INTRODUCTION

Despite the fact that trade and exchange areclassical topics in archaeological research,the study of these social interactions is oftenlimited to tracing the origins of a particularkind of artefact or raw material. Interpersonalrelations often remain out of the question orare expressed by means of abstract models.Archaeologists dealing with relatively recenthistorical periods resort to written sources orthe opinions of historians which they adoptwith the hope that they will provide more“reliable” information.

In terms of the La Tène period, a veryinspiring debate on the theme of Celtic tradewas the cause for opposition between twoeminent ancient historians in the past fewdecades, namely Timpe and Dobesch. Bothhistorians draw very different conclusionsfrom a similar set of ancient written sources.On the one hand, Timpe (1985) states thatwritten sources do not mention Celtic tradespecifically and that it can therefore be arguedthat trade in Gaul was entirely managed byGreek and Roman tradesmen. On the otherhand, Dobesch (2002), puts forward that trade

T Kerig / A Zimmermann (eds.). Economic archaeology: from structure to performance in Europeanarchaeology. Habelt. Bonn. 2013. Pp. 265−283

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was widespread amongst Celts and that thisplayed an important role in their economy.Archaeologists studying the La Tène periodeconomy took up similarly divergentpositions (Salač 2004).

When comparing Timpe’s and Dobesch’sstudies, it becomes clear that the divergenceof both historians’ arguments stems from thedifferent way in which they consider the term“trade”. Timpe perceives trade mainly as anorganised activity carried out by professionaltradesmen, as it is most often described bywritten sources. Because it was mainly theGreeks and the Romans who carried out thisparticular type of trade, we can see whyTimpe stressed the Greek and Romaninvolvement in the Celtic trade. UnlikeTimpe, Dobesch paid more attention toevidence of internal trade among the Celts.

In light of the Timpe and Dobesch debate, itis clear that the definition of trade is crucialfor the study of this topic. Numerousdefinitions of trade circulate amongarchaeologists, historians, ethnologists,sociologists and economists. Thesedefinitions range from considering any kindof exchange to be trade to the view of trade asan act of exchange which is exclusivelyundertaken by specialised tradesmen,realised through monetary exchange orcarried out over long distances. The relationbetween trade and exchange is also viewed invarious ways.

In this paper, the term “trade” is appliedmainly in the sense of: “the mutualappropriative movement of goods betweenhands” (Polanyi 1957: 266); “trade is amethod of acquiring goods that are notavailable on the spot” (Polanyi 1975: 133);“the reciprocal traffic, exchange, ormovement of materials or goods throughpeaceful human agency” (Renfrew 1969:

152). The words trade and exchange will betreated here as synonyms.

It can be argued that, given the limits ofarchaeological sources, archaeology isobliged to take up the widest possibledefinition of trade. When considering ancienttrade, it is advisable to begin on the mostgeneral level so as to not exclude somesignificant traits or archaeological periodswhich would not fit our artificially imposedcriteria. In fact, it is obvious that trade doesnot develop in a unilinear way in which a newor seemingly more advanced form of tradesubstitutes the lesser, preceding form. It ismost likely that any new form of trade onlywidens the range of possibilities, sinceprevious forms are usually not bound todisappear, as exemplified by recurrent returnsto simple barter occurring regularly inmoments of crises (wars, natural disastersetc.).

With trade loosely defined, the originalquestion of whether trade existed (inprehistory or in the Celtic age) becomes muchless pressing. If we accept that trade is a wayto peacefully obtain what is unavailable at ina particular space and time, there can be nodoubt about the existence of trade. As early asthe Neolithic, the numerous finds of stonetool deposits far from their original source canbe considered as evidence of the existence ofa regular form of trade capable of connectingvery distant places and of supplying largeareas with considerable amounts of both rawmaterials and finished products. For example,despite the lack of flint mines throughoutBohemia, flint tools are regularly found inNeolithic settlements (Lech 1987, Popelka1999). This can only be explained by a wellworking exchange system.

This situation is even more marked in theBronze Age, where the rarity of copper and tindeposits stands in sharp contrast with thepan−European distribution of bronze objects.


Fig. 1: Bohemia and connected neighbouring regions in prehistory (symbols indicate approaches)

Trade could not have taken place in onedirection only: a satisfactory equivalent musthave been offered for the received goods.Here, we must take into account a broad rangeof possible commodities which can hardly beattested by archaeological evidence is beyondany doubt, such as cattle, food, salt, hides,textiles, wood and later also wine, oil orslaves.

The best way to assess the development andfunctioning of a particular trade system isthrough a comparison of geographicallyrestricted raw material deposits with thewidespread distribution of finished products

found in prehistoric settlements throughoutEurope. Trade is not only a necessaryprerequisite for the regular distribution ofirregularly occurring resources but also forthe division of labour and thus socialdevelopment. It can be argued that theexternal supply of food allowed somecommunities to specialise in particular typesof labour, including mining, manufacturingof instruments etc. (for Bronze and Iron age:Dürnberg: Stöllner 2003, for Hallstatt: Kernet al. 2009). The construction of huge tumuli,hill−forts or oppida would not be conceivablewithout adequate supply of food and otherproducts.


Fig. 2: The Bohemian Basin in the Late La Tène Period: distribution of oppida and production and distributioncentres

BOHEMIA – A BRIEFDESCRIPTION

Bohemia as a geographical unit is a basin ofc. 52 000 km2 separated from the rest of theworld by an uninterrupted chain ofmountains. These mountain ranges are veryinaccessible and remained thereforeuninhabited up to the high Middle Ages. Inprehistory, a single waterway (the Elbe to thenorthwest) and between eight and sixmainland ways connected the Bohemianbasin with the external world (Fig. 1, 2).

The basin itself can be divided in three typesof landscape: 1) Lowlands along the lower

courses of principal rivers with altitudesbetween 170−300 m. 2) The inland highlandsand the foothills of the Frontier Mountainswith an altitude between 300−500 m. 3) TheFrontier Mountains reaching heights of over1000 m.

Prehistoric settlements were alwaysconcentrated in the lowlands, along the riversElbe, Ohře and Vltava, with their fertile soilsand favourable climate (Fig. 1−3). Thisterritory has been settled continuously sincethe Neolithic and mineral reserves of any kindare completely absent in these areas.

The Frontier Mountains were not inhabited inprehistory, as agriculture was not practised in


this area, with the exception of very limitedherding practices. The Erzgebirge is anexception in this respect as it is a denselypopulated area with rich ore deposits,including copper. It is also the only resourceof tin in central Europe (Mísař et al. 1983).

Conditions in the highlands are much lessfavourable for agriculture due to lowerquality soils and a more humid and colderclimate. It is here, however, where mineralresources (e.g. gold, graphite, copper, iron)are present and were exploited in prehistory.Permanent human presence in prehistory isattested only at lower altitudes, whereagriculture could be carried out, in thevicinity of mineral deposits or along themainland routes connecting the Bohemianbasin with the external world. The highlandsremained void of human settlement in somearchaeological periods (e.g. the Neolithic,Middle La Tène period, Roman Iron Age).

BOHEMIA ANDLONG−DISTANCE TRADE INTHE LA TÈNE PERIOD

Communication between the Bohemian basinand neighbouring areas has always beenconstrained by the girdle of the FrontierMountains. In this study, we will focus oncommodities which are likely to have beentransported and regularly traded in relativelylarge quantities and over long periods of timewithin and eventually beyond the mountainchain surrounding Bohemia.

We will concentrate in particular on theso−called long−distance trade, defined hereas trade in which goods could not simplycirculate through contact between neigh−bouring settlements or regions but had to betransported at distances of several days (Salač2004). In other words, long−distance trade is

understood as trade between partners whocould not have been in everyday contact. Inthe case of the Bohemian basin, tradeinvolved social relations which crossed theno−man’s land of the Frontier Mountains(Fig. 1).

LONG−DISTANCE TRADE ANDSALT

Despite the fact that salt trade is notoriouslydifficult to detect archaeologically, it is withregard to this commodity in particular that wecan establish some far−reaching conclusions(Stöllner 2002). Salt mines of any kind arecompletely absent in Bohemia. Nevertheless,it is generally agreed that salt is anindispensable component of human diet(Heuberger 1994) and though physicians andbiologists may not agree on the exact dose, aregular intake of salt is considered to benecessary for any organism, with 5−6 g a dayor 2 kg a year being most often quoted (Carter1975, Bergier 1989: 13; Heuberger 1994: 65;Simon 1995: 35; Fries−Knoblach 2001: 2).However, salt consumption may varysignificantly between cultures and ethnicgroups (Bolzano 1994). Additionally, a dailydose of salt intake may well be attainedwithout consuming salt itself but through theconsumption of meat.

Writing in a different geographical andcultural setting, but contemporary with thetransalpine La Tène period, M. Porcius Cato(231−149 BC), recommends in his de agricultura libri (book LVIII) a modius (8.754 l =almost 19 kg) of salt for each slave per year(ie. c. 52 g a day). However, salt con−sumption is to a great degree a culturallyspecific matter, depending on the role of saltin nutrition, medicine, fodder, conservation,technology and even in the sphere of prestigeand luxury products.


Fig. 3: Salt trade routes to Bohemia in the Late La Tène Period

50km0

Although we can only speculate about the useof salt in the La Tène society, the latter seemsto have played a significant role in social lifeand economy, as exemplified by the hugeproduction centres of apparently supra−regional significance such as Dürrnberg atHallein in the Alps (Stöllner 2002), BadNauheim in Hesse (Kull 2003), the Seilleregion in Lorraine (Bertaux 1981, 1987) andDroitwich in England (Woodiwiss 1992). Salt

was also obtained extensively from sea water(Prilaux 2000, Saile 2000, Fries−Knoblach2001, Kull 2003, Haid and Stöllner 2004).

If we estimate the annual consumption of saltat about 1 kg per individual (ie. less than 3 ga day, thus half of the recommended dailydose), the logical conclusion is that — evenwhen we omit the use of salt for feeding cattleor for technological purposes (tannery,


metallurgy etc.) — tens and hundreds of tonsof salt must have been imported in Late LaTène Bohemia every year. More specifically,the estimated import of salt would havereached 220 tons a year or 550 kg a day.Taking into account that due to weatherconditions, transport was impossiblethroughout the winter and we can thereforemake a rough estimation that it could be onlycarried out some 250 days a year, we mustincrease the daily import to some 800 kg. Thisvalue corresponds to four cartloads a day(Kunow 1983: 51–52) or a caravan of 20 packhorses with corresponding accompaniment,which is more probable in the FrontierMountains. A similar estimation isunfortunately not possible for river−bornetransport due to a complete lack of writtensources on this subject. In any case, vesselswere probably able to carry greater cargosthan pack horses (Kunow 1983: 51–52).However, we must not forget that river−bornetransport heading into Bohemia had to goupstream (for a more detailed discussion onriver transport: Salač 1998, 2008).

A population of hundreds of thousandswithout access to salt resources may beestimated for La Tène Bohemia. In this study,we will work with a very rough estimate of200 000 inhabitants, based on calculationspresented by Holodňák (1987) for La Tène Bwhich were multiplied proportionally to theincrease of settlement density between LaTène B and La Tène C2−D1. In comparison,�emlička (1997) estimates the population ofBohemia in the middle of the 11th century ADat about 450 000. The extension and densityof settlements (or archaeological sites) doesnot seem to differ substantially between theLate La Tène Period and Early Middle Ages.

Salt was imported to Bohemia from theSalzkammer region to the South (Dürrnberg)(Stöllner 2002), most probably via one of thebranches of the Golden track (Goldener Steig;Pauli 1974), connecting Passau with southernBohemia (Fig. 3). If we hypothesise that in the

Late La Tène period, the route went fromPassau to the oppidum of Třísov and that itwas along this route that all salt consumed inBohemia arrived, 20 pack−horses and 5−10accompanying people would have to arrive atTřísov every day. Taking into account thelong distance between Passau and Třísov(around 110 km) and the difficult terrain, thejourney must have taken at least six days.From this, we can conclude that in days withfavourable conditions, at least 240pack−horses and 60−120 people were on theroad in both directions. The entire track wentthrough uninhabited territory and as no helpcould have been provided by the localpopulation, the caravan had to be completelyautonomous in terms of provisions and fodder(Fig. 3). Given the supposed frequency andintensity of transport, hunting or grazingpossibilities must have been extremelylimited along the track. As all the supplies hadto be carried along, the number of both packanimals and people must have been muchhigher, complicating the necessaryorganisation in both departure points.

The track via Linz, Upper Austria (the oppidaof Grünberg and Freinberg; Urban 1994) canalso be taken into account when consideringthe transport of salt to Bohemia (Fig. 3). Thesalt would have to be shipped from Passaudown the Danube (c. 100 km) and then carriedfrom Linz to Třísov (c. 80 km). However,apart from the territory of Linz, this area islargely uninhabited and the number of packanimals and escort would basically be thesame as along the route from Passau to theoppidum of Třísov. However, along the Linzroute, we have to take into account a changein means of transportation and perhaps also achange in haulers in the region of Linz.

In addition to the Golden Track and the Linzroutes, the salt supply might also have arrivedin Bohemia from the region of Halle/Saale,beyond the actual confines of the Late LaTène culture.


Fig. 4: Reconstruction of upstream routes in theBohemian−Saxonian Elbe canyon (Iron Age: 1− in-humations; 2 – cremations)

In this case, the route would also have passedthrough vacant mountain zones (Erzgebirge,Böhmisches Mittelgebirge, Elbsandstein−gebirge). If river transport up the Elbeoccurred regularly, it must have passedthrough a narrow, long (c. 80 km) and onlyextremely sparsely inhabited canyon and alltransport, including that of salt, in thedirection of Bohemia must have goneupstream (Fig. 3 and 4).

Despite the lack of any precise informationabout the form and capacity of La Tène boatsor about the organisation of the navigation,we can estimate that the crossing of thecanyon took at least four days (Fig. 4, Salač

2008). In this period, the Elbe canyon waspopulated by a mixed cultural group (the socalled Bodenbacher Gruppe), which ismarked by a mixture of Bohemian La Tèneculture characteristics and of the northern lateBillendorf and Jastorf cultures. TheBodenbach sites are located exclusively onthe banks of the Elbe in portions of thewatercourse that are difficult to navigate. It isprobably not by chance that the distancebetween these cultural groups is roughly thatof one−day upstream navigation. It issupposed that the Bodenbacher Gruppe(consisting of several hundreds of people)controlled the river navigation and that thisgroup was greatly dependent on thesetransport activities (Simon and Hauswald1995, Salač 1998, 2008).

There is archaeological evidence for both theconnection with the south (the Danube area)as well as for the northern Elbe−waterway.However, it is impossible to ascertain if allregions took part in the salt trade and to whatextent. It is possible that only half the numberof pack animals and tradesmen was involvedin the salt trade. Although our calculationsmay be very general and approximate, theyshow that a very good organisation wasindispensable for the Late La Tène salt tradeand that this trade could not have been run onan occasional basis. All the more so if weassume that salt, as well as other(archaeologically visible) goods (see below),arrived at every settlement unit. In order tosupply hundreds of thousands of peopleliving in such a vast territory, salt trade musthave been stable and regular. Last but notleast, an adequate trade good must have beencollected and distributed to the salt deposits tomake the specialised production and thewhole trade system function. Salt mining wasdependent on the import of goods,particularly when taking place in areas wherenormal agricultural activities could not havebeen carried out, such as the Alps (Stöllner2002, 2003).


Fig. 5: Distribution of quernstones in the La Tène period (after Waldhauser 1981)

Salt and the goods offered in return must havecovered the costs of transport and trade. Themotivation of individuals who carried out,organised and controlled both activities musthave played a significant part as well as thegains for the individuals involved, either interms of obtaining a necessary food staple orin satisfying a desire for prestige goods.

LONG DISTANCE TRADE ANDQUERNSTONES

A second case study concerns the longdistance trade of quernstones, of which theorigin and distribution can be traced veryaccurately for the Late La Tène period. Apartfrom some workshops with only regionallylimited importance, there is evidence of twomajor workshops which supplied large areaswithin Bohemia: one in Lovosice and anotheraround the Kunětická Mountain in easternBohemia (Fig. 5). The distribution networksof these workshops have been shown to

overlap (Waldhauser 1981, Holodňák andMag 1999, Či�mář and Leichmann 2002).

Analyses of 140 quernstones from theoppidum of Staré Hradisko in Moravia (Fig.6) indicate that the majority of quernstoneswere imported from very distant areas,mainly from Bohemia. Only a handful ofquernstones (2.8%) were manufactured fromlocal low quality material. Another 21% ofthe sample originated from stone quarried c.30 km away from the site (Či�mář andLeichmann 2002, Či�mář 2003). More thanhalf of the stones came from Bohemia (Fig.6): 44.7% from the workshop of Kunětickáhora (100 km as the crow flies) and 14% fromLovosice (not less than 240 km far. A final 4%were produced in Burgenland, Austria(Pauliberg, 220 km as the crow flies).Although local production of quernstoneswas possible and even mastered by localcraftsmen, the inhabitants of the oppidumclearly preferred to rely on import.


Fig. 6: Reconstruction of the quernstone export system from Bohemia to the oppidum of Staré Hradisko in Moravia

0 50km

The composition of the entire sample pointstowards a regular trade, at least between StaréHradisko and Kunětická hora. Although thistrade must have satisfied most of the localdemand, the oppidum was not confined to theproducts of a single workshop.

The quernstones arriving from Bohemia hadto pass through the highland separatingBohemia and Moravia, which was basicallyuninhabited throughout the prehistory. Thesparse La Tène settlements appear in a narrowcorridor between the region of Staré Hradiskoand eastern Bohemia (Vích 2003).

We can assume that the inhabitants of thesesettlements ensured contact betweenBohemia and Moravia. However, thepermanently inhabited regions of Bohemiaand Moravia remained divided by anunsettled highland region. The trade routesbetween these two regions obviously crossedmiles of deserted and difficult territory. Thus,similarly to the salt trade, there is evidence ofextensive and regular trade taking placebetween non−neighbouring settlements orregions.

The quernstones from Lovosice wereprobably partly transported to Staré Hradiskoby boat. The effective length of this journey


can be estimated at 240 km or, in case ofupstream navigation, 12 days (Fig. 6, Ellmers1989). After this, the material had to bedischarged and the journey continued on themainland. This change of transport took placenear other manufacturing centres, such asKunětická hora, and the dry−land journey(roughly 130 km) was thus the same forproducts of both workshops. According toKunow’s (1983: 53) calculations, 18−20 kmas an average daily haul, this journey musthave taken at least seven days under normalconditions. Several of these days must havebeen spent in uninhabited or onlysporadically inhabited territories of theBohemian−Moravian highlands (Fig. 6).

Similarly to the salt trade, the quernstonetrade can be defined as long−distance: theproducts of the Kunětická hora workshopspent at least 7 days en route, whereas stonesfrom Lovosice took 19 days to arrive at theirdestination. From this, we can argue thatspecialised haulers must have been involvedin river borne transport as well as in thecrossing of dry mountainous areas by packhorses.

In the case of quernstones as well as salt, greatmasses of cargo were transported: the weightof a complete finished quernstone is about 60kg and tons of this material must have beentransported every year. However, unlike salt,a cargo of quernstones could not have beenfreely divided. Moreover, besides beingheavy and bulky, these objects are also fragileand can easily become damaged. Thetransportation of quernstones is thereforemuch more demanding in terms of transportand the quality of the roads. Nevertheless, nofarm could have gone without this particularmaterial and quernstones are found in everysingle settlement, implying that thequernstone trade must have reached even thesmallest village. The need for quernstones inevery settlement unit thus set in action awhole transport and trade system, althoughtthe purchasers themselves were in no waydirectly involved in its functioning.

SETTLEMENT UNITS ANDLONG DISTANCE TRADE

To form a general idea about trade networksand the extent of trade within the Bohemianbasin, we have to focus on various goodswhich were regularly exchanged. One of thesignificant new findings is that certainobjects, which were previously considered tobe rare, appear in all settlement units. Forinstance, glass bracelets and beads areregularly found in every settlement, includingtiny villages in peripheral areas, although theproduction of these objects allegedly onlytook place in a very limited number ofworkshops. Although these workshops arenot yet accurately localised, there is evidencethat glass ornaments were distributed overlong distances (Gebhard 1989, Karwowski2004, Venclová et al. 2009).

Similarly to glass objects, sapropelitejewellery, which was first introduced in the3rd century BC, is not only found in theMšec/Loděnice region in central Bohemia(Fig. 2), where the raw material originates,but also in every single settlement unit inBohemia and often also far beyond thecountry’s borders (Venclová 2001). Thesituation is even more pronounced in the caseof bronze objects, present in every settlementno matter how distant from copper and tinsources. Bronze object workshops are evenfound in areas dozens of kilometres from theregions where the necessary raw material wasmined (Či�mář et al. 2008).

A traditional field of archaeological researchis that of the pottery trade. Here we limitourselves to the affirmation that pottery fromdistant regions (central Rhine, Moravia, themiddle Elbe basin, the middle Danube basin,Italy) is present in La Tène Bohemia, and thatat the same time, Bohemian pottery can befound in Moravia, in the middle Danube area,the middle Elbe basin and even in Burgundy(Salač 1992, Salač and Carnap−Bornheim1994, Pierrevelcin 2010). Similarly to othergoods, pottery arrived in and left Bohemia


through the corridors crossing the FrontierMountains (Fig. 1). We cannot make a preciseestimate concerning the intensity of this trade,but at least in the case of graphite pottery, thedistribution must have been relativelyfrequent and intense (Kappel 1969,Waldhauser 1992, Trebsche 2003). At thesame time, common “intra−Bohemian” tradereached every village. In every settlement innorth−west Bohemia, about 10% of potterywas not produced locally but imported. Onceagain, we can regard this as evidence for arelatively intense and stable trade (Rulf andSalač 1995).

Finally, the minting of golden and silver coinsis also evidence for the distribution of theseprecious metals at significant distances.Coins can also be considered as an expressionof value indicating advanced economicrelations. Until recently, the function of Celticcoins as a currency was questioned. With theintroduction of metal detectors, however, thenumber of finds has increased so much thattheir monetary function is now beyond anydoubt. Also, the complexity of the monetarysystem, which includes pieces of very lowvalue, hints at this function. It is, however, notonly the number of coin finds that hasincreased, but also the number of sites inwhich they appear. We can therefore arguethat coins maintained their value as a currencybeyond the territory of a few exceptionalsettlements (e.g. the oppida) and that theywere much more used than until recentlyassumed (Militký 2008, Pierrevelcin 2010).

To conclude, from recent work, it has becomeclear that many artefacts, including glassbracelets and beads, sapropelite jewellery,pottery and coins were found in everysettlement. Most of these objects were notproduced locally and some even came fromvery distant regions. We can argue that this isevidence for settlements participating in asupra−regional trade system and that everyindividual seems to have had knowledge of

where to procure goods from beyond one’sown region.

FOOD TRADE

We have demonstrated that trade reachedevery settlement. But what could smallvillages or isolated farmsteads offer in returnfor imported goods? In some smallsettlements we can put forward (but onlyrarely demonstrate) that raw materials,semi−products or finished products wereoffered. However, such settlements were onlypresent in hilly territories. For example,exports include gold from the settlements inthe Otava valley (Fig. 3, Michálek andVenclová 1994) or annular sapropelitejewellery from the region of Mšec/Loděnice(Venclová 2001). However, most of the ruralsettlements are situated in fertile lowlandswithout mineral resources. The lowlandswere continuously inhabited from theNeolithic and hardly any extended forestswere present as potential sources of timber orgame. Added to this, for most of thesesettlements, there is no evidence of crafts orproduction which would be able to satisfy theneeds of more than the village itself. Ifimported products, including preciousmaterial such as quernstones are present inthese rural settlements, the most probablegoods offered in exchange for these wouldhave been food and cattle. Grain must havebeen of major importance, either as anessential part of the diet or as a source of thenext crop. Finally, when correctly handled,grain can be stored over long periods of timeand can make up reserves of significanteconomic and strategic potential (Salač2006).

Multiple settlement units in Bohemia occupythe highlands, which are not favourable foragriculture; we can therefore argue that it wasnecessary for the local population to importfoodstuff. Settlements with less hospitablesoils and climate and rich local mineraldeposits had a greater need to import food. In


other words, to be able to spend timeexploiting the mineral deposits, the localinhabitants must have been liberated fromagricultural activities which required moretime and labour investment in these lessfertile regions. Such was the situation forinstance in the surroundings of the oppidumof Třísov (Fig. 2 and 3), which is not suitablefor agriculture but very rich in graphite,which was exported as raw material or asfinished product to the fertile lowlands.Timber could also easily be broughtdownstream from the highlands. Both regionswere obviously interconnected by a denseexchange network whose principal drive wasthe trade of foodstuffs. The whole systemwould not be able to work without an effectivefood surplus in the fertile regions and itsdistribution into regions where raw materialswere exploited (Salač 2000, Dobesch 2002,Salač 2002, Stöllner 2002, 2003, Salač 2004,2006).

We can argue that with the foundation ofoppida in the Late La Tène period, there wasan increased need for a well functioning tradesystem between both parts of Bohemia. Thesespacious heavily fortified sites were onlylocated in the hilly territories and the numberof inhabitants of these less fertilegeographical zones grew steadily. Theconstruction and maintenance of imposingstructures constituted a significant economicburden for the society, since part of theworkforce engaged in these activities had tobe at least temporarily released from othereconomic activities. The need for food importwas further increased by the fact that theoppida were located on hilltops offering theinhabitants only very slight agriculturalpotential. Therefore, we can put forward thatthe Late La Tène period was marked by thepressure to produce and distribute a surplus offood (Salač 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006).Similarly, the people engaged in trade and

transport must have been exempt fromregular agricultural activities and must havesettled along the corridors of the FrontierMountains – ie. once again in the hillyinfertile grounds.

SOME SOCIOLOGICALIMPLICATIONS OFLONG−DISTANCE TRADE

Evidence of trade across the FrontierMountains shows both regions’ ability tomaintain far reaching trade relations withoutbeing in daily contact. Celtic society musthave been sufficiently developed to be able toestablish and maintain this system: allparticipants must have known and respectedthe trade system. The producers had to rely onthe haulers who had to carry the goods to theirdestination and bring goods in return andhaulers and tradesmen had to rely on a securepassage through foreign territory.

Some goods might not have always beenavailable in sufficient amounts or adequatequality when tradesmen arrived, or haulerscould not have carried all the goods,particularly if the volume of exchangedmaterial differed considerably (as must havebeen the case with corn and salt) or if thegoods were transferred from one means oftransport to another (e.g. from boat to packhorses). Therefore, there must have beenstorage places along the way and particulareconomic mechanisms such as redistributionand protection systems must have been inplace. Without these, the long distance tradesystem could not work (Eggert 1991).

We must not forget the basic transportlogistics: providing the necessary dailyprovisions of fodder for tens or hundreds ofpack horses could not have been an easy task.


Fig. 7: Deep carved ruts in the gateway of the oppi-dum of Hrazany: evidence of intense wagon traffic(Photo: Jansová 1965)

In more populated areas, there might havebeen a close connection of long−distancetrade with local trade and other economicactivities which provided necessary logisticalsupport, such as fodder, food, rest, repairs andpossibilities to replace pack−horses or changethe means of transport.

This kind of support was particularlyimportant in the areas near the uninhabitedterritories. The tradesmen also had tomaintain good relations with the local eliteswho could guarantee protection, a freepassage and eventually also direct support interms of transport (wagons, pack− ordraught−animals, boats, porters etc.). Aswritten sources also suggest, services of thiskind must have been subject to fees and duties(Dobesch 2002).

According to our calculations, severalhundreds of animals moved along thecorridors under study. Under theseconditions, the replacement of exhausted,sick or old animals constituted a significanteconomic phenomenon (Bender 1978). Wecan presume a constant connection betweenhaulers and horse− and cattle−breeders.

To summarise, it has been argued that everysettlement unit had access (either direct orindirect) to goods imported by long−distancetrade. This means that in parallel to the broadscale of settlements involved in traderelations, there was a similarly broadspectrum of people participating in theexchange network. On the one hand, thepresence of imported products in smallvillages points towards the involvement of atleast some individuals in inter−settlementrelations including the exchange of objects,raw materials and agricultural products. Onthe other hand, specialised traders and haulerswere probably located in large centralsettlements – the so−called production anddistribution centres and oppida (Fig. 7, Salač1993, 2005).

It is particularly amongst tradesmen andhaulers working in the corridors crossing theuninhabited Frontier Mountains that a higherdegree of specialisation can be assumed. Asmentioned above, presumably hundreds ofmembers of the so−called Bodenbach group(some 500 people on the Bohemian part of thecanyon, Salač 2009) were involved in theriver transport in the Elbe canyon and were –to a great extent – dependent on it. A similarnumber of people could have been involved inmaintaining the connection betweenBohemia and Moravia.

If we take into account the corridors betweenBohemia and the outside world (Fig. 1) wemay suppose that some two−to threethousandpeople participated in or depended upon tradenetworks and the connection between theBohemian basin and the neighbouringregions. This constitutes roughly 1% of theestimated population. Many more must havebeen engaged in the distribution of goods ortrade within territories, in particular betweenproduction and distribution centres andoppida (Fig. 2, Salač 2005).


Fig. 8: Schematic overview of a possible economic system of the La Tène period in Central Europe

Based upon these considerations, we can statethat roughly 5−10% of the population in LateLa Tène Bohemia participated in transportand trade to varying degrees. This high ratemakes trade (liberating numerous peoplefrom other activities) a significant factor ofthe Late La Tène economy, to the extent thatthese hypotheses should be subject to furtherinvestigation. For this purpose, we may turnto archaeological or written sources,ethnographical observations or economicmodels (Polanyi 1957, Pospíšil 1963, Polanyi1975, Renfrew 1975, Pospíšil 1978, Köhler1985, Eggert 1991).

The logistics of trade and transport alsoinclude the manufacture and maintenance ofmeans of transport, such as wagons and boats.At least in the corridors connecting Bohemiawith the neighbouring regions, food andfodder for the caravans must have beenconstantly available and this must have beena hard task for the inhabitants of less fertileregions. Added to this, in order to provide asufficient number of healthy pack− anddraught−animals, the inhabitants of the

territory must have carried out numerousother connected activities.

TRADE AND FORCEDEXCHANGE

In this paper we omitted obligatory duties,booties etc. − there is, nevertheless, no doubtthat these particular economic strategies alsobrought many objects, food resources and rawmaterials into circulation (Salač 1993).Obligatory duties to the elite are mentioned inwritten sources for the Celtic Gaul (Caesar,B.G. 1, 17,2) and can also be assumed to existin Central Europe. It is very difficult to assessthe extent of these duties and theirsignificance for the Celtic economy andsocial life in terms of archaeological remains.It is only through evidence of the constructionof oppida, granaries and stores (Salač 2006)that we can attempt to estimate the effectivevolume of duties and fees (Fig. 8). Only asociety in which obligatory fees and serviceswere the rule could create these magnificentconstructions and social projects andmaintain these for over a century.


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This paper was supported by the GA ČRproject N° 405/11/0603 “Bohemia andCentral Europe 400 BC−100 AD (Celts,Germans and the Roman Empire) – synthesisand interpretation”.

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